Dear Sir/Madam
Thanks for your kind greetings and support.
Best,
Nuran Nabi
Dear Sir/Madam
Thanks for your kind greetings and support.
Best,
Nuran Nabi
We are all agreed that democracy can not be imposed but it can be facilitated. Now CEC is asking for democracy inside the Bangladesh political parties. Few parties will abide and few might not take CEC suggestion which will lead them not to join the next General election in December 2008.If CEC stays in its order, maybe one party win the next election without participation of few others political parties in Bangladesh which may not be acceptable to International and local communities.If someone do not obey democracy within his party, he or she should not preach democracy which is a valid question. Under this circumstance what CTG should do? Should they leave power in December 2008? If yes who should take the power in that circumstances? Can CTG stay in power with the basis of this circumstances?Do we have any strong group who can take power from CTG and run the country until all political parties join to the MPs election?What will be the future in Bangladesh?--M. M. Chowdhury (Mithu)Is this CTG is better than Ershad in case of political party reform and anti corruption drive ?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Sobhan Allah- Only Allah flawless
Alhamdulillah - All praise to be of Allah
Allah hu Akbar - Allah, the Greatest-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Would Be Mahathir of BD
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We are all agreed that democracy can not be imposed but it can be facilitated. Now CEC is asking for democracy inside the Bangladesh political parties. Few parties will abide and few might not take CEC suggestion which will lead them not to join the next General election in December 2008.If CEC stays in its order, maybe one party win the next election without participation of few others political parties in Bangladesh which may not be acceptable to International and local communities.If someone do not obey democracy within his party, he or she should not preach democracy which is a valid question. Under this circumstance what CTG should do? Should they leave power in December 2008? If yes who should take the power in that circumstances? Can CTG stay in power with the basis of this circumstances?Do we have any strong group who can take power from CTG and run the country until all political parties join to the MPs election?What will be the future in Bangladesh?--M. M. Chowdhury (Mithu)Is this CTG is better than Ershad in case of political party reform and anti corruption drive ?---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Sobhan Allah- Only Allah flawless
Alhamdulillah - All praise to be of Allah
Allah hu Akbar - Allah, the Greatest-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Would Be Mahathir of BD
Never miss a thing. Make Yahoo your homepage. __._,_.___
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Is this another Sardarji Joke? - The irony of
It is outrageous to observe that
There is no question that
However,
We wrote once about
The latest item on the list of jokes is rice export.
We know what you are thinking - you are probably inclined to say that we are just usual skeptics who see foul play in
Both
"
"Pak loses Iran rice market,
"
Indians now days have learned to manipulate information well. But this cat couldn't be kept within. Read the following three items.
A note to notice that Pakis are also guilty. But nobody expect them to be responsible players - the world knows that. But the world is coming to realize the true Indian face day by day.
Actually, we should not be surprised. Any nation who tries to build weapons of destruction while they keep their own people unfed, they can not be responsible players. The earlier people of those nations realize that, the better.
Coming back to the topic of today, so when you read this three items and take a note of the show that
Is this the real
The real issue is to recognize what is real and what is not. The current forces in power in
If you thought some of the ideas are worth of your reading time, please forward it to others. If you have an ear to the columnists in regular traditional media, please forward it to them. If you have an ear to the journalists and news editors of the electronic media, discuss it with them. Hope they would look at the suggestions and give due diligence.
Thanks for your time,
Innovation Line
==================================================================================================
Note: This is a freelance column, published mainly in different internet based forums. This column is open for contribution by the members of new generation, sometimes referred to as Gen 71. If you identify yourself as someone from that age-group and want to contribute to this column, please feel free to contact. Thanks to the group moderator for publishing the article.
We have not seen the Liberation War, but we know if we can free the country from corruption first, we will eventually get to other dreams soon. Because of corruption, we could not even get into information highway for years, let alone other dreams!
This is the kind of article for which we started this column. Because of ongoing mess, a gift from our older generation, we often get diverted. Now that it seems some sanity is returning in
===================================================================================================
Source: http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Markets/Commodities/India_gains_as_Pakistan_loses_Iranian_rice_market/articleshow/2586047.cms
30 Nov, 2007, 2117 hrs IST, IANS
Pakistani exporters of the cash crop are blaming
Three years back,
According to The News, what has left exporters even more worried is that in recent months there has also been a drastic drop of exports to Europe,
Pakistani rice exporters want their government to take up the matter with
For 2007-08,
Pakistani exporters estimate the total exports above the 300,000 tonnes figure, a big landmark for
Indian exporters are selling Pusa-1121 variety, a non-basmati long grain aromatic rice, to
Source: http://www.commodityonline.com/news/topstory/newsdetails.php?id=3945
Pak loses Iran rice market,
Commodity Online
2007-12-01 13:30:00
The main reason for
Moreover Pakistani exporters feel that their government is doing precious little to solve the problem.
All put together,
Pakistani exporters of the cash crop are blaming
Three years back,
The Pakistani exporters are more worried because in recent months there has also been a drastic drop of exports to Europe,
Pakistani rice exporters want their government to take up the matter with
Indian exporters are selling Pusa-1121 variety, a non-basmati long grain aromatic rice, to
Source: http://www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp?id=83494
Pakistan losing Iranian rice market to India
By By Masood Anwar
11/30/2007
A drastic drop of exports to Europe,
On the name of crackdown against the illegal trade, the Iranian government has imposed heavy tariffs recently that made legal shipments of Pakistani rice through land routes expensive as compared to the Indian imports through sea.
This provided a big vacuum for the Indian grain traders to fill and now they are gaining milestones on this front. Just three year before, Indian name was not prominent over the Iranian rice import map. During 2006-07, the Indians estimated an export of rice just at the tune of 60,000 tonnes but they successfully exported around 225,000 tonnes.
Indians are not dispatching the consignments to
Indian exporters are selling Pusa - 1121 variety, a non-basmati long grain aromatic variety to
On the other hand, Pakistani exporters working with
He exported rice worth of five million dollars two years ago but has no hope to get big orders from
That is why, the Iranian government forced the Pakistani government to increase the in and out points at Pak-Iran border from one to eight.
"It is not right that rice is not going to
Illegal trade to
The government is well aware of the entire story of eliminating the Pakistani rice from the international market and filling the gap by the Indian archrivals but surprisingly no move was initiated to cope with the situation, Zahid Khawaja, a leading rice exporter for
Ayaan Hirsi Ali had done well in the 10 years since she arrived in the Netherlands as a young refugee from Somalia and, until a few months ago, she lived a quiet life in her adopted land. Never did she intend to create a national commotion. She studied Dutch, took on cleaning jobs, went to university and worked as a political scientist. She made a name for herself pressing for the emancipation of Muslim women and documenting how thousands, living even here, were subjected to beatings, incest and emotional and sexual abuse. To the surprise of many, she became a leading voice condemning the government's support for multiculturalism, programs costing millions of dollars a year that she considers misplaced because they help keep Muslim women isolated from Dutch society. Then Ms. Hirsi Ali, 32, began receiving hate mail, anonymous messages calling her a traitor to Islam and a slut. On several Web sites, other Muslims said she deserved to be knifed and shot. Explicit death threats by telephone soon followed. The police told her to change homes and the mayor of Amsterdam sent bodyguards. She tried living in hiding. Finally, last month, she became a refugee again, fleeing the Netherlands. "I had to speak up," she said, in a telephone interview from her hiding place, "because most spokesmen for Muslims are men and they deny or belittle the enormous problems of Muslim women locked up in their Dutch homes." Her ordeal has caused an outcry in the Netherlands, a country already uneasy with its recent waves of immigrants and asylum seekers, now representing almost 10 percent of the population. Many Dutch see the threats as an intolerable assault on the country's democratic principles. The threats have also intensified a fierce debate — one that can be heard these days across Europe — about what moral values and rules of behavior immigrants should be expected to share. Though absent, Ms. Hirsi Ali seems very present here. Her portrait has appeared on magazine covers and television and there have been indignant newspaper editorials and questions in Parliament. Some have called her the Dutch Salman Rushdie. In paid advertisements, more than 100 Dutch writers have offered her support. "I've made people so angry because I'm talking from the inside, from direct knowledge," she said. "It's seen as treason. I'm considered an apostate and that's worse than an atheist." The theme of injustice toward women in Islamic countries has become common in the West, but it has gained fresh currency through Ms. Hirsi Ali's European perspective, her study of Dutch immigrants and her own life. Born in Mogadishu, she grew up a typical Muslim girl in Somalia. When she was 5, she underwent the "cruel ritual," as she called it, of genital cutting. When her father, a Somali opposition politician, had to flee the country's political troubles, the family went to Saudi Arabia, where, she said, she was kept veiled and, much of the time, indoors. At 22, her father forced her to marry a distant cousin, a man she had never seen. But a friend helped her to escape and she finally obtained political asylum in the Netherlands. She was shocked when, as a university student, she held a job as an interpreter for Dutch immigration and social workers and discovered hidden "suffering on a terrible scale" among Muslim women even in the Netherlands. She entered safe houses for women and girls, most of them Turkish and Moroccan immigrants, who had run away from domestic violence or forced marriages. Many had secret abortions. "Sexual abuse in the family causes the most pain because the trust is violated on all levels," she said. "The father or the uncle say nothing, nor do the mother and the sisters. It happens regularly — the incest, the beatings, the abortions. Girls commit suicide. But no one says anything. And social workers are sworn to professional secrecy." More than 100 women a year have surgery to "restore" their virginity, she estimates in her published work. While only 10 percent of the population is non-Dutch, this group accounts for more than 60 percent of abortions, "because the Muslim girls are kept ignorant," she said. Three out of five Moroccan-Dutch girls — Moroccans are among the largest immigrant groups — are forced to marry young men from villages back home, to keep them under control, she said. A year or so ago, Ms. Hirsi Ali's case might not have attracted so much attention. But the mood in the Netherlands, as in much of Europe, changed after Sept. 11, 2001. In the month that followed, there was an unheard of backlash against the nearly one million Muslims living in the Netherlands, with more than 70 attacks against mosques. Sept. 11 also gave politicians licence to vent brewing animosities. Among them was Pim Fortuyn, a maverick gay politician who was killed in May, apparently by an animal rights activist. He said out loud what had long been considered racist and politically incorrect — for example, that conservative Muslim clerics were undermining certain Dutch values like acceptance of homosexuality and the equality of men and women. What Mr. Fortuyn did on the right, Ms. Hirsi Ali has done on the left. Many in the Labor Party, where she worked on immigration issues, were shocked when she told reporters that Mr. Fortuyn was right in calling Islam "backward." "At the very least Islam is facing backward and it has failed to provide a moral framework for our time," she said in one conversation. "If the West wants to help modernize Islam, it should invest in women because they educate the children." To do this, she argues for drastic changes in Dutch immigration policy. The government, she says, should impose Dutch law on men who beat their wives and daughters, even if the Muslim clergy say it is permissible. It should also end teaching the immigrants in their own language and stop paying for the more than 700 Islamic clubs, most of which, she said, "are run by deeply conservative men and they perpetuate the segregation of women." Her views, and the death threats, have divided Muslims, who account for most immigrants here. Almost 20 Muslim associations have condemned the threats, but at the same time faulted her for criticizing Islam. Hafid Bouazza, a Dutch-Moroccan author who in the past has received letters saying he will burn in hell for his writing, said the threats were shocking. "No criticism of Islam is accepted from women," he said. "Muslim women are particularly vulnerable." Others were bitter. Ali Eddaudi, a Moroccan writer and cleric living here, dismissed "all the fuss" over a Muslim woman who "panders to the Dutch." Ms. Hirsi Ali agrees that the criticism is so intense in part because she is a woman. "I am a Muslim woman saying these things, and it has provoked a lot of hatred," she said. One thing is certain: the death threats against Ms. Hirsi Ali have given more prominence to her ideas, which have now become the subject of intense debate among Dutch policy makers. The Dutch Liberal Party has invited her to become a candidate in the parliamentary elections next January. She says she has accepted and hopes to return to the Netherlands, though she fears for her safety. "Either I stop my work, or I learn to live with the feeling that I'm not safe," she said. "I'm not stopping."Ayaan Hirsi Ali
Behind the Veil: A Muslim Woman Speaks Out
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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm
*****************************************
Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf
*****************************************
MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.
*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm
*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm
*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/
*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm
*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm
*****************************************
Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/new_site/mukto-mona/faq_mm.htm
****************************************************
VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/
****************************************************
"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
-Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190
Ayaan Hirsi Ali had done well in the 10 years since she arrived in the Netherlands as a young refugee from Somalia and, until a few months ago, she lived a quiet life in her adopted land. Never did she intend to create a national commotion. She studied Dutch, took on cleaning jobs, went to university and worked as a political scientist. She made a name for herself pressing for the emancipation of Muslim women and documenting how thousands, living even here, were subjected to beatings, incest and emotional and sexual abuse. To the surprise of many, she became a leading voice condemning the government's support for multiculturalism, programs costing millions of dollars a year that she considers misplaced because they help keep Muslim women isolated from Dutch society. Then Ms. Hirsi Ali, 32, began receiving hate mail, anonymous messages calling her a traitor to Islam and a slut. On several Web sites, other Muslims said she deserved to be knifed and shot. Explicit death threats by telephone soon followed. The police told her to change homes and the mayor of Amsterdam sent bodyguards. She tried living in hiding. Finally, last month, she became a refugee again, fleeing the Netherlands. "I had to speak up," she said, in a telephone interview from her hiding place, "because most spokesmen for Muslims are men and they deny or belittle the enormous problems of Muslim women locked up in their Dutch homes." Her ordeal has caused an outcry in the Netherlands, a country already uneasy with its recent waves of immigrants and asylum seekers, now representing almost 10 percent of the population. Many Dutch see the threats as an intolerable assault on the country's democratic principles. The threats have also intensified a fierce debate — one that can be heard these days across Europe — about what moral values and rules of behavior immigrants should be expected to share. Though absent, Ms. Hirsi Ali seems very present here. Her portrait has appeared on magazine covers and television and there have been indignant newspaper editorials and questions in Parliament. Some have called her the Dutch Salman Rushdie. In paid advertisements, more than 100 Dutch writers have offered her support. "I've made people so angry because I'm talking from the inside, from direct knowledge," she said. "It's seen as treason. I'm considered an apostate and that's worse than an atheist." The theme of injustice toward women in Islamic countries has become common in the West, but it has gained fresh currency through Ms. Hirsi Ali's European perspective, her study of Dutch immigrants and her own life. Born in Mogadishu, she grew up a typical Muslim girl in Somalia. When she was 5, she underwent the "cruel ritual," as she called it, of genital cutting. When her father, a Somali opposition politician, had to flee the country's political troubles, the family went to Saudi Arabia, where, she said, she was kept veiled and, much of the time, indoors. At 22, her father forced her to marry a distant cousin, a man she had never seen. But a friend helped her to escape and she finally obtained political asylum in the Netherlands. She was shocked when, as a university student, she held a job as an interpreter for Dutch immigration and social workers and discovered hidden "suffering on a terrible scale" among Muslim women even in the Netherlands. She entered safe houses for women and girls, most of them Turkish and Moroccan immigrants, who had run away from domestic violence or forced marriages. Many had secret abortions. "Sexual abuse in the family causes the most pain because the trust is violated on all levels," she said. "The father or the uncle say nothing, nor do the mother and the sisters. It happens regularly — the incest, the beatings, the abortions. Girls commit suicide. But no one says anything. And social workers are sworn to professional secrecy." More than 100 women a year have surgery to "restore" their virginity, she estimates in her published work. While only 10 percent of the population is non-Dutch, this group accounts for more than 60 percent of abortions, "because the Muslim girls are kept ignorant," she said. Three out of five Moroccan-Dutch girls — Moroccans are among the largest immigrant groups — are forced to marry young men from villages back home, to keep them under control, she said. A year or so ago, Ms. Hirsi Ali's case might not have attracted so much attention. But the mood in the Netherlands, as in much of Europe, changed after Sept. 11, 2001. In the month that followed, there was an unheard of backlash against the nearly one million Muslims living in the Netherlands, with more than 70 attacks against mosques. Sept. 11 also gave politicians licence to vent brewing animosities. Among them was Pim Fortuyn, a maverick gay politician who was killed in May, apparently by an animal rights activist. He said out loud what had long been considered racist and politically incorrect — for example, that conservative Muslim clerics were undermining certain Dutch values like acceptance of homosexuality and the equality of men and women. What Mr. Fortuyn did on the right, Ms. Hirsi Ali has done on the left. Many in the Labor Party, where she worked on immigration issues, were shocked when she told reporters that Mr. Fortuyn was right in calling Islam "backward." "At the very least Islam is facing backward and it has failed to provide a moral framework for our time," she said in one conversation. "If the West wants to help modernize Islam, it should invest in women because they educate the children." To do this, she argues for drastic changes in Dutch immigration policy. The government, she says, should impose Dutch law on men who beat their wives and daughters, even if the Muslim clergy say it is permissible. It should also end teaching the immigrants in their own language and stop paying for the more than 700 Islamic clubs, most of which, she said, "are run by deeply conservative men and they perpetuate the segregation of women." Her views, and the death threats, have divided Muslims, who account for most immigrants here. Almost 20 Muslim associations have condemned the threats, but at the same time faulted her for criticizing Islam. Hafid Bouazza, a Dutch-Moroccan author who in the past has received letters saying he will burn in hell for his writing, said the threats were shocking. "No criticism of Islam is accepted from women," he said. "Muslim women are particularly vulnerable." Others were bitter. Ali Eddaudi, a Moroccan writer and cleric living here, dismissed "all the fuss" over a Muslim woman who "panders to the Dutch." Ms. Hirsi Ali agrees that the criticism is so intense in part because she is a woman. "I am a Muslim woman saying these things, and it has provoked a lot of hatred," she said. One thing is certain: the death threats against Ms. Hirsi Ali have given more prominence to her ideas, which have now become the subject of intense debate among Dutch policy makers. The Dutch Liberal Party has invited her to become a candidate in the parliamentary elections next January. She says she has accepted and hopes to return to the Netherlands, though she fears for her safety. "Either I stop my work, or I learn to live with the feeling that I'm not safe," she said. "I'm not stopping."Ayaan Hirsi Ali
Behind the Veil: A Muslim Woman Speaks Out
From Today's Statesman : one article and another on-spot view
CPM's parallel governance by D Bandyopadhyay 2 Dec 07 (http://thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=4&theme=&usrsess=1&id=178863)
On 22 November, noted Bengali writer Taslima Nasreen was clandestinely and forcibly whisked away from her Rowdon Street residence by a possé of plainclothes policemen.
She was made to board a flight bound for Ahmedabad and Jaipur, reportedly under a false name. She was taken to Jaipur where she was not welcome by the Rajasthan government and had to be moved to a secret location in the National Capital Region. The mystery about her whereabouts deepened when the Rajasthan government said in a Press release that it was "left with no alternative but to have Nasreen as a guest of government of Rajasthan till such time the (Union) ministry of home affairs takes a final view of her stay and security". The Press release said that the West Bengal government "simply refused to countenance the idea" of having her back.
Mr Prasad Ranjan Ray, state home secretary, said: "Taslima Nasreen is a free person and as such won't come and go according to our dictates. It was only from the television channels that I came to know that she had left the city... We did not ask her to move out."
Apparently, the clandestine operation was conducted without his knowledge and sanction. It is clear that some nefarious actions were being done by some home department officials behind his back, without any legal sanction. This is an ominous sign. The state home secretary's statement stands negated not only by the Rajasthan government's Press release but also the bill of Rs 10,000 preferred by the management of Hotel Shikha of Jaipur for the occupation of their five rooms by Nasreen (one room), besides police and security persons (four rooms) who flew with her from Kolkata to Jaipur or later joined the group at Jaipur. The policemen left the hotel with the writer without settling the bill, true to their tradition of enjoying "free lunch" anywhere and everywhere.
What is this "dirty tricks department" of the West Bengal government? Is it a government within the government, without any accountability to anybody? From whom do the operatives of this shady organisation take their orders? To whom are they accountable? Do they take their directives for their activities from any political caucus outside the formal set-up of a government established by law? Is the government of West Bengal being run by gangsters in plainclothes? Is the West Bengal government following the technique of involuntary disappearance perfected by General Pinochet after toppling and killing President Salvador Allende in Chile?
These are some of the issues arising out of the Taslima Nasreen episode which the chief minister (also police minister) has to answer. All issues of good governance have been flouted with contempt by the party and its chief minister. Unless this nefarious organisation is exposed publicly and dismantled totally, life, liberty and property of every person in this state would be unsafe. We are living here in perilous times. Everyone has to understand this and lodge a protest against it individually and collectively. After all, this organisation is being run with taxpayers' money. We have a right to know what is going on and why?
The CPI-M as a party has been losing its grip on the traditional minority votebank. In all cases of mass murder and civil strife sponsored by the party beginning with Nanoor, through Chhoto Angaria, Keshpur, Garbeta and Nandigram to Rizwanur Rahman, many victims have been from the minority community. CPI-M's fragile veneer of "secularism" has been shattered by its anti-minority actions and statements. In the Sachar Committee report, West Bengal has the honour of standing second from the bottom in regard to the state's effort regarding the welfare and wellbeing of Muslims after their 30 years' glorious rule. In the Rizwanur case, in the chief minister's first statement, he mentioned "a communal angle" where there was none.
Communalism was sought to be injected in a private love affair of two educated and civilised young people from different communities. People of Kolkata ~ Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis and others ~ stood shoulder to shoulder and exposed the communalism of the chief minister and his party.
The CPI-M had been wooing fundamentalist groups among Muslims for a long time. The West Bengal government had proscribed Nasreen's book Dwikhandito on the grounds that it offended the sentiments of some Muslims. It was done on a public demand of some maulanas and on the basis of a report of an assistant commissioner of police of questionable literary competence. After a full hearing, Calcutta High Court set aside the order. But the party and its government did not show any remorse.
They started a fresh move to harass, tease and torment Nasreen to make her leave the country out of disgust. The Dainik Statesman reported on 23 November that several months before this episode, the then police commissioner of Calcutta, Mr Prasun Mukherjee, intimated the writer that she should leave the country. He stated that he was conveying the chief minister's desire. Nasreen was told that she was a security risk for West Bengal and India. It was reported that Nasreen refused to leave as she was determined to pursue her literary career from Kolkata.
On 21 November, Kolkata witnessed an ugly outburst of frenzy on the issue of driving out Nasreen. The incident reminded people of my generation of the wild behaviour of the mob during the Great Calcutta killings of 16 August, 1946. In the recent flare-up, had the chief minister given firm orders, his own police force could have controlled the situation easily. But he would not allow his forces to soil their hands, lest his fundamentalist friends accused him of highhandedness. By calling the Army, he used a sledge hammer to crack a hazelnut. Mr Biman Bose's immediate reaction was that Nasreen be moved out if her continued stay in the state disturbed peace. More ominous was the statement of Mr HA Halim, Speaker, that Nasreen's stay in the city had created problems.
He advised that the West Bengal government send a report to the Central government. The Speaker had no business making such a statement. His untold intention was that since she was the cause of disturbance, her visa be renewed by the Centre. It is evident that the incident of 21 November was a move to endear the party to fundamentalist elements among Muslims and through their good offices, regain lost ground among them.
As for the legality of West Bengal government's action, regarding forcibly moving out Nasreen from Kolkata to Jaipur, the Criminal Procedure Code does not provide for any extradition. Some states have local goonda Acts that provide for such a procedure for undesirable persons. West Bengal does not have any such law. So legally, Nasreen could not have been moved out of her Kolkata residence to Jaipur and Delhi.
Had the continued presence of Nasreen caused any cognizable offence, she could have been arrested under Section 151, CrPC, to prevent occurrence of such offences. In that case, she had to be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours of her arrest. But the party and its government do not believe in the rule of law.
Section 362 of IPC defines abduction as: "Whoever by force compels, or by any deceitful means induces, any person to go from any place, is said to abduct that person." There are two ingredients of this offence: (i) Forceful compulsion or inducement by deceitful means, and (2) the object of such compulsion or inducement must be the going of a person from any place. In Nasreen's case, both the ingredients have been fulfilled. It is a case of abduction simpliciter.
Those who have abducted her have also committed, in addition, the offence of wrongful restraint by keeping her confined in the Rajasthan Guest House, Delhi. Wrongful restraint is a continuing offence. Each additional day of restraint enhances the gravity of the offence. Since all these offenders have committed the offence at the behest of some state organ, the police in West Bengal would not take cognizance of these offences.
(The author is a former Revenue Secretary, Govt of India.)
>>
Cover Story: DAY OF THE JACKALS 2 Dec 07 (http://thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=30&theme=&usrsess=1&id=178792)
Bijoy Chowdhury, winner of several international awards, was in Nandigram on 10 November and was caught in the crossfire. But he shot some of the most heart-rending pictures of the day of the final offensive. His frames are a witness to one of the shameful chapters of our times, when former neighbours became such foes that they could kill, maim and rape. They were men possessed by brute force
NANDIGRAM, a constituency in East Midnapore in West Bengal, flared up in January 2007 after villagers in the area put up stiff resistance to proposed land acquisition for a Special Economic Zone, including a chemical hub, by the Communist government in collaboration with Indonesia's Salim group. What followed since January is now known to everyone. The mere death toll (around 34 offically till the end of November) in the unrest does not speak for the turmoil in the region or what innocent villagers went through, or are still undergoing. The government's ill-conceived move to industrialise a region without the popular mandate shredded the social fabric of Nandigram.
The angry villagers first cut the region off from rest of India by digging up roads and throwing uprooted trees. Then, on 14 March the police attempt to retake control to establish administrative rule came at the cost of 14 lives in police firing, hundreds of injured people and several incidents of rape. The graphic details of the atrocities perpetrated on the people, irrespective of their political affiliations, were much reported. Nandigram was divided into two groups the ruling CPI(M) and the Bhumi Uchched Pratirodh Committee, which was formed to resist land acquisition but was backed by the Trinamul Congress.
After months of intermittant violence a period when thousands of CPI(M) supporters had to flee and stay in camps at Khejuri, a strong base of the party adjoining Nandigram the ruling party cadres planned an attack to regain control of Nandigram and ensure the return of their men and women. A massive onslaught was unleashed since 5 November and the invasion of Nandigram culminated in the final offensive on 10 November, when CPI(M) cadres and hired goons, like an invading army, killed, raped, maimed and plundered villages action which West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee later sort of justified by saying that "they (the not so peaceful villagers opposed to his party) were paid back in their own coin".
If the currency of development is horrific, perhaps it would be better to return to primitive times.
Trans World Features.
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ANALYSIS
Towards a contentious reform (http://himalmag.com/2007/december/china_reform.html)
The proceedings at the recent 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China suggest that more reform is indeed on the way in the Middle Kingdom, though only within the rigid confines set forth by the party's top leadership.
by : Sankar Ray
bilash rai
Hi Hu: the president did much to secure his influence on China's next five years
The 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), held 9-16 October at the Great Hall of the People in downtown Beijing, demonstrated a determination to quell dissent, particularly within the party. The first signs of this crackdown came three weeks prior to the Congress with the sudden ouster of five key ministers, including Finance Minister Jin Renqing and State Security Minister Xu Yongyue, as well as the replacement of the editor of China's official news agency, Xinhua. Much of this stress is directly related to how ongoing economic reforms will be melded with the CPC's traditional ideology.
The CPC central committee's 22,000-word report, presented to the Congress by the party chairman, President Hu Jintao, officially ignored any tension within the world's largest communist party. Factionalism, inevitably, dies hard within the regimes of official and post-Lenin communist parties, particularly when it comes to the question of economic reform. Meanwhile, Beijing's commitment to the changes prescribed by the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organisation appears to remain in place, despite the fact that the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Trade Unions both consider the Bretton Woods trio to be a distinct threat to the poor. In this regard, Beijing's commitments are directly in line with President Hu's re-affirmation of his control during the course of the Congress.
The five-yearly Congress represents the consolidation of policy, both new and old, within the CPC, and as such is the single most important regular event in China's political sphere. Hu's report cements the perception that the CPC is increasingly, though still somewhat confusedly, abandoning its heritage of struggle for an egalitarian society. On the one hand, it emphasises "the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics" for Chinese development, while on the other "rallying the whole Party and the people of all ethnic groups in the country".
Taking a vow to move towards "a moderately prosperous society" by 2010, the report extends the post-Mao line of thought that Deng Xiaoping set forth in 1978. In a policy of reform and opening up that is today deemed by many as the most profound turning point in the CPC's history, Deng asserted that the party members should "emancipate their minds", seek truth in facts, and unite as one. Later, the CPC re-emphasised discipline within the party and its fronts, but kept reform as its top priority. In an ostentatious display of his allegiance to Deng, President Hu enthusiastically announced upcoming celebrations of the 30th anniversary of the start of Deng's reform.
Anxious entrance
One particularly notable aspect of this Congress was the maiden participation of eight delegates representing the CPC from the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), following months of redoubled efforts by the CPC to smoothen out the country's social fabric. This culminated on 4 September, when the CPC's Discipline and Inspection Commission issued a memo directing the eight ethnic Tibetan communist delegates to carry out a "rectification campaign" to rid Tibetan comrades of any and all dissension.
The eventual entry of the Tibetan delegation, conspicuous by their ceremonial white silk khata, or scarves, was accompanied by a flurry of historico-ideological broadsides published by Xinhua and scripted by academician Shi Shan against Tibetan Buddhism and the 14th Dalai Lama. These appeared in papers across the country just days before the start of the five-yearly jamboree. Though very different in tone, Shi Shan's article and Hu Jintao's report to the CPC bore some important similarities, particularly in terms of dissent. At just 1250 words, the former was a clear signal that Beijing is in no mood to adopt any reconciliatory moves towards Tibetan dissidents, as the abject failure of the sixth round of talks between Beijing and Dharamsala earlier this year made clear.
While the CPC central-committee report made no direct mention of the Dalai Lama, many delegates endorsed the Xinhua tirades in seminars conducted outside the Congress proceedings. While the first-ever insertion of the word religion into the report at the closing session of the Congress could be seen as a flicker of hope, most are waiting to see the effects of that inclusion on the ground. Indeed, the official reaction was outright anger to the news, the day after the Congress ended in Beijing, that George W Bush would be awarding the Congressional Gold Medal to the Dalai Lama the first time that an incumbent US president has ever been publicly photographed with the Buddhist leader.
Debating the underbelly
Dalai Lama-related anger aside, there seems to be a marked decline in China's anti-US rhetoric, which is directly in line with the economic reforms that President Hu has been spearheading. The fact that the president's report makes no mention of US imperialism or of any global communist solidarity is a conspicuous departure not only from the tradition of the CPC but also from the fundamentals of thought as influenced by Mao Zedong. Instead, the CPC's new catchphrase is "Scientific outlook of development", a perspective that is sure to frustrate both hardliners and reformists.
In the face of China's 10 percent annual rise in gross domestic product in recent times, the central committee dutifully claimed that "efforts to build a new socialist countryside yielded solid results, and development among regions became more balanced". Yet President Hu was also forced to send a message to pacify aggrieved workers and peasants, and to admit, somewhat contradictorily, to "an imbalance in development between urban and rural areas, among regions, and between the economy and society". He conceded that achieving steady growth in the agricultural sector and boosting farmers' incomes are difficult aims, and identified a lengthy list of areas that still need work, including "employment, social security, income distribution, education, public health, housing, work safety, administration of justice and public order".
At the same time, there was no mention of child labour, low wages or prostitution. Despite Beijing's efforts, environmental issues have also continued to worsen, to the detriment of local communities, particularly those in the poorest regions of the country. According to a recent official report, the countrywide incidence of birth defects has increased by an astounding 45 percent since 2001. Despite the high-sounding rhetoric of "theoretical innovation", the Hu report actively attempts to discourage intra-party ideological debate on a variety of issues, most importantly the pace and flavour of China's continuing economic reform. But this does not mean, of course, that controversy does not exist.
Three months before the 17th Congress was held, 19 party veterans, including former ministers, ambassadors and provincial party chiefs, circulated a 4100-word note called "Our Views on the Black Brick Kiln and Other Incidents and Recommendations for the 17th Party Congress". This missive came on the heels of the international uproar over the revelations of this past June that the use of slave labour in the brick kilns of Shanxi and Henan provinces was widespread. Subsequent media coverage claimed that the 'dark underbelly' of China's highflying economy had been exposed, and proved highly embarrassing to Beijing. The "Our Views" document suggested that party members planning on participating in the then-upcoming Congress engage first in an intensive "study of Marxist theory". Such suggestions were quickly shelved, and no reference to the schism was made in the Congress's official report.
Although the CPC continues to propound people's democracy as "the lifeblood of socialism", President Hu's report unmistakably prioritises the establishment of a market economy, albeit with legal shields. With the president and his allies having long been pushing China's growing preference for privatisation, this Congress saw the first promulgation of constitutional amendment dealing specifically with the development of the private sector termed the "non-public sector".
Indeed, perhaps the most crucial element to arise from the CPC's 17th Congress was the evidence it provided of President Hu's increased influence on the direction that the CPC will take over the next five years and beyond. But establishing his stamp will not be easy. Ever since President Hu took over from Jiang Zemin, he has been at pains to prove his independence from his predecessor. President Hu's emphasis on such concepts as a "harmonious society" and "putting people first", says Indian political scientist Manoranjan Mohanty, arises from "a realisation of serious problems existing in contemporary China". Between 2004 and 2006, the number of officially confirmed mass protests shot up to 120,000 from 76,000. Many are now suggesting that such incidents will prove to be an acid test of whether or not the president will be able to strike a delicate balance between wooing the private sector and pushing the economy towards a conspicuous egalitarianism.
Ideological fellow-travellers are certainly watching this evolution closely, though with some confusion. Much of the left in India took the opportunity of the 17th Congress to offer its plaudits. The octogenarian general-secretary of the Communist Party of India, A B Bardhan, observed with pleasure that the CPC's current projects were purportedly uniting the Chinese people across ethnic lines. His counterpart in the CPI (Marxist), Prakash Karat, also congratulated President Hu, though in a slightly more guarded manner. The CPI (M)'s research unit, after all, has recently showed keen interest in the "Black Brick Kiln" document undoubtedly to the chagrin of the CPC and will likely feature it prominently in preparations for its own upcoming 19th Congress next March. India's other communist groups, including the Maoist and Marxist-Leninist Liberation, refrained from publicly acknowledging the CPC's Congress at all, disapproving of what they perceive as the Chinese drift away from proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism.
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