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Sunday, December 9, 2007

[vinnomot] Sheikh Hasina’s Govt made losses Tk 14,000 crore by a “draft agreement deal” & Khaleda Zia made loss of Tk 10,000 crore by “final agreement” - Khaleda & her minister gave verbal order to officials & Hasina wrote for 'proper actions'

 
 

Dear politically conscious, sensible & rational and enthusiastic readers (except old and new RAZAKAR & RAZAKAR minded people),

 

 

§          Sheikh Hasina's Govt made losses about Tk 14,000 crore due to the " draft agreement deal" signed on June 2001 (Her Govt handed over to CG  in July 2001) between BAPEX and NIKO

 

§          Khaleda Zia & her minister gave verbal direction to the officials concerned for arranging the signing of a final joint venture agreement (JVA) between BAPEX and NIKO in October 2003 (Her Govt handed over to CG  in October 2006)

 

§          Sheikh Hasina's Office (PMO) recommending it to take 'proper actions' to the proposal of NIKO

 

§          Khaleda Zia made a loss of at least Tk 10,000 crore through the "final agreement" between BAPEX and NIKO

 

The Anti Corruption Commission ( ACC) sued former Prime ministers Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina along with 10 others for inflicting an enormous loss to the country through awarding gas deals to Canadian gas exploration company - NIKO by abusing their power.

 

The allegations set by ACC:

 

§          Prime Minister's Office (PMO) forwarded the proposal to the energy ministry recommending it to take 'proper actions'. Later in November 1997, the then energy secretary Towfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury (Brother in law of Moudud Ahmed) Okayed the proposal. Sheikh Hasina approved the proposal and her government prepared a draft agreement for NIKO in June 2001. Bangladesh incurred a loss of Tk 13,630.50 crore due to the draft agreement deal

 

§          In 2003, the then prime minister Khaleda Zia, in conspiracy with her co-accused including former state minister for energy AKM Mosharraf Hossain gave verbal direction to the officials concerned for arranging the signing of a joint venture agreement (JVA) between BAPEX and NIKO allegedly for personal gains as well as for NIKO's benefit. the Country suffered a loss of at least Tk 10,000 crore Through this final agreement

 

For more deatail please read today's (10.12.07):
 
 
Please read this news, 1st published in the daily Ittefaq. This very vital report was made in the 1st page (1st line  of 2nd paragraph) of the news paper, owned by the most vocal adviser of present MBIG of 2nd December   2007 issue.:
 
 

Seleucus - has correctly said, this country is really strange!


 
 
Shafiqur Rahman Bhuiyan (ANU)
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Re: [ALOCHONA] NIKO Gas Deal : Hasina, Khaleda sued

Dear Alochok:

Do you really think that Bangladesh is that poor, to
take place that level of corruption?


Use this common sense facts to make sound judgement:

1) For how many days and weeks the gas field that was
assigned to Niko in Sylhet was burnt incessantly?

2) What was the price of that destroyed natural gas
was in international market at that time?

[Hints: think of the proposed TATA deal in pricing
gas: Tata wants to pay maximum $4.50 for each cubic
feet (CFT) and Dhaka insists that TATA pay similar to
international price: $7.25 per cubic feet (CFT).

3)Unless reserved gas of that amount was there to be
extracted, why NIKO had invested hundreds of millions
of dollars in the first place?

4) Finally, as of 12/10/2007, since the exchange rate
of $1=68.55 taka, convert the amount of 23 crores, the
figure cited by Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) in
the case into US dollar and you can easily find that
what would have been the price of gas burnt by NIKO
due to its negligience.

That converted figure in US dollar is not much--it
sounds resonable. Just because amount in BD taka
appears huge, don't get carried away believeing that
it is a gross exegeration.

For, remeber:

1) The huge difference in exchange rate between Taka
and Dollar.

2) According to 2006 published statistic of the World
Bank, the size of Bangladesh economy measured in
nominal GDP is $ 64 billion, which, measured in
Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) is equal to $360+
billion.

So, there is that scope for corruption.

Otherwise, why NIKO would invest over $100 million in
the project?

Curzon


--- Haroon@yahoo.com,
UNEXPECTED_DATA_AFTER_ADDRESS@.SYNTAX-ERROR. wrote:

> Dear Alochoks,
>
> This news is too much to digest! Is that true what
> they said in the case? Or its just an another eye
> wash? Range of loss is too large for us. Bangladesh
> is really too poor for that level corruption.
>
> Somebody is abusing the power. Everywhere.
> Everytime. Even now. We are just victim of time.
>
> I am afraid of materialisation of this case.
> Unrealistic case can be vital. When case proved
> wrong, victim become hero. It can lead us to a
> longer dark age.
>
> We dont know who will rule us next 10 years!
>
> Peacefully,
>
> Haroon Rashid
> Chittagong
>
>
>
********************************************************************************************************************
>
>
> NIKO Gas Deal
> Hasina, Khaleda, 10 others
> sued
> Staff Correspondent
>
>
> The Anti-corruption
> Commission (ACC) yesterday sued former prime
> ministers Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina along with
> 10 others for inflicting an enormous loss to the
> state through awarding gas deals to Canadian gas
> exploration company Niko by abusing their power.
>
> In two separate cases -- one
> filed against Sheikh Hasina and six others, and the
> other against Khaleda Zia and four others --
> complainants alleged that primary investigations
> found involvement of the accused in illegally
> awarding contracts to Niko for exploring and
> developing three gas fields in the country.
>
> ACC Deputy Director Sabbir
> Hasan, in the case filed against Sheikh Hasina and
> her co-accused with Tejgaon police station, said the
> deal with Niko caused a loss of over Tk 13,630 crore
> to the government exchequer.
>
> In the case against Khaleda
> Zia and her co-accused filed with the same police
> station, ACC Assistant Director Mahbubul Alam said
> although Khaleda Zia was the custodian of the
> country's wealth as the prime minister, she awarded
> Niko an opportunity to extract gas worth Tk10,000
> crore, criminally violating her oath, unlawfully
> abusing her power, and through corruption.
>
> The case also said she did
> it in collusion with her co-accused, and issued an
> order for signing of the illegal deal with Niko.
>
> The co-accused of currently
> detained Awami League President Sheikh Hasina are --
> detained former state minister for energy Rafiqul
> Islam, former principal secretary to the Prime
> Minister's Office (PMO) Dr SA Samad, former energy
> secretaries Dr Towfiq -e- Elahi Chowdhury and M
> Akmal Hossain, former Petro Bangla chairman
> Mosharraf Hossain, and Vice-president (South Aisa)
> of Niko Research Bangladesh Ltd Kashem Sharif.
>
> The co-accused of Khaleda
> Zia are detained former law minister Barrister
> Moudud Ahmed, detained former state minister for
> energy AKM Mosharraf Hossain, former acting energy
> secretary Khandaker Shahidul Islam, and
> Vice-president (South Aisa) of Niko Research
> Bangladesh Ltd Kashem Sharif.
>
> The cases mentioned that due
> to the awarding of the deals to an unskilled company
> like Niko the blow out at Chhatak gas field
> occurred, resulting in a huge loss to the sate.
>
> The common accused in both
> the cases, Kashem Sharif, who is also a close
> relative of former energy secretary Dr Towfiq -e-
> Elahi Chowdhury, allegedly persuaded the other
> accused as a Niko official.
>
> The ACC will investigate the
> cases and will examine if any body else was involved
> in making the alleged illegal deals.
>
> Hasina is already charged in
> three extortion cases -- two filed by individuals
> while the third was filed by the ACC. Moreover,
> three more corruption cases against her in
> connection with Meghnaghat power project, and
> purchases of Mig-29s and a frigate are also
> currently being heard in courts.
>
> The ACC also filed a graft
> case against former prime minister Khaleda Zia, her
> younger son Arafat Rahman Koko, and 11 others in
> connection with violating tender conditions in
> appointing GATCO, an indenting house, for handling
> containers in Dhaka Inland Container Depot (ICD) and
> in Chittagong Port ICD yard despite the company's
> lack of experience and skills.
>
> The High Court however
> quashed two graft cases against Khaleda Zia field
> during the last AL regime in connection with
> Khaleda's house decoration and an airbus purchase
> during one of her tenures as a prime minister.
>
> THE ALLEGATIONS
> In 1997 Niko Resources Ltd,
> Canada participated in a tender bid for oil and gas
> exploration in Bangladesh but was declared unfit by
> a committee of the Bangladesh government. Later Niko
> allegedly in collusion with Hasina and her six
> co-accused collected secret data about Chhatak gas
> field and some other gas fields having huge gas
> reserves.
>
> Niko submitted a letter of
> intent in favour of itself for exploring the gas
> fields in Fenchuganj, Chhatak, and Kamta through a
> joint venture with Petrobangla, allegedly violating
> proper procedures. Although the proposal was not
> filed following proper procedures the PMO forwarded
> it to the energy ministry recommending it to take
> 'proper actions'. Later in November 1997, the then
> energy secretary Towfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury okayed the
> proposal.
>
> On June 28, 1998, Niko again
> submitted a proposal to the Bangladesh government
> for developing the 'marginalised' gas field in
> Tengratila of Chhatak and the 'abandoned' gas fields
> in Kamta and Feni, and for extracting gas from
> those.
>
> The then energy secretary
> prepared a proposal for the deal, marking the gas
> fields as 'marginalised and abandoned' and saying an
> agreement might be signed with Niko through
> Bangladesh Petroleum Exploration and Production Co
> Ltd (Bapex).
>
> Hasina approved the proposal
> and her government prepared a draft agreement for
> Niko in 2001. Hasina also signed a memorandum of
> understanding (MoU) with Niko awarding it a contract
> for extracting gas from the three gas fields.
>
> Bangladesh incurred a loss
> of about 1,794 billion cubic feet (bcf) of gas worth
> Tk 13,630.50 crore due to the deal, according to the
> case documents.
>
> In 2003, the then prime
> minister Khaleda Zia, in collusion with her
> co-accused including former state minister for
> energy AKM Mosharraf Hossain gave verbal direction
> to the officials concerned for arranging the signing
> of a joint venture agreement (JVA) between Bapex and
> Niko allegedly for personal gains as well as for
> Niko's benefit.
>
> Through the agreement Niko
> got an opportunity to extract 1,744 bcf of gas from
> Chhatak and Feni gas fields putting the country in a
> loss of at least Tk 10,000 crore, the case alleges.
>
>
>
> http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=14894
>
>
>
>
>

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[vinnomot] Mukti-Yuddher Kantho: Binodon Radio project to record the views of the freedom fighters

Binodon Radio will continue to organize discussion among Mukti-Yoddhas and the discussion will be recorded to be made available in www.vinnomot.com and www.binodontv.com
 
 First discussion already recorded and posted in www.vinnomot.com
 
 
Mr Quddus Khan is trying to contact all the freedom fighters living in USA and Canda. However, it is highly possible, he may be missing many of them due to lack of contact.
 
Please feel free to contact Mr Quddus Khan: vinnomot@yahoo.com  562-879-4374
or Biplab Pal (biplabpal2000@yahoo.com) if you are willing to share your experience and views with other mukti-yoddhas. We are planning between 3-4 dicussions in a week in this month.
 
Thanks
Biplab
Editor
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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[mukto-mona] Nandigram -another report

 
Tiger by the tail: CPM 'provoked' in Nandigram By IBNlive.com Monday December 10, 12:20 AM (http://in.news.yahoo.com/071209/211/6o8en.html)
Nandigram: CPI-M supporters in Nandigram, West Bengal, allege they were forced to take "matters in their own hand" because the government failed to protect them from the Bhumi Uchched Pratirodh Committee (BUPC), an anti-land acquisition group.

"There was tremendous pressure on our supporters and cadres to join the BUPC. Some of our local cadres did indeed join the movement, but when the government failed to intervene we took the matters in our hand. It was a tit-for-tat method of solving the problem," says Mohammad Yasin, a member of the CPI-M's zonal committee in Nandigram.

Yasin has a good reason to hate the BUPC: the group burnt his house a week before CPI-M's armed attack on Nandigram. Between January and November, BUPC activists looted, vandalised or burnt 153 houses of CPI-M supporters.

Anti-land acquisition protestors damaged the house of Samerun Bibi and her husband Sheikh Abdul Razak, both CPI-M leaders, after the West Bengal government decided to set up a Petrochemical and Petroleum Investment Region (PCPIR) in Nandigram in December 2006.

Samerun Bibi, the panchayat pradhan of Kalicharanpur, called a meeting of the panchayat on January 3, 2007 to discuss the arrangements to receive a Central team, which was visit Nandigram to take a look at its sanitation. Anti-land acquisition protestors attacked the office, fuelled by rumours that the panchayat meeting would approve land acquisition in Nandigram.

"The Trinamool Congress gave false information to villagers that their land would be taken away without any compensation. By spreading such untruths they successfully won over CPI-M supporters in Nandigram," alleges Sheikh Abdul Razak, a CPI-M local committee member in Sonachura.

Around 3,000 CPI-M members were driven out of their homes by the BUPC activists and had to live in camps like refugees. "There were 15 camps housing 3,000 people. Nandigram was liberated on the morning of November 11 and we entered in the evening," says Kalipada Mondal, a CPI-M local committee member in Sonachura.

CPI-M supporters, who lived as refugees between January and November after BUPC seized control of Nandigram, were told on November 6 that the party is making arrangements for their homecoming.

"All of us who had run away from our homes were told to assemble in Khejuri on November 6. We were told that we would be returning home on November 10. First the party gunmen entered and then we entered behind them," says Prashanto, a CPI-M panchayat committee member.

Accompanied by CNN IBN and a CRPF team, Nabakumar Samantha revisited whatever remained of his home and land in Nandigram. His brother, Shankar Samantha, was the first CPI-M leader to be killed in the Nandigram.

Shankar was beaten and burnt alive by anti-land acquisition protestors on January 7. Nabakumar's family owned a major chunk in the land that was proposed to be acquired for the chemical hub.

"Since we were in favour of selling the land and in favour of industrialization, they attacked us so that it would become an example of what could happen to others who thought like us," says Nabakumar.

The BUPC, backed by the Trinamool, allegedly killed 26 CPI-M supporters between January and November. "They (the BUPC) brought fighters and gangsters from Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand and Bihar," alleges Lakshman Seth, CPI-M MP from Haldia and chief of the Haldia Development Authority.

Both the CPI-M and the BUPC brought in gunmen from outside Nandigram. The CPI-M was worried that the Trinamool would sweep the panchayat elections in Nandigram and surrounding areas if BUPC's consolidated its 11 month-long siege and control over Nandigram.

"They wanted to use Nandigram as an example to take over power in West Bengal. They first wanted to take over the panchayat samiti in Nandigram and then take over as MLA and MP—that was their plan," says Ashok Bera, CPM zonal committee leader.

"Their political game plan was to capture our ground—our political field. Their intention was to oust CPI-M party from Nandigram. If this model had succeeded they could have used this model elsewhere," says Seth. And that the CPI-M would never allow.





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[mukto-mona] EPW: Farid Bakht writes - Cyclone Sidr catches the Caretaker Govt on the Back Foot

Letter from South Asia

Caught on the Back Foot

Farid Bakht

Economic & Political Weekly

http://www.epw.org.in/uploads/articles/11267.pdf

 

The caretaker government in Bangladesh has been severely criticised for its incompetence in organising relief after cyclone Sidr devastated large parts of the country. By arranging for movement of people to high ground, the government did see that the casualties were kept relatively low, but it has refused to recognise the enormity of physical damage wrought by the cyclone and has been inept in relief management.

 

Farid Bakht ( faridbakht@yahoo.com) is a commentator on south Asian affairs. Mr. Bakht is the author of Arrival or Departure: Bangladesh in Dangerous Times and spends his time between London and Dhaka.

 

The reputation of the caretaker government in Bangladesh has touched a new low. The issue is its handling of cyclone Sidr. What started off as a clinically successful operation quickly deteriorated into a management fiasco. The category four cyclone slammed into south-western Bangladesh on November 15. From four days before the storm made landfall, the government began warning people about the seriousness of the situation. The BBC reported how "advertisements in newspapers, megaphone announcements from mosques and (even) internet messages" sent a constant stream of messages.

 

Winds of speeds of up to 250 km per hour and waves over six metres high made this comparable to the terrible cyclone of November 1970. In 1991, more than 1,40,000 people had died when another cyclone hit Bangladesh. Within the first few days of the current disaster, officials were saying that less than 2,000 deaths had occurred. By November 22 the death toll had climbed to just above 4,000. While still tragic, the death toll seemed miraculously low in comparison to 1991.

 

One reason initially put forward for the low casualties was that the army was able to mobilise 600,000 people to move to the nearest shelter or at least inland. Less mention is made of the fortuitous factor that as the cyclone struck, the tide in the Bay of Bengal was low. Had it been high tide, many thousands more, caught in the open, might have perished. Nevertheless, the authorities did display efficiency in ensuring massive evacuation and they have been universally commended for their efforts. However, after a good start, things began to go horribly wrong.

 

The self-styled caretaker government, in charge since January, seemed to loathe making an appeal for assistance. The gaffe-prone law and information advisor (and owner of powerful media interests), Mainul Hossein, said that the government did not want to officially term it a national disaster. He told reporters, "We have discussed the matter several times, but finally did not make the national appeal because many kinds of people, with questionable motives, will become involved, which will create a situation very difficult for the government to control" ( New Age, Bangladesh). Five days after the storm, under mounting condemnation, the interim leader, Fakhruddin Ahmed, changed course and described the cyclone as a national calamity. The foreign ministry then declared that, "We will welcome support from the international community…. We are doing as best as we can do ourselves".

 

The government is out of tune with most other institutions and its figures consistently minimise the tragedy. Even then, its data is appalling enough. The number of families affected is supposedly around 900,000, with nearly 250,000 cattle dead and 23,000 acres of crops totally destroyed. Numbers continue to creep up. It is reported that 360,000 homes are completed shattered, with 1.2 million damaged and more than a million homeless.

 

Effectively disregarding government dithering, the aid agencies got into gear. Foreign donors have pledged over $ 550 million in assistance. The World Bank accounts for $250 million, though unfortunately this will come mostly as a loan, which means that a few years down the line this will add to the country's increasingly unmanageable debt burden. Japan has offered $ 10 million. Among the neighbouring countries, India is giving $22 million in "operation sahayata". This will include 40,000 tonnes of rice, 10,000 tonnes of wheat, 1,000 tonnes of milk powder, 10,000 blankets, 400 tents and 24,000 kgs of medicines. Pakistan despatched two C-130 airplanes and is setting up a 30-bed mobile hospital.

 

Too Little, Too Late

Within the first week, the relief operation degenerated into chaos. On November 21, 2007, Associated Press reported fist fights among desperate survivors waiting for rice at a food distribution centre. In line with other media channels, they mentioned that, "food, fresh water and temporary shelter still had not reached many of the exhausted survivors six days after..." Television channels showed many instances of people in tears, pleading for food and drinking water. Aid was not getting through.

 

Journalists wrote that, "relief efforts … seem to centre in areas that have been widely reported in the media while out-of-the-way places still wait to receive much needed food and medical supplies" (The Daily Star, November 24, 2007). In another report, one individual was asked what he would like most from the relief operation he replied, "I just want someone, the government, NGO, whoever it is… help me rebuild my house". Inadvertently, this points to another aspect of the caretaker government's strategy in the immediate aftermath of the storm. They insisted that all aid be channelled via them and not via non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Similarly, they did not make a move to include local activists of the political parties. While undoubtedly relief materials go missing, as evidenced during the trials of former ministers, much of the supplies do get through. The political parties have a widespread network in place and are a traditional conduit. A week later, the administration belatedly called for their participation.

For many thousands, it would have been too late.

 

Climate Change Link

Given the frequency of cyclones in this region, there has not been much comment about its connection to climate change. However, it should be noted that the storm intensified as the water in the Bay of Bengal was abnormally warm, reaching 26 degrees celsius. The realistic reaction would be to say that rising temperatures would make cyclones of this magnitude a much more common occurrence, rather than a once in a generation event. This will require more planning to prepare for the worst.

 

For example, it has been clear that there has been a shortage of boats and helicopters. There are still not enough cyclone shelters. Experts suggest that the ideal number would be 3,500. Cyclone shelters can house anything from 200 to 800 people. After the 1991 disaster, nearly 4,000 shelters were constructed. Unfortunately, 1,576 were damaged by river erosion or were abandoned due to their dilapidated condition, according to sources at the food and disaster management ministry (Daily Star, November 23, 2007). Similarly, 700 shelters built in the 1960s and 1970s were not maintained properly and thus useless.

 

In all likelihood, there will be another round of building construction over the next few years. The authorities would be wise to plan for proper maintenance to prevent the criminally high level of deterioration of the shelters.

 

Economic Impact

The National Board of Revenue (NBR) chairman Abdul Mazid claimed, "the current financial year looks very critical for the national economy", when addressing businessmen of the Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce (New Age, November 22, 2007). Cyclone Sidr will now fuel more inflation, having already hit 10 per cent in July.

 

None of this seems to perturb the finance adviser, A B Mirza Azizul Islam. In a public discussion with some of the top economists of the country, he brushed aside their advice and warnings. He insisted that the loss of one million tonnes of the "aman" crop would not have a severe impact on the national economy (New Age, November 20, 2007). He explained that, "since agriculture contributes only 22 per cent to the gross domestic product, damage to the aman crop will not have a significant effect on our economy".

 

The president of the Bangladesh Economic Association retorted, "If someone says it will not have a significant effect on food security, I will say he does not know the reality of either the country or the national economy. After all, agriculture is the mainstay of our economy and aman, too, is a major crop."

 

Initial assessments suggest that one million tonnes of the aman season crop have been lost, out of a national target of 12.4 million. To put this into perspective, the government has only 0.73 million tonnes in its buffer stock (way short of its minimum requirement of one million tonnes). When a poor and vulnerable country loses more than what it has in its entire food reserves, it beggars belief that the highest finance official in the land can be so blasé.

 

The economists continued to advise that the critical challenge is to generate purchasing power among the affected people and get money to circulate immediately. That means providing jobs, writing off farmers' debt, and rebuilding basic infrastructure. Given budget pressures, this will be difficult. It is not clear if senior functionaries have the will to implement such a programme, once the media has moved on.

 

A primary estimate is that the loss to property alone will be taka 6,500 crore, loss of aman paddy of taka 3,500 crore, roads and bridges of taka 1,100 crore, houses at taka 750 crore and trees of the Sundarban mangrove forest of taka 500 crore.

 

Political Fallout?

The US administration failed miserably after hurricane Katrina and that may be offered as a defence of the poor relief programme so far. It has to be said however that Bangladesh, along with its permanent aid partners, has decades of unparalleled experience in coping with natural disasters. At present, 10,000 troops are engaged in international operations worldwide, with over 40,000 having served abroad at some time. Lacking the sheer weight of resources, it does have the knowledge and familiarity of dealing with these types of occurrences. Even within an increasingly self-censoring environment, there has been a barrage of criticism from all sides within the country. This will become another nail in the coffin of incompetence displayed by the caretaker administration.

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[ALOCHONA] Cyclone Sidr catches the Caretaker Govt on the Back Foot

Letter from South Asia

Caught on the Back Foot

Farid Bakht

Economic & Political Weekly

http://www.epw.org.in/uploads/articles/11267.pdf

 

The caretaker government in Bangladesh has been severely criticised for its incompetence in organising relief after cyclone Sidr devastated large parts of the country. By arranging for movement of people to high ground, the government did see that the casualties were kept relatively low, but it has refused to recognise the enormity of physical damage wrought by the cyclone and has been inept in relief management.

 

Farid Bakht ( faridbakht@yahoo.com) is a commentator on south Asian affairs. Mr. Bakht is the author of Arrival or Departure: Bangladesh in Dangerous Times and spends his time between London and Dhaka.

 

The reputation of the caretaker government in Bangladesh has touched a new low. The issue is its handling of cyclone Sidr. What started off as a clinically successful operation quickly deteriorated into a management fiasco. The category four cyclone slammed into south-western Bangladesh on November 15. From four days before the storm made landfall, the government began warning people about the seriousness of the situation. The BBC reported how "advertisements in newspapers, megaphone announcements from mosques and (even) internet messages" sent a constant stream of messages.

 

Winds of speeds of up to 250 km per hour and waves over six metres high made this comparable to the terrible cyclone of November 1970. In 1991, more than 1,40,000 people had died when another cyclone hit Bangladesh. Within the first few days of the current disaster, officials were saying that less than 2,000 deaths had occurred. By November 22 the death toll had climbed to just above 4,000. While still tragic, the death toll seemed miraculously low in comparison to 1991.

 

One reason initially put forward for the low casualties was that the army was able to mobilise 600,000 people to move to the nearest shelter or at least inland. Less mention is made of the fortuitous factor that as the cyclone struck, the tide in the Bay of Bengal was low. Had it been high tide, many thousands more, caught in the open, might have perished. Nevertheless, the authorities did display efficiency in ensuring massive evacuation and they have been universally commended for their efforts. However, after a good start, things began to go horribly wrong.

 

The self-styled caretaker government, in charge since January, seemed to loathe making an appeal for assistance. The gaffe-prone law and information advisor (and owner of powerful media interests), Mainul Hossein, said that the government did not want to officially term it a national disaster. He told reporters, "We have discussed the matter several times, but finally did not make the national appeal because many kinds of people, with questionable motives, will become involved, which will create a situation very difficult for the government to control" ( New Age, Bangladesh). Five days after the storm, under mounting condemnation, the interim leader, Fakhruddin Ahmed, changed course and described the cyclone as a national calamity. The foreign ministry then declared that, "We will welcome support from the international community…. We are doing as best as we can do ourselves".

 

The government is out of tune with most other institutions and its figures consistently minimise the tragedy. Even then, its data is appalling enough. The number of families affected is supposedly around 900,000, with nearly 250,000 cattle dead and 23,000 acres of crops totally destroyed. Numbers continue to creep up. It is reported that 360,000 homes are completed shattered, with 1.2 million damaged and more than a million homeless.

 

Effectively disregarding government dithering, the aid agencies got into gear. Foreign donors have pledged over $ 550 million in assistance. The World Bank accounts for $250 million, though unfortunately this will come mostly as a loan, which means that a few years down the line this will add to the country's increasingly unmanageable debt burden. Japan has offered $ 10 million. Among the neighbouring countries, India is giving $22 million in "operation sahayata". This will include 40,000 tonnes of rice, 10,000 tonnes of wheat, 1,000 tonnes of milk powder, 10,000 blankets, 400 tents and 24,000 kgs of medicines. Pakistan despatched two C-130 airplanes and is setting up a 30-bed mobile hospital.

 

Too Little, Too Late

Within the first week, the relief operation degenerated into chaos. On November 21, 2007, Associated Press reported fist fights among desperate survivors waiting for rice at a food distribution centre. In line with other media channels, they mentioned that, "food, fresh water and temporary shelter still had not reached many of the exhausted survivors six days after..." Television channels showed many instances of people in tears, pleading for food and drinking water. Aid was not getting through.

 

Journalists wrote that, "relief efforts … seem to centre in areas that have been widely reported in the media while out-of-the-way places still wait to receive much needed food and medical supplies" (The Daily Star, November 24, 2007). In another report, one individual was asked what he would like most from the relief operation he replied, "I just want someone, the government, NGO, whoever it is… help me rebuild my house". Inadvertently, this points to another aspect of the caretaker government's strategy in the immediate aftermath of the storm. They insisted that all aid be channelled via them and not via non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Similarly, they did not make a move to include local activists of the political parties. While undoubtedly relief materials go missing, as evidenced during the trials of former ministers, much of the supplies do get through. The political parties have a widespread network in place and are a traditional conduit. A week later, the administration belatedly called for their participation.

For many thousands, it would have been too late.

 

Climate Change Link

Given the frequency of cyclones in this region, there has not been much comment about its connection to climate change. However, it should be noted that the storm intensified as the water in the Bay of Bengal was abnormally warm, reaching 26 degrees celsius. The realistic reaction would be to say that rising temperatures would make cyclones of this magnitude a much more common occurrence, rather than a once in a generation event. This will require more planning to prepare for the worst.

 

For example, it has been clear that there has been a shortage of boats and helicopters. There are still not enough cyclone shelters. Experts suggest that the ideal number would be 3,500. Cyclone shelters can house anything from 200 to 800 people. After the 1991 disaster, nearly 4,000 shelters were constructed. Unfortunately, 1,576 were damaged by river erosion or were abandoned due to their dilapidated condition, according to sources at the food and disaster management ministry (Daily Star, November 23, 2007). Similarly, 700 shelters built in the 1960s and 1970s were not maintained properly and thus useless.

 

In all likelihood, there will be another round of building construction over the next few years. The authorities would be wise to plan for proper maintenance to prevent the criminally high level of deterioration of the shelters.

 

Economic Impact

The National Board of Revenue (NBR) chairman Abdul Mazid claimed, "the current financial year looks very critical for the national economy", when addressing businessmen of the Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce (New Age, November 22, 2007). Cyclone Sidr will now fuel more inflation, having already hit 10 per cent in July.

 

None of this seems to perturb the finance adviser, A B Mirza Azizul Islam. In a public discussion with some of the top economists of the country, he brushed aside their advice and warnings. He insisted that the loss of one million tonnes of the "aman" crop would not have a severe impact on the national economy (New Age, November 20, 2007). He explained that, "since agriculture contributes only 22 per cent to the gross domestic product, damage to the aman crop will not have a significant effect on our economy".

 

The president of the Bangladesh Economic Association retorted, "If someone says it will not have a significant effect on food security, I will say he does not know the reality of either the country or the national economy. After all, agriculture is the mainstay of our economy and aman, too, is a major crop."

 

Initial assessments suggest that one million tonnes of the aman season crop have been lost, out of a national target of 12.4 million. To put this into perspective, the government has only 0.73 million tonnes in its buffer stock (way short of its minimum requirement of one million tonnes). When a poor and vulnerable country loses more than what it has in its entire food reserves, it beggars belief that the highest finance official in the land can be so blasé.

 

The economists continued to advise that the critical challenge is to generate purchasing power among the affected people and get money to circulate immediately. That means providing jobs, writing off farmers' debt, and rebuilding basic infrastructure. Given budget pressures, this will be difficult. It is not clear if senior functionaries have the will to implement such a programme, once the media has moved on.

 

A primary estimate is that the loss to property alone will be taka 6,500 crore, loss of aman paddy of taka 3,500 crore, roads and bridges of taka 1,100 crore, houses at taka 750 crore and trees of the Sundarban mangrove forest of taka 500 crore.

 

Political Fallout?

The US administration failed miserably after hurricane Katrina and that may be offered as a defence of the poor relief programme so far. It has to be said however that Bangladesh, along with its permanent aid partners, has decades of unparalleled experience in coping with natural disasters. At present, 10,000 troops are engaged in international operations worldwide, with over 40,000 having served abroad at some time. Lacking the sheer weight of resources, it does have the knowledge and familiarity of dealing with these types of occurrences. Even within an increasingly self-censoring environment, there has been a barrage of criticism from all sides within the country. This will become another nail in the coffin of incompetence displayed by the caretaker administration.

__._,_.___

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[mukto-mona] Re: A case against me

Although Mr Hashmi's response has been addressed toward Mr. Kamal
Das, I'd like to make a few points here on the ground that this
thread initially started with my response about Mr Hashmi's comments
on the trials of '71 war criminals.

1. Admittedly, I do not know Mr S A Hannan personally and his role
in '71 (an issue he always averted upon being asked by Syed Aslam).
Like Mr Hashmi, I also watched ekushe TV interview of Mr Hannan. I,
however, diasgree with Mr Hashmi's assertion that S A Hannan called
1971 both a civil war & a liberation war. No, he didn't. At least NOT
initially. Those who watched the interview must have noticed (unless
your ability to understand plain Bangla conversation is severely
impaired)that the term Mr S A Hannan initially used to describe '71
was just a "civil war"; it was only when the hostess of the program
interrupted & asked him a counter question that he added the
term "liberation war." This kind of chameleon like trait is common
among Jamatees and their sympethizers. We have seen how Jamaat--in
the face of public protests after Mujahidi's & Qader Mullah's
statement that BD didn't ever have war criminals--immediately called
for a press conference and issued a statement calling '71 a glorious
event and freedom fighters as the "bravest sons" of the nation. Yet
we all know, this is Jamaat and they can take any form, any shape at
any given time.

2. The point of my objection was NOT whether S A Hannan qualifies to
be a war criminal. It was, rather, unlike Mr Hashmi, I do not think
trial of war criminals is any less "pressing issue" than those he's
mentioned (eradication of poverty etc).

3. Although I do NOT necessarily see any corelation b/w Mr Hashmi's
not being a Bangalee (rather, a Bangladeshi) and his stand on the
trials of war criminals; yet I'd like to remind him: having an
ability to speak and write chaste & elegant Bangla alone does NOT
make someone a patriotic Bangalee. Many of the noted anti-'71
liberation war persons were/are able to speak/write fine Bangla; to
the contrary, of the several hundreds of thousand people who died for
BD, many didn't (or needed not) know, how to write or speak
sophisticated Bangla. In other direction, many Bangalee can speak and
write better English than the native English (men & women); this,however, does NOT make them English (or Britons).

best regards,
J.A.


--- In mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com, "Taj Hashmi " wrote:
>
> WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/45395
>
> I refer to Mr Kamal Das's hitting below the belt type of attack on
my stand (rather than support for Mr Hannan). Since I don't know Mr
Hannan at all, let alone his past, I am not in a position to judge if
he was a "War Criminal". As I indicated in another posting, proving
someone as a war criminal is much much much more difficult than
implicating someone for theft or murder.
>
> Why don't you guys understand the difference between pointing out a
fabrication (that Mr Hannan in that particular TV interview denied
that there was ever any freedom struggle in 1971) and that he should
be tried for his war crimes. As I don't know anything about his 1971
role, I can't comment on the veracity of this allegation. I simply
pointed out from my own viewing of the video clipping of that
interview where I saw Mr Hannan portraying the 1971 Liberation War
both as a civil war and a freedom movement, nothing more, nothing
less.
>
> Can you just try someone only because she / he considers our
Liberation War as a Civil War? You may condemn him, ostracise him,
black-list him but trying him as a War Criminal? Please don't make
legal experts and people with common sense laugh.
>
> Now Mr Das, it appears that you have a Hindu name, should I assume
that you are a paid agent of Shiv Sena or bajrang Dal or the fascist
RSS? No I don't. So why you people can't come out of your narrow
alley of ethno-racist prejudice or the shallow dark well of stagnant
water? Come out of the well and see even a pond is larger than a well
and rivers and oceans are altogether different things. Do you know Dr
Kamal Hussain and Prof Rehman Sobhan (and Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq
and H.S. Suhrawardy as well) speak Urdu at home? I am proud of my
heritage, ancestors and my identity as a South Asian, not
Bangladeshi, Pakistani or Indian in the narrow sense. I don't believe
in the Partition of 1947, although it happened before my birth. But
everywhere I identify myself as a Bangladeshi and that's why I write
for Bangladeshi forums (not Indian or pakistani ones) and newspapers.
My Bengali prose and accent is far better than most educated
Bangladeshis. You may verify this from people who have known me and
read my bengali writings, including my book, Ouponibeshik Bangla
(Papyrus, Calcutta 1985), which is extremely critical of Pakistani
colonial rule. So, Mr Das, give up racism and communalism and learn
some civility, PLEASE.
>
> Warm wishes to all,
> Taj Hashmi
>


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http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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RE: [mukto-mona] Re: A case against me

Dear Mr. Kamal Das:

The personal attack based on his birth and origin was uncalled for. One can disagree on many grounds with Mr. Hashmi but to bring up ethnic origin is unacceptable. i think a full fledged apology is necessary. I too consider myself a South Asian (old Indian Subcontinent) of Bangladeshi Muslim origin and the communal politics that culminated in partition of 1947 an utter mistake.

A full unconditional apology to Hashmi is necessary here.

Robin Khundkar

 


 

-----Original Message-----
From: Taj Hashmi@unspecified-domain
Sent: Dec 9, 2007 2:13 PM
To: mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: RE: [mukto-mona] Re: A case against me

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/45395

I refer to Mr Kamal Das's hitting below the belt type of attack on my stand (rather than support for Mr Hannan). Since I don't know Mr Hannan at all, let alone his past, I am not in a position to judge if he was a "War Criminal". As I indicated in another posting, proving someone as a war criminal is much much much more difficult than implicating someone for theft or murder.

Why don't you guys understand the difference between pointing out a fabrication (that Mr Hannan in that particular TV interview denied that there was ever any freedom struggle in 1971) and that he should be tried for his war crimes. As I don't know anything about his 1971 role, I can't comment on the veracity of this allegation. I simply pointed out from my own viewing of the video clipping of that interview where I saw Mr Hannan portraying the 1971 Liberation War both as a civil war and a freedom movement, nothing more, nothing less.

Can you just try someone only because she / he considers our Liberation War as a Civil War? You may condemn him, ostracise him, black-list him but trying him as a War Criminal? Please don't make legal experts and people with common sense laugh.

Now Mr Das, it appears that you have a Hindu name, should I assume that you are a paid agent of Shiv Sena or bajrang Dal or the fascist RSS? No I don't. So why you people can't come out of your narrow alley of ethno-racist prejudice or the shallow dark well of stagnant water? Come out of the well and see even a pond is larger than a well and rivers and oceans are altogether different things. Do you know Dr Kamal Hussain and Prof Rehman Sobhan (and Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq and H.S. Suhrawardy as well) speak Urdu at home? I am proud of my heritage, ancestors and my identity as a South Asian, not Bangladeshi, Pakistani or Indian in the narrow sense. I don't believe in the Partition of 1947, although it happened before my birth. But everywhere I identify myself as a Bangladeshi and that's why I write for Bangladeshi forums (not Indian or pakistani ones) and newspapers. My Bengali prose and accent is far better than most educated Bangladeshis. You may verify this from people who have known me and read my bengali writings, including my book, Ouponibeshik Bangla (Papyrus, Calcutta 1985), which is extremely critical of Pakistani colonial rule. So, Mr Das, give up racism and communalism and learn some civility, PLEASE.

Warm wishes to all,
Taj Hashmi

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
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*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
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http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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