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Tuesday, December 18, 2007

[mukto-mona] Bangladesh: basket case or recipe for success?

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Bangladesh: basket case or recipe for success?

Special to Globe and Mail Update

Out in the ravaged fields, days after cyclone Sidr hit Bangladesh last month, the devastation was everywhere. Houses, crops, trees, livestock were destroyed — and sadly, so were people. Yet even more evident was the resilient Bangladeshi spirit. Traders started selling rice again with little or no increase in price; villagers salvaged what they could and began rebuilding their fragile homes; children dried textbooks, unsure when classes would resume. There, before my eyes, was the intriguing Bangladesh: resilient and vulnerable, secure and insecure, developing and retrogressing, all at once.

The Bangladesh puzzle has two distinct dimensions. One goes back to a remark by Henry Kissinger in 1971, in response to an assertion that Bangladesh would be a "basket case." His reply that it would "not necessarily be our basket case" still sums up many people's views of the country and can be heard quite often in expatriate clubs in Dhaka and among policy circles in members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. The recent macroeconomic trends of creeping inflation, rising inequality and a sluggish economy, topped by two neck-to-neck disasters (the November cyclone followed July's massive flooding) give these Cassandra-like voices more credence.

The other dimension has been provided in recent analysis, including that by economist and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen: Bangladesh has reduced social poverty better than some of the regional giants, such as neighbouring India. The 2005 UN Development Program Human Development Report moved the country from the low development group into the category with medium development indicators.

Partitions and disasters figure prominently in the past century of regional history. Cyclones, floods and famine have killed millions. In recent years, the incidence of serious disaster has increased. Near-famine situations in the north are a perennial problem. In 2004, almost 50 per cent of Bangladesh's surface area was submerged for more than two months.

The future may hold more of the same, with poorly planned construction and urbanization clogging the natural drainage systems and aggravating localized droughts in the north and the northwest — exacerbating existing problems and adding new ones, such as expected subsidence in Dhaka due to the lowering of the water table. Even without projected sea-level rises, which are predicted to displace 30 million people within the next 40 years, Bangladesh is slowly sinking into the sea as the Himalayas rise. The expected effects of climate change worsen all of the above, affecting the basic food security and hunger status of a country that has struggled hard to attain near-self-sufficiency in food production.

Bangladesh's troubles should be of concern for all of us. A country of almost 150 million people cannot be ignored. These problems will not simply disappear — they will present massive issues for Bangladesh's neighbours and could add another country to the list of failed states that worry the world so.

But wait. Bangladesh has weathered every storm, reduced poverty, improved life expectancy and living standards and is performing well on many of the Millennium Development Goals. The frequency of disaster is increasing, but the cost in lives is nowhere as high as it was. Disaster preparedness and early warnings have worked. Food security has improved. This cyclone has killed thousands, but if it had hit 30 years ago, it would have killed hundreds of thousands.

Indeed, far from being a basket case, Bangladesh should be held up as a model for poorer countries that could suffer from worsening global conditions. If this country can do it, with its massive poverty-stricken population, widespread corruption and a history of intermittent political instability, then surely any can.

However, Bangladesh is again standing at a crossroads and needs more friends — especially friends who will stay for the long term and help the country deal with the challenges of geography, climate change and human shortcoming.

The methods and practices for effective disaster preparedness and disaster risk reduction are known and in part put into great effect. But erratic commitment and present-day needs mean that it is always at the bottom of pressing priorities, such as importing food grains and fuel, supplying electricity or expanding education. That future needs to be secured through planned, external assistance.

Seeing the damage, I realize that we in the humanitarian community have a hard road ahead. At the World Food Program, we are well known for providing emergency food assistance in the aftermath of emergencies. What is less well known is that we are working to expand programs to help the population become less vulnerable to shocks and to start vital public works projects to secure both the short- and long-term prospects of these people as we have successfully done in the past.

But more is needed. Bangladesh has always had to improve on what existed before; it must swim quickly just to stay afloat. Like anything, this requires commitment and support. History shows that neither are squandered when given to Bangladesh — and that the benefits can spread across the region and the world as a whole.

Douglas Broderick is the Bangladesh representative for the United Nations World Food Program.

__._,_.___

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[vinnomot] Bangladesh: basket case or recipe for success?

Web-exclusive comment

Bangladesh: basket case or recipe for success?

Special to Globe and Mail Update

Out in the ravaged fields, days after cyclone Sidr hit Bangladesh last month, the devastation was everywhere. Houses, crops, trees, livestock were destroyed — and sadly, so were people. Yet even more evident was the resilient Bangladeshi spirit. Traders started selling rice again with little or no increase in price; villagers salvaged what they could and began rebuilding their fragile homes; children dried textbooks, unsure when classes would resume. There, before my eyes, was the intriguing Bangladesh: resilient and vulnerable, secure and insecure, developing and retrogressing, all at once.

The Bangladesh puzzle has two distinct dimensions. One goes back to a remark by Henry Kissinger in 1971, in response to an assertion that Bangladesh would be a "basket case." His reply that it would "not necessarily be our basket case" still sums up many people's views of the country and can be heard quite often in expatriate clubs in Dhaka and among policy circles in members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. The recent macroeconomic trends of creeping inflation, rising inequality and a sluggish economy, topped by two neck-to-neck disasters (the November cyclone followed July's massive flooding) give these Cassandra-like voices more credence.

The other dimension has been provided in recent analysis, including that by economist and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen: Bangladesh has reduced social poverty better than some of the regional giants, such as neighbouring India. The 2005 UN Development Program Human Development Report moved the country from the low development group into the category with medium development indicators.

Partitions and disasters figure prominently in the past century of regional history. Cyclones, floods and famine have killed millions. In recent years, the incidence of serious disaster has increased. Near-famine situations in the north are a perennial problem. In 2004, almost 50 per cent of Bangladesh's surface area was submerged for more than two months.

The future may hold more of the same, with poorly planned construction and urbanization clogging the natural drainage systems and aggravating localized droughts in the north and the northwest — exacerbating existing problems and adding new ones, such as expected subsidence in Dhaka due to the lowering of the water table. Even without projected sea-level rises, which are predicted to displace 30 million people within the next 40 years, Bangladesh is slowly sinking into the sea as the Himalayas rise. The expected effects of climate change worsen all of the above, affecting the basic food security and hunger status of a country that has struggled hard to attain near-self-sufficiency in food production.

Bangladesh's troubles should be of concern for all of us. A country of almost 150 million people cannot be ignored. These problems will not simply disappear — they will present massive issues for Bangladesh's neighbours and could add another country to the list of failed states that worry the world so.

But wait. Bangladesh has weathered every storm, reduced poverty, improved life expectancy and living standards and is performing well on many of the Millennium Development Goals. The frequency of disaster is increasing, but the cost in lives is nowhere as high as it was. Disaster preparedness and early warnings have worked. Food security has improved. This cyclone has killed thousands, but if it had hit 30 years ago, it would have killed hundreds of thousands.

Indeed, far from being a basket case, Bangladesh should be held up as a model for poorer countries that could suffer from worsening global conditions. If this country can do it, with its massive poverty-stricken population, widespread corruption and a history of intermittent political instability, then surely any can.

However, Bangladesh is again standing at a crossroads and needs more friends — especially friends who will stay for the long term and help the country deal with the challenges of geography, climate change and human shortcoming.

The methods and practices for effective disaster preparedness and disaster risk reduction are known and in part put into great effect. But erratic commitment and present-day needs mean that it is always at the bottom of pressing priorities, such as importing food grains and fuel, supplying electricity or expanding education. That future needs to be secured through planned, external assistance.

Seeing the damage, I realize that we in the humanitarian community have a hard road ahead. At the World Food Program, we are well known for providing emergency food assistance in the aftermath of emergencies. What is less well known is that we are working to expand programs to help the population become less vulnerable to shocks and to start vital public works projects to secure both the short- and long-term prospects of these people as we have successfully done in the past.

But more is needed. Bangladesh has always had to improve on what existed before; it must swim quickly just to stay afloat. Like anything, this requires commitment and support. History shows that neither are squandered when given to Bangladesh — and that the benefits can spread across the region and the world as a whole.

Douglas Broderick is the Bangladesh representative for the United Nations World Food Program.

__._,_.___

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[mukto-mona] The history of the 'ONSLAUGHT ON INTELLECT AND INTELLIGENTSIA'

Hello Everyone,

The attached article is reprinted from BANGLADESH: A
souvenir on the first anniversary of Victory Day,
December 16, 1972. It was also republished in PROBAHO
(First Year, Second Issues – November, 1990 – January,
1991), a quarterly Magazine, used to publish from
Chicago.

Here is the Link . . .
http://f1.grp.yahoofs.com/v1/UKVoR8qDW-0I_kcyO2AsPJgrwOJwd_76ejnT-SRHxyD6hHBHPTqMJCENdeV600b8uYw5HNVuuzQcM1aFAnTUVMyeqzX4ra9L/PROBAHO_Article_Nov90-Jan91.pdf

Anyhow, the article was originally written (in
Bangla) by my late father Nurul Islam Patwari and
translated by Kazi Mazammil Huq.

I've attached the article for every one to know the
history of the "ONSLAUGHT ON INTELLECT AND
INTELLIGENTSIA" during our Liberation War.

Regards,

=================
Kumar Islam
Chicago, Illinois
=================

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari

http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm


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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
-Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190
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[vinnomot] Fwd: What drives men to rape...? [every one should know it....]

What do you think....?
 
Is it because they find some women too irresistible?
Or, is it because of a deep urge to express manly prowess?
What about those who lie in wait to pounce on their victim?
 
 
 


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[mukto-mona] UK PARLIAMENT ON BANGLADESH

http://www.amardeshbd.com/detail_news_index.php?NewsID=150610&NewsType=bistarito&SectionID=home


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*****************************************
Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

*****************************************
Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

*****************************************

MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[vinnomot] Why not human chain against Farakka, Tinbigha, Talpotti, killing of Bangladeshi people by BSF ?

dear all,
          I heard that some people organised human chain demanding trial of war criminals.
It is their right to organise such human chain.But a question may be raised why they feel it after long period of 36 years. is ther any ill motive behind it.Those who are in this move were in power.But then they did nothing.
Now Bangladesh faces many problems.Many of these are created by India.Some of the problems are Farakka, Tinbigha, Talpotti, killing of Bangladeshi people by BSF .
But the so called chetona ponthi  do not do anithing regarding the problems.
do they want to divert our attention from our serious problems created by their  "provu"?
 


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[vinnomot] international relations

I've just found a website with links to hundreds of articles by
prominent international relations theorists, available for free.
Includes Samuel Huntington, Francis Fukuyama, Kenneth Waltz, Robert
Keohane, and many more:

International Relations Theory

http://internationalrelationstheory.googlepages.com/articles_by_ir_theorists.htm

Thanks,

Felix


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[mukto-mona] Prof M Mohanty on Posco

 
Special Article
Iron in the Seoul~I By Manoranjan Mohanty 18 Dec 07–( http://thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=180995)
POSCO In Paradip & An Echo Of Nandigram



Erasama block near Paradip that had suffered nearly ten thousand deaths in the 1999 supercyclone is in the news again awaiting another Nandigram-like onslaught. The pattern of state-aided assault by one group mobilised against a people agitating in defence of their land, natural resources and environment, is again swiftly unfolding itself, this time in Orissa over the South Korean company, POSCO's steel project in the same cyclone-affected region, once again with enormous cost. Unless the forces of peace and human rights intervene another round of bloodshed may be in the offing.
On 29 November as the daily mass sit-in by the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) in a village called Balitutha entered its sixtieth day a large mob arrived in procession and attacked the demonstrators brutally. Five bombs were hurled at them injuring a number of people. Police put it at 17 while the PPSS says 40 were injured, some seriously.
Having failed to persuade the Orissa government to reconsider the decision on the project the PPSS had started the mass sit-in at the entry point to the three villages whose inhabitants faced displacement by the construction of the steel plant.

Mob attacks

They had stopped allowing vehicles belonging to the police, POSCO and the administration while allowing other trade and communication activities to go on. After a week long programme of big rallies at Balitutha the PPSS had decided to have groups of 100 to 200 men and women to be present there daily to carry on the agitation.
They were attacked by the mob while the Orissa armed police stood by at a short distance as has been confirmed by several civil liberty teams which have visited the scene since.
Citing the incident as a clash between pro-POSCO and anti-POSCO people and therefore a law and order problem some sixteen platoons, which had camped nearby, moved into the area where they had so far been prevented by the agitators.
The police is now stationed in the Nuagaon and Gadakujanga panchayats ~ two of the three to be taken over for the project. The other one, Dhinkia panchayat where the PPSS has its stronghold remains determined to resist.
The large single-village panchayat has erected gates to monitor entry points and has remained united during the agitation against the project which has continued for more than a year. Dhinkia village is now encircled by armed police where some 12,000 people are denied access to basic services.
The Orissa government has said that the police was deployed there to prevent 'Maoists' from entering the area. This has been the usual ploy to resort to indiscriminate repression by the state all over the country.
In fact, the PPSS is a collective movement of local people from a wide range of parties and groups opposed to the project and is led by the CPI state secretariat member Abhay Sahoo. The local Congress too is part of the resistance movement which has remained peaceful throughout despite much provocation.
As in Nandigram the ruling BJD organised a group of villagers and a large number of goondas from outside to launch the attack and 'occupy' the struggling villages and have indeed succeeded in 'capturing' two panchayats ~ Nuagaon and Gadakujanga.
Operation Dhinkia is on the cards and what form it will take is unpredictable. But in view of the determined opposition by the villagers one cannot rule out violent confrontation.
The opposition to the POSCO project was also spearheaded by two sarvoday-oriented groups ~ Rashtriya Yuva Sangathan and the Nav Nirman Samiti. They had been actively engaged in many action programmes of non-violent protest during the past two years and even before in the post-cyclone reconstruction of Erasama.
On 4 December Yuva Sangathan convener Biswajit started an indefinite fast at Balitutha. On 5 December when a peace delegation led by the well-known poet Shailaja Rabi visited him they were again attacked by a mob of over 50 people.
The police forcibly evicted Biswajit and the members of the delegation and moved them to Jagatsinghpur where the Yuva Sangathan leader continues his fast even now protesting against the violent attack on the peaceful struggle.

Compensation

At a press conference on 8 December the former Lok Sabha Speaker Rabi Ray condemned the attacks and called upon the Orissa government to scrap the mega steel project together with its SEZ and the captive port proposals.
The first ever "talks" between some selected villagers and the administration and the POSCO officials took place on 6 December to discuss compensation and rehabilitation plans.
The local BJD MLA Damodar Raut who was earlier dropped by the Chief Minister reportedly for not fully supporting the project has become very active to make up and earn the CM's favour. Raut has announced that POSCO had agreed to raise the compensation for each household from Rs 5 lakh to Rs 10 lakh.
What Chomsky had called 'manufacturing consent' is in full swing with POSCO announcing scholarships for students, taking journalists to Korea for tour and building a paid cadre of 'project promoters'. Bharat Jan Andolan leader B D Sharma encountered a group of the latter after a press conference on 7 December in Bhubaneswar.

Iron in the Seoul~II 19 Dec 07 (http://thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=181154)
A Steel Plant And The People's Land Rights

Why this resistance to POSCO? After all among all the 40-odd new projects involving Tata Steel, Mittal, Jindal, Ambani, Essar and others that the Orissa government has sign up, it is the largest project with US $12 billion investment which is the single project with the maximum FDI. As per the official announcement while producing 12 million tonnes of steel annually, when it reaches full capacity in 2016, it will generate an earning of Rs 700 crore for the Orissa government and 13,000 jobs directly and 35,000 indirectly. For the cash-starved state government that has cut down nearly half of the public employment, including jobs of teachers as per an MOU with the DFID and World Bank, this little revenue and these few jobs may be some attraction.
However, there are two kinds of arguments against the project, one on the exact location in this fertile area and some specific arrangements; and another questioning the very approach to industrialisation, specifically whether this is the answer to Orissa's poverty and underdevelopment. PPSS started with the first line of thought as did the movement against the Tata steel project in Kalinganagar before the January 2006 firing.

Basic questions

The Nav Nirman Samiti essentially highlights the second as does the Prakrutik Sampad Suraksha Samiti (PSSS) against the Utkal alumina in Kashipur and against Vedanta in Lanjigarh, and the Visthapan Virodhi Jana Manch in Kalinganagar after the firing.
After the Nandigram experience all these movements, including that of the PPSS in the Paradip area, are raising basic questions on the pattern of extractive industrialisation and people's right to participate in making developmental choices.
Of fundamental importance is the people's land rights. According to official statements, of the 4004 acres of land required for the project, only 438 acres are supposed to be private land displacing 471 families and the rest 3566 acres are government land.
This is the typical conception that has guided policy-makers who refuse to see the reality on the ground when they do not find land records. This so- called government land is actually filled with betel vines, fish ponds and paddy fields with many coconut trees and cashew plantations producing a vibrant economy. These lands are treated as encroachments by the revenue department. Many farmers have occupied these lands for generations, first as tenants of the Raja of Vardhaman ~ who had purchased part of this area under the "sunset law". The 4000 and more families of the three panchayats with a population of nearly 30,000 are now fighting for their land right to continue to enjoy their relatively prosperous economy that provides wage employment to migrant labourers from many poorer regions of Jagatsinghpur district.
The MOU of June 2005 with POSCO provides for supplying of water from the Mahanadi Barrage from Naraj which will severely affect the water supply for drinking purposes and irrigation to many adjoining districts. The provision for building a captive port in Jatadhari river mouth at a distance of only seven kilometres from Paradip Port is a dreaded eventuality for it would worsen the waterlogging situation in the entire Jagatsinghpur-Kendrapara coast and adversely affect Paradip port as well.
And there are many other issues such as the commitment to allow captive mines to POSCO in Keonjhar and the strange arrangement to export iron ore from Orissa and import from Brazil. The other major irritant is the unprecedented single project Special Economic Zone surrounding the POSCO project area in Jagatsinghpur where as Rabi Ray puts it, "a foreign territory within Indian territory" will function without obligation to respect Indian laws and democratic procedures.

Poorest state

The larger question is whether POSCO and the like are the needed response to the problems of India's poorest state. ( The latest poverty figures from NSS 61st round once again puts Orissa's population below poverty line as the highest proportion with 46.8 per cent in 2004-2005, a marginal decline from 47.15 in 1999-2000).
Rourkela Steel Plant, NALCO aluminum complex in the public sector and now an array of steel plants in the private sector represent the continuation of the colonial development strategy which exploited the mineral and forest resources of regions like Orissa, Chattisgarh and Jharkhand for metropolitan capitalist development.
That strategy did not set up manufacturing industries, did not develop agriculture and rural industries. The Orissa elite mostly from the upper castes performed the role of an agent of that process while bulk of the ST (24%), SC (16%) and OBC (at least 40%) remained poor and still toiling. The people's movements are questioning the impunity with which more of the same development is being pushed under coercion.

(Formerly of Delhi University, the writer is currently Durgabai Deshmukh Professor at the Council for Social Development.)



__._,_.___

*****************************************
Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

*****************************************
Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

*****************************************

MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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[vinnomot] Pl. read how brutally Razakas and Pak Army killed our freedom fighters .

Dear Readers,

Please read how brutally Razakas and Pak Army killed our freedom fighters.

Shaheed Motiur Rahman
Shaheed Mobarrak Hossain.


Thank you.

Muktijoddha Mohsin Ali.
New York
JOY BANGLA.


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[mukto-mona] Trying the war criminals


Trying the war criminals


Thirteen alleged war criminals have been sued by a freedom fighter commander on charges of murder and arson in 1971. All the accused, except those four who died and escaped thereby, should be arrested by the government.
   The law should be allowed to take its own course. The incumbent military-backed government must not interfere and try to abort the trial; instead, they should allow the law of the land to decide the fate of the accused
   persons.
   MH Khan
   On e-mail

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[vinnomot] Verdict on MA Aziz

Verdict on MA Aziz

The High Court on Wednesday declared the appointment of justice MA Aziz as chief election commissioner to be illegal. In the verdict, the court recommended an amendment to the constitution and making laws banning appointment of Supreme Court judges to any such post within three years of retirement. According to the constitution, the appointment of a serving Supreme Court judge to any other important post like the EC is illegal, the HC said.
   The nation will be waiting to see the action taken by the Supreme Court to safeguard the constitution.
   Gopal Sengupta
   Canada
 
(Published in the Daily New Age on December 19,2007....... www.newagebd.com
 
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[mukto-mona] Verdict on MA Aziz

Verdict on MA Aziz

The High Court on Wednesday declared the appointment of justice MA Aziz as chief election commissioner to be illegal. In the verdict, the court recommended an amendment to the constitution and making laws banning appointment of Supreme Court judges to any such post within three years of retirement. According to the constitution, the appointment of a serving Supreme Court judge to any other important post like the EC is illegal, the HC said.
   The nation will be waiting to see the action taken by the Supreme Court to safeguard the constitution.
   Gopal Sengupta
   Canada
 
(Published in the Daily New Age on December 19,2007....... www.newagebd.com
 
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Re: [mukto-mona] Rosie DiManno & Toronto Imams on Aqsa Parvez Strangulation Case

Dear Mr. Hannan:

Your response (not necessary at all) is in character with your normal style. Pick & choose what you wish to respond to and ignore the rest. What you do answer is neither here or there. Piety is not the question here but the "appearance of piety" which has been raised to a level of a fetish in the crowd that you associate with and are the spokesman for. This allows you and others from ignoring some inconvenient truths.

The young lady Aqsa Parvez & many like her have no champions among us since she was a "noshto meye" anyway who dishonored her father, her religion and family honor by wanting to be different. Those of who do talk about her, we do only as a reaction & not in a pro-active sense

Do keep your head down until this too blows away as it invevitably  will. Then you can re-surface and promote International Hijab Solidarity Day along with your version of monologous  inter-faith dialogue.

Robin Khundkar

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[vinnomot] Re: [notun_bangladesh] Re: Jamaat chief, 12 others sued for killing Freedom F...


An account of events chronicled by the commander of Pakistani occupying forces in 1971 renders rather untrue Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh's vehement claim that they were not involved in anti-liberation activities, by categorically saying that the Army of Razakars was formed by the erstwhile Pakistan government itself to fight against the liberation forces of Bangladesh.

Lt Gen AAK Niazi, who led the Pakistani occupation forces as the chief of the eastern command of Pakistan Army in 1971, in his book titled 'The Betrayal of East Pakistan' described the formation of the Army of Razakars, their training, procurement of weapons and other logistics, and the deployment of the paramilitary vigilante force.

To train the Razakars, military schools were set up, a separate Razakars Directorate was established, they were provided with machine guns, sten guns, and with intelligence against the Bangalee freedom fighters, and against their supporters and sympathisers.

According to Niazi's book, Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam-i-Islam Party, and several factions of Muslim League were known as rightist political parties at the time, and the Army of Razakars was formed with men recruited from those parties.

But, Jamaat-e-Islami men were dominating the Razakars annoying other parties. Maj Saddik Salik, who was the public relations officer of the then eastern command of Pakistan Army and worked closely with Niazi in 1971, in his own book titled 'Witness to Surrender', said in September 1971 a political delegation from erstwhile West Pakistan complained to General Niazi that he had raised an army comprising men nominated by Jamaat-e-Islami.

"The general [Niazi] called me to his office and said: From now on, you will call the Razakars -- Al-Badr and Al Shams -- to give the impression that they do not belong to one single party," Salik wrote.

Interestingly enough, Niazi dedicated his book to the Razakars and the Mujahids of East Pakistan along with the members of the armed forces, civil armed forces, civilian officers, and the West Pakistan police saying they 'strove hard, made supreme sacrifices and suffered humiliation to keep Pakistan united'.

Maj Salik said in his book, the only people who came forward to form the Army of Razakars were the rightists like Khwaza Khairuddin of Council Muslim League, Fazlul Qader Chaudhry of Convention Muslim League, Khan Sobur A Khan of Muslim League Qayyum, Prof Golam Azam of Jamaat-e-Islami, and Maulvi Farid Ahmed of Nizam-i-Islam Party.

Jamaat-e- Islami leaders Golam Azam, Abbas Ali Khan, Motiur Rahman Nizami, and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed launched a countrywide campaign urging the youth to join the Razakars, Al-Badrs, and the Al-Shams to resist the liberation forces of Bangladesh. The then home ministry also sent reports to West Pakistan about their activities in favour of the Pakistan occupation forces.

FORMING THE RAZAKARS
About the formation of the Army of Razakars, Niazi in his book said, "The proposal for raising an organised Razakar Force remained under consideration with HQ, CMLA and GHQ for a long time. Although their recruitment had started earlier, sanction for the raising of this force was given at the end of August 1971."

"A separate Razakars Directorate was established, and the whole set up started taking proper shape. Two separate wings called Al-Badr and AL-Shams were organised. Well educated and properly motivated students from the schools and madrasas were put in Al-Badr wing, where they were trained to undertake 'Specialised Operations', while the remainder were grouped together under Al-Shams, which was responsible for the protection of bridges, vital points and other areas," Niazi went on.

About the deployment of the Razakars, Niazi who was also appointed as the martial law administrator in the then East Pakistan in September 1971, said the Razakars were mostly employed in areas where the Pakistan occupation army was around to control and utilise them. Being an army of rookies not fully trained, the Razakars were prone to subversion through local influences, he added.

"---- this force [Razakar] was useful where available, particularly in the areas where the rightist parties were in strength and had sufficient local influence," Niazi said in the book.

"Seventy percent of the target ceiling, of 50,000 Razakars spread over all the districts of the province, was achieved. Battle schools were established to train Razakar platoon and company commanders. To provide an effective command structure to this organisation, about sixty young officers were selected to be appointed as Razakar Group Commanders," Niazi said.

GETTING WEPONS FOR THE RAZAKARS
Niazi said all engaged in operations having Razakar elements among them, felt that in order to make the Razakars really effective in the field, they must be equipped with automatic weapons. That was important, as the rebels were carrying automatic weapons, which were far superior to those issued to the Razakars, said Niazi, who surrendered to the allied forces of Mukti Bahini and the Indian military on December 16, 1971 in Dhaka.

"To cater for only one light machine gun and one sten gun per Razakar platoon, we required a minimum number of 2,500 light machine guns and an equal number of sten guns. Unfortunately, we could only provide them with 275 light machine guns and 390 sten guns. This reflects the poor state of weapons with the Razakars. It adversely affected their morale and their overall performance in the field against the well equipped Mukti Bahini. The Razakars felt that they were not being trusted with superior arms. This state of affairs was further aggravated as the Razakars were already exposed to the local negative influence and to Indian propaganda. In order to keep them under control and utilize them properly, they were mixed with West Pakistani police and non-Bengali elements," Niazi said in his book.

MUJAHIDS
Niazi in his book also said some Mujahid battalions and independent Mujahid companies were employed in operational duties along with the regular forces. Their battalion commanders started arriving in East Pakistan in November 1971. This force was also short of weapons and equipment. A case was taken up with the Military Operation and Infantry Directorate at GHQ, but they also had their own limitations. Most of the men of that force were local with quite a few deserting the camps.

|WOLRD PRESS ON THE RAZAKARS
New York Times, on July 30, 1971, ran a report on the formation of the Army of Razakars where the following was printed: "The Razakars.....should be specially helpful as members of rural communities, who can identify guerrillas [freedom fighters], an army officer said...The government says it has already recruited more than 22,000 Razakars of a planned force of 35,000."

The Wall Street Journal on July 27, 1971 reported on Razakars, which said, "To help control the Bengali population, the Pakistan Army has been setting up a network of Peace Committees superimposed upon the normal civil administration, which the army cannot fully rely upon."

"Peace Committee members are drawn from.....Biharis and from the Muslim Leagues and Jamat-e-Islami. The peace committees serve as the agent of army, informing on civil administration as well as on general populace. They are also in charge of confiscating and redistribution of shops and lands from Hindus and pro-independence Bengalis. The Peace Committee also recruits Razakars...many of them are common criminals who have thrown their lots with the army," The Wall Street Journal added.

JAMAAT LEADERS IN 1971
While visiting an Al-Badr camp on September 22, 1971 Motiur Rahman Nizami, the present chief of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh said, "Only the patriotic youths of East Pakistan can effectively annihilate the Indian infiltrators and their local agents."

Addressing a gathering of Razakars in Jessore, Nizami said, "Every single one of us must identify ourselves as soldiers of Islam and we have to use all our forces to destroy the people who are involved in an armed conspiracy against Pakistan and Islam," Sangram, the official voice of Jamaat, reported on September 15, 1971.

Current Secretary General of Jamaat-e-Islaimi Bangladesh Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed, who was the president of the Dhaka unit of East Pakistan Islami Chhatra Shangha (ICS) in 1971, directed his activists to build the Al-Badr Bahini to resist the freedom fighters of Bangladesh back then, according to a 'fortnightly secret report on the situation in East Pakistan', which was a routine report of the political section of the then East Pakistan home ministry to the head of the erstwhile Pakistan government, General Yahya Khan.

Mojaheed at a meeting of ICS in Rangpur on October 17, 1971 directed his vigilantes to build the Al-Badr Bahini. He told the meeting that 'anti-Islamist forces' must be resisted. He also emphasised organising the young generation in Al-Badr.

The then Jamaat amir Golam Azam at the party council of Kushtia district unit in the second week of August 1971 described the freedom fighters as 'criminals' and directed the party workers to resist them. He also personally oversaw the formation of Shanti Committees [Peace Committees] in every village of the country. He told the meeting that very soon the Razakars, Mojahids, and the police would be able to resist the 'criminals', said document no 549 (159)-PL.S (I) signed by the then home secretary to erstwhile provisional government of East Pakistan MM Kazim on September 14, 1971.
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[mukto-mona] Re: Jamaat chief, 12 others sued for killing Freedom F...


An account of events chronicled by the commander of Pakistani occupying forces in 1971 renders rather untrue Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh's vehement claim that they were not involved in anti-liberation activities, by categorically saying that the Army of Razakars was formed by the erstwhile Pakistan government itself to fight against the liberation forces of Bangladesh.

Lt Gen AAK Niazi, who led the Pakistani occupation forces as the chief of the eastern command of Pakistan Army in 1971, in his book titled 'The Betrayal of East Pakistan' described the formation of the Army of Razakars, their training, procurement of weapons and other logistics, and the deployment of the paramilitary vigilante force.

To train the Razakars, military schools were set up, a separate Razakars Directorate was established, they were provided with machine guns, sten guns, and with intelligence against the Bangalee freedom fighters, and against their supporters and sympathisers.

According to Niazi's book, Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam-i-Islam Party, and several factions of Muslim League were known as rightist political parties at the time, and the Army of Razakars was formed with men recruited from those parties.

But, Jamaat-e-Islami men were dominating the Razakars annoying other parties. Maj Saddik Salik, who was the public relations officer of the then eastern command of Pakistan Army and worked closely with Niazi in 1971, in his own book titled 'Witness to Surrender', said in September 1971 a political delegation from erstwhile West Pakistan complained to General Niazi that he had raised an army comprising men nominated by Jamaat-e-Islami.

"The general [Niazi] called me to his office and said: From now on, you will call the Razakars -- Al-Badr and Al Shams -- to give the impression that they do not belong to one single party," Salik wrote.

Interestingly enough, Niazi dedicated his book to the Razakars and the Mujahids of East Pakistan along with the members of the armed forces, civil armed forces, civilian officers, and the West Pakistan police saying they 'strove hard, made supreme sacrifices and suffered humiliation to keep Pakistan united'.

Maj Salik said in his book, the only people who came forward to form the Army of Razakars were the rightists like Khwaza Khairuddin of Council Muslim League, Fazlul Qader Chaudhry of Convention Muslim League, Khan Sobur A Khan of Muslim League Qayyum, Prof Golam Azam of Jamaat-e-Islami, and Maulvi Farid Ahmed of Nizam-i-Islam Party.

Jamaat-e- Islami leaders Golam Azam, Abbas Ali Khan, Motiur Rahman Nizami, and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed launched a countrywide campaign urging the youth to join the Razakars, Al-Badrs, and the Al-Shams to resist the liberation forces of Bangladesh. The then home ministry also sent reports to West Pakistan about their activities in favour of the Pakistan occupation forces.

FORMING THE RAZAKARS
About the formation of the Army of Razakars, Niazi in his book said, "The proposal for raising an organised Razakar Force remained under consideration with HQ, CMLA and GHQ for a long time. Although their recruitment had started earlier, sanction for the raising of this force was given at the end of August 1971."

"A separate Razakars Directorate was established, and the whole set up started taking proper shape. Two separate wings called Al-Badr and AL-Shams were organised. Well educated and properly motivated students from the schools and madrasas were put in Al-Badr wing, where they were trained to undertake 'Specialised Operations', while the remainder were grouped together under Al-Shams, which was responsible for the protection of bridges, vital points and other areas," Niazi went on.

About the deployment of the Razakars, Niazi who was also appointed as the martial law administrator in the then East Pakistan in September 1971, said the Razakars were mostly employed in areas where the Pakistan occupation army was around to control and utilise them. Being an army of rookies not fully trained, the Razakars were prone to subversion through local influences, he added.

"---- this force [Razakar] was useful where available, particularly in the areas where the rightist parties were in strength and had sufficient local influence," Niazi said in the book.

"Seventy percent of the target ceiling, of 50,000 Razakars spread over all the districts of the province, was achieved. Battle schools were established to train Razakar platoon and company commanders. To provide an effective command structure to this organisation, about sixty young officers were selected to be appointed as Razakar Group Commanders," Niazi said.

GETTING WEPONS FOR THE RAZAKARS
Niazi said all engaged in operations having Razakar elements among them, felt that in order to make the Razakars really effective in the field, they must be equipped with automatic weapons. That was important, as the rebels were carrying automatic weapons, which were far superior to those issued to the Razakars, said Niazi, who surrendered to the allied forces of Mukti Bahini and the Indian military on December 16, 1971 in Dhaka.

"To cater for only one light machine gun and one sten gun per Razakar platoon, we required a minimum number of 2,500 light machine guns and an equal number of sten guns. Unfortunately, we could only provide them with 275 light machine guns and 390 sten guns. This reflects the poor state of weapons with the Razakars. It adversely affected their morale and their overall performance in the field against the well equipped Mukti Bahini. The Razakars felt that they were not being trusted with superior arms. This state of affairs was further aggravated as the Razakars were already exposed to the local negative influence and to Indian propaganda. In order to keep them under control and utilize them properly, they were mixed with West Pakistani police and non-Bengali elements," Niazi said in his book.

MUJAHIDS
Niazi in his book also said some Mujahid battalions and independent Mujahid companies were employed in operational duties along with the regular forces. Their battalion commanders started arriving in East Pakistan in November 1971. This force was also short of weapons and equipment. A case was taken up with the Military Operation and Infantry Directorate at GHQ, but they also had their own limitations. Most of the men of that force were local with quite a few deserting the camps.

|WOLRD PRESS ON THE RAZAKARS
New York Times, on July 30, 1971, ran a report on the formation of the Army of Razakars where the following was printed: "The Razakars.....should be specially helpful as members of rural communities, who can identify guerrillas [freedom fighters], an army officer said...The government says it has already recruited more than 22,000 Razakars of a planned force of 35,000."

The Wall Street Journal on July 27, 1971 reported on Razakars, which said, "To help control the Bengali population, the Pakistan Army has been setting up a network of Peace Committees superimposed upon the normal civil administration, which the army cannot fully rely upon."

"Peace Committee members are drawn from.....Biharis and from the Muslim Leagues and Jamat-e-Islami. The peace committees serve as the agent of army, informing on civil administration as well as on general populace. They are also in charge of confiscating and redistribution of shops and lands from Hindus and pro-independence Bengalis. The Peace Committee also recruits Razakars...many of them are common criminals who have thrown their lots with the army," The Wall Street Journal added.

JAMAAT LEADERS IN 1971
While visiting an Al-Badr camp on September 22, 1971 Motiur Rahman Nizami, the present chief of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh said, "Only the patriotic youths of East Pakistan can effectively annihilate the Indian infiltrators and their local agents."

Addressing a gathering of Razakars in Jessore, Nizami said, "Every single one of us must identify ourselves as soldiers of Islam and we have to use all our forces to destroy the people who are involved in an armed conspiracy against Pakistan and Islam," Sangram, the official voice of Jamaat, reported on September 15, 1971.

Current Secretary General of Jamaat-e-Islaimi Bangladesh Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed, who was the president of the Dhaka unit of East Pakistan Islami Chhatra Shangha (ICS) in 1971, directed his activists to build the Al-Badr Bahini to resist the freedom fighters of Bangladesh back then, according to a 'fortnightly secret report on the situation in East Pakistan', which was a routine report of the political section of the then East Pakistan home ministry to the head of the erstwhile Pakistan government, General Yahya Khan.

Mojaheed at a meeting of ICS in Rangpur on October 17, 1971 directed his vigilantes to build the Al-Badr Bahini. He told the meeting that 'anti-Islamist forces' must be resisted. He also emphasised organising the young generation in Al-Badr.

The then Jamaat amir Golam Azam at the party council of Kushtia district unit in the second week of August 1971 described the freedom fighters as 'criminals' and directed the party workers to resist them. He also personally oversaw the formation of Shanti Committees [Peace Committees] in every village of the country. He told the meeting that very soon the Razakars, Mojahids, and the police would be able to resist the 'criminals', said document no 549 (159)-PL.S (I) signed by the then home secretary to erstwhile provisional government of East Pakistan MM Kazim on September 14, 1971.
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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/new_site/mukto-mona/faq_mm.htm

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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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