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Thursday, February 28, 2008

[mukto-mona] MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANCE OF TARUN DEY FROM SEALDAH RPF CUSTODY APDRFACT-FINDING REPORT

ASSOCIATION FOR PROTECTION OF  DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS                              

 HOOGHLY DISTRICT COMMITTEE

Senpara P.O.Burashibtala, Chinsurah, Dist.  Hooghly, W.B., PIN 712105

President : Amitadyuti Kumar                    Phone  033/26801439      (M) 94333046109

Secretary : Ashoke Debray                                                amitdyu@vsnl.net  

 

Ref No.    /2008                                                                                                                     Dated 28 Feb 2008

 

mysterious disappearance of Tarun Dey from Sealdah RPF Custody

APDR fact-finding Report

 

            In the last week of January ‘08, an electronic media telecasted a programme on the alleged death in custody of Tarun Dey (17) of Gangadharpur, PS Chanditala, Dist Hooghly. During the programme itself, the family of Tarun Dey contacted APDR over the phone and sought APDR’s intervention in seeking justice in the matter. On 2 February, 08 Sri Becharam Dey of Gangadharpur, PS Chanditala, Dist. Hooghly, a daily wage-earner weaver submitted a written complaint to APDR, about the mysterious disappearance of his only son Tarun Dey. In his complaint, Sri Dey reiterated the allegation earlier made in the TV programme to the effect that his son was murdered in the custody of the Railway police at Sealdah Railway Station sometimes after he alighted from Jaypur Express on 11 January 2008 at about 5 PM.

            After receiving the telephonic appeal, an APDR team  visited the Sealdah GRP and RPF posts and also talked to the Station Master on  30 January, 08 and tried to ascertain the facts. On 24 February, another APDR team visited the GRP PS in Sealdah. After receiving the complaint from Shri Becharam Dey an APDR team visited the home of  Shri Becharam Dey at Gangadharpur on 2 February 2008 and talked to the members of the family and neighbours. The substance of fact finding conducted by APDR is as follows :

            1. Tarun Dey (17) s/o Becharam Dey has gone to Jaipur in Rajasthan about a month and half ago to learn the job of a goldsmith like many other youth of the area. He was returning home by Jaipur Express, which was due to arrive at Sealdah Station on 11 January, 2008 at 1.05 PM. The train was running late. Shri Tarak Ch. Adak, maternal uncle of Tarun went to Sealdah Station to receive him. The train arrived at platform no. 9 at 5.05 PM. But he could not found Tarun.  He made an extensive search for him in the station area but Tarun remained untracable. On his request, announcements were made through the Railways public announcement system of Sealdah station but did not get any result.

            2. On 12 January 2008, worried relatives of Tarun Dey, including his maternal uncle Shri Tarak Ch. Adak,and  uncles Shri Tapan Dey and Shri Sanatan Dey and Mahadeb Koley again went to Sealdah station in the early morning with photographs of Tarun and inquired at every possible place.

Their search yielded no result till 5 PM. The officer on duty at the Sealdah GRP PS, police took a copy of photograph of Tarun and noted his physical features, age etc. and advised the relatives to visit the RPF outpost at Sealdah.The personnel at the RPF post told Shri Mahadeb Koley that Tarun Dey was arrested by the RPF for committing nuisance (urinating in between the compartments, they reportedly told) and was sent to the Alipore Central Jail. The anxious relatives went to Alipore Central Jail at around 6 PM, and after much persuasion and payment of a bribe of Rs. 70/- to the warders manning the gate, they were told that no person named Tarun Dey was lodged there.

            3. On 13 January 2008 Sri Lakshman Chandra Adak, an employee of National Library and a relative of Tarun  Dey went to RPF post at Sealdah with an acquaintance. There he was shown a register containing the name of Sri Tarun Dey S/O Becharam Dey as arrested on 11 January 2008 in case no 37 under section 145 of Indian Railways Act and subsequently released on bail on 12 January 2008 at 11 AM. The sureties were Biswajit Nandy and Amal Mudli. The details of case no, date, name of sureties etc. was written on a piece of paper by one of the personnel present and given to the relatives.

            4.On 14 January 2008 Sri Adak went to missing persons’ squad at Bhabani Bhavan. He was told that the missing persons’ squad is unable to proceed/take up the case formally until a complaint is made in the PS under whose jurisdiction the alleged disappearance occurred. He went to Sealdah GRP PS, which diarised the matter only after the receipt of an unsigned note from the RPF post at Sealdah.

            5. On 15 January 2008, the missing persons’ squad received the complaint regarding the disappearance of Tarun Dey. From 17 January 2008 to 21 January 2008, friends and relatives of Tarun searched for him at different places such as Muchipara PS, Asansol GRP PS, Burdwan GRP PS, Bangaon GRP PS, Baruipur GRP PS etc. yeilding no result.

            6. On 22 January 2008. Sri Lakshman Chandra Adak contacted Sri Bipul Das, a police personnel through a colleague of him named B. N. Naskar. Sri Bipul Das asked Sri Lakshman Chandra Adak to meet him at Sealdah GRP PS on the next day. Accordingly, Sri Adak met Sri Bipul Das on 23 January 2008 and handed over relevant papers to him. Sri Das asked Sri Adak to wait till 5 PM so that he can look into the photographs of the bodies recovered in U D cases from 11 January 2008. The photographs ultimately arrived at about 6-45 PM and amongst the photographs one was of the dead body of Tarun Dey. On 24 January 2008, Sri Adak took Sri Sanatan Dey and Sri Tapan Dey, uncles of Tarun to the Sealdah GRP PS and they confirmed the photograph to be of Tarun Dey.

            The story of the police is that they recovered the body from platform no. 5 of  Sealdah Station on receipt of a memo from the Station Master, Sealdah at 11-05 PM of 12 January 2008 and started a case no U D no 04/08 dated 12/01/08. Sri Sanatan Dey and Sri Tapan Dey were sent to the morgue at N R S Hospital. On payment of a bribe of Rs 50/- they were shown a highly decomposed and mutilated body which was not Tarun’s. Later, they were told at the Sealdah GRP PS that the body was disposed off as nobody claimed it within 7 days of recovery but did not explain why they did not inform Tarun’s family despite having a missing diary on 14 January 2008 about a person  whose body was recovered on 12 January 2008.

            Observations of APDR

            A. Facts suggest that the RPF arrested Tarun Dey on 11 Jan at about the same time (5.05 PM) when the Jaipur Express reached Sealdah Station. They did not bother to inform the nearones of the victim in blatant contravention of the Apex court directive.

            B. The victim had two bags with him containing his personal belongings. There is no record of this in the register of the RPF, who took the victim in their custody.

            C. If the claim of the RPF to the effect that the victim was bailed out by two law clerks of the Sealdah Railway court is true, then it is also true that the victim had sufficient cash with him to meet the demands of the law clerks. It is therefore strange that he was not released on paying fines for the offence allegedly committed by him and kept in custody overnight.

            D. The family of the victim visited the GRP PS at Sealdah several times in the period between the afternoon of 11 January  08 and 14 January 2008 and from 12 January onwards with copies of the photograph of the victim. The PS recorded the ‘missing’ complaint only on 14 January (Time not mentioned) under GD Entry no. 938 It is strange that the personnel of the PS could not connect the missing victim with the dead body they allegedly recovered from near the RPF post at the Sealdah Main Station on 12 January at about 12 in the night. It is more so because the PS is not a very large one and not a large no. of dead bodies were recovered by the PS during the period.

            E The victim’s family members could know about the death of the victim only on 24 January, when using the ‘influence’ of a family friend’s acquaintance, they had a chance to inspect the photographs of the unidentified dead bodies in the jurisdiction of the PS.

            F. Reconstructing the events APDR is of the opinion that :

(a) Sri Tarun Dey, s/o Becharam Dey of Gangadharpur, PS Chanditala, Dist Hooghly alighted from the Jaypur Express on 11 January, 2008 at about 5 PM with a valid ticket. After getting down, he was looking for his relatives, who were supposed to be waiting at the platform to receive him. At that time he was accosted by the RPF personnel and taken inside the RPF post, may be for some minor offence as alleged, or simply to extort money as is a well practice of the policemen at duty at Railway stations.

(b) While his relatives were looking for him he was already inside the RPF post and they failed to locate him.

(c) When announcements were made through the Railway Public Announcement system, he either could not hear or was not allowed to respond from inside the RPF post.

(d) His detention was not recorded in the RPF register initially, again as the prevailing practice is to detain unofficially and then release in exchange of money, when family or friends come in search of the victim. No record of release is also naturally remain absent

(e) He was severely beaten in custody. (The nature of beating in Rly PS was witnessed an APDR team which visited the Sealdah GRP PS at about 12 noon on 24 Feb. 08.) As a result of assault the victim died at the RPF post sometimes between 11 January afternoon and 12 January midnight.( Shri S Banerjee, SI, Sealdah GRP PS, who received the body at the PS on 12-13 January midnight said to an APDR team that the body was pale and there were frothing around his mouth)

(f) When the platforms became near empty at about midnight his dead body was dumped near the platform no. 5, to be ‘discovered’ by an appropriate Rly personnel and then to be ‘recovered’ by the GRP.

(g) Registering the bailing out of the victim is an attempt of cover up of the custodial killing with the help of touts acting as lawyers’ clerks. Inability to connect the missing victim with the dead body the GRP allegedly recovered from near the RPF post may not be accidental and may be a part of the cover up.That the victim’s family was shown the photograph of the dead victim only on 24 January was to ensure that by this time the dead body could be legally cremated as an unidentified/unclaimed body after the elapse of 7 days’ time.

Demands of the APDR

(I) Since in this matter of illegal detention, custodial torture, custodial death and attempts to cover up and destruction of evidence by more than one police agency, one under the state authority and the other under the central authority are involved, APDR demands a thorough investigation in the whole matter by an agency which is at least independent of the two accused set ups. A CBI enquiry, or at least an CID Investigation should be ordered.

(II) Some illegal activities like not obeying the apex court guidelines are already proved on paper. RPF personnel responsible for such acts should be punished immediately.

(III) The daily wage earner weaver Becharam Dey lost his only son, the responsibility for which lies on the state.  Adequate compensation (not below Rs 5 lakhs) should be pad to the family of the victim.

(IV) Steps should be taken to prevent recurrence of such incident. In this connection APDR wants to refer to a report published in the Dainik Statesman, dated 8 February, which detailed the racket of extortion in the police set up at Sealdah station and harassment of bonafide passengers.

 

 

On behalf of the fact-finding team

Bapi Dasgupta

Asst. Secretary,

APDR, Hooghly Dist. Committee

 

Amitadyuti Kumar

 

__._,_.___

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[mukto-mona] King comes & goes but a hyperactive style of governance continues in Bangladesh

 
Difficult to please at the best of times, the Bangladeshis are getting tired of their new caretaker head as well as the chief election commissioner in a remarkably short time. They came to office like a hurricane with a flurry of promises and a hyperactive style of governance.

They said they would reform almost all sectors and the traditional way of doing things. What they have given Bangladeshi nationals instead are soap opera and perpetual motion, which have not led to much change thus far. 

The Caretaker Chief's well-wishers were looking with interest, and some trepidation, at his promise of economic and election reforms. He had come to office without a mandate for change and had called for "a rupture with a certain style of politics". He wanted his country to "adapt to a fast-moving modern world" presenting himself as a no-nonsense law and order man taking a tough stance on corruption.

Initially, the Caretaker Chief had handled well, his first brush with labour in the limited reforms he sought to bring to certain categories of privileged reformist political leaders and workers. But his train seems to have got stuck in much talk and little action. 

Chief Adviser's peers and the public at large are looking at him with different eyes now that he has broken his compact with the way of doing things backed and forced by armed forces.

Can Dr. Ahmed rescue his chief adviser's position and the dignity of his office from the rude shocks he has administered his people? There is a disconnect between the Chief Adviser and his people, with the political class asking some hard questions. He has now tripped by challenging the prized values of a society that prides itself on refinement and codes of conduct in living as in national politics. Chief Adviser's future career will depend upon his ability to deliver on his promises. His seems to have gone back on his promise of putting more money into reformist politicians and armed forces' members pockets by pointing to the empty treasury.

Few bureaucracies are as entrenched in the Bangladesh administration and officials in the public sector. They have proved to be the graveyard of many Bangladeshi politicians. He managed to strike a compromise in his first contest with his advisers, but he has to fight many battles before he can claim victory.
The world will watch with interest how Dr. Ahmed copes with the problem of being an economist and reformist.
 
Gopal Sengupta
Canada
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RE: [mukto-mona] Re: Why is Obama receiving undue attention from Bangladeshi Americans?

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/46808

Dear Jiten,

Please allow me to express some thoughts on your email. You are right to notice that unless socioeconomic issues are addressed in the policies, the common americans woun't gain anything rather be fooled. The anti- war stand certainly has its implication on war madness that directly related to the national economy and to the loss of precious lives of young americans.

If you are aware of the fact of Afghan invasion by Russia and USs role at that time in the creation of Taliban frankentein then you would probably not legitemise US case in Afghan invasion.

You are neive to believe in the simplicity of American people where they elect their warmonger president to the office with full enthusiasm. The cry of the parents of the crippled and killed soldiers, both physically and psychologically, fell in the deaf ear of the voters of all three countries USA, Australia and Britain.

Any stand against the war will push forward the casue of saving precious life as well as billions of dollars for food, schools, hospitals.

Dr. Mushrafi
Perth, Australia


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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

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[ALOCHONA] Bangladeshi Ship Breakers

Dear Friends:
 
This link was recently posted on MSN about heart-wrenching story on the ship breakers in Bangladesh.
 
 
This was broadcasted in "60 Minutes" on CBS. 
 
Just another story, a mere story for us, and perhaps, a way of life, for those who do this job every day of their lives. 
 
Pity on life and shame on us who can only sit by and peck away at the computer and feel sorry.  
 
I am guilty of my own inabilities.  If you can, do something.
 
Masud


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RE: [ALOCHONA] Launch of Global Campaign for Accountable Democracy in Bangladesh

Dear Mr. Najib:
 
I admire your passion for the concern of corruption in our electoral system.  I think we both are passionate and concerned about these unthinkable practices.  I think we both are concerned about Bangladesh and want the very best of it.  But I also believe our concern and passion have converged from two different directions. 
 
I hope someday we can achieve the good for our country regardless of our views.  I also hope someday we'd stop bickering and try to do good that'd bring nothing but good for all of us.
 
That's my only hope.  It may not happen through this campaign.  But we can at least try.
 
Thanks.
 
Masud

zubair.najib@statcan.ca wrote:
I am not sarcastic about the campaign. I am trying to be realistic.
 
Also many thanks to raise your concern that many of my writings are ambiguous and heard to understand.
When I have 5 minutes window during my work I write them in the forum.
 
Now what I mean this will not work.
First of all no political party will care even you collect 10,000 signatures.
Do you think current CTG has popularity because people trust them. I believe people mistrust our political party that is why CTG is more popular.
Will that make our political party to be democratic. No.
Let see how political party works. You have party leader who will remain as leader until his or her death. The party works like corporation and leader(CEO) transfer power to his/her direct descendant when the leader is unable to run the party. All the member in the party do not mass around the leader because they share same ideology, but they do that to gain influence and benefited monetarily. Do you think you can change that culture simply by collecting 10,000 signatures. And how you stop individual signing more than one time.
 
Now educate who. Those who do not like the current parties political culture will not like even you collect signature or not. It will have no effect in the mass.
To change mass you have to in the field and you must have weaponry. That is why I throw a solution. You know most of the voters are illiterate and they do not care who is in the winning side as long as they get something in their pocket for whom they are voting. Political party members collect these people, bring them to the booth and ask them to seal vote beside the party symbol. These so called party members switch side depend on who pay them more. Again cash and probably muscle are mightier even we like it or not.
 
I believe you live in fantasy world if you think you can change political culture by signing 10,000 signatures. It is not western democracy. I live in Canada and 10,000 signatures may have an impact. But not in Bangladesh. Also signatories already more educated to hate political cultures.
 
Now current EC can throw away party symbols and replace the ballot paper with candidate name and beside the name is the party name. Not abbreviated name but full name. For example X belongs to party Bangladesh Nationalistic Party. Then ballot paper will have X Bangladesh Nationalistic Party (not BNP) in the ballot paper. Now the party will start screaming because this may require not only paying cash to individual will not work. The individual must be educated enough to understand the name and the party name on the ballot paper. The political party can start literate masses to get vote. Why not. They have infustructure in place to do that. They know clearly who vote for them before. Now before sending them to booth the party knows only cash will not work, the party must properly educate them about Bangla alphabets.
 
Now let see who political party listen to. The guys who have cash and lots of cash. And who you think have cash. I do not have to say. And these criminals do not have cash in the bank. The cash either in the foreign bank or under soil hidden. And these cash must be in big note like TK 500. Now if CTG issues new TK 500, then the old 500 note has to be exchanged against new note. If the criminals want to validate these hidden cash they must bring it out. Mind it during election these illegal cash are thrown to masses to get votes or gather muscles.
 
Hope this removes the ambiguity.
 
Thanks
 
-----Original Message-----
From: alochona@yahoogroups.com [mailto:alochona@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of Sonar Bangla
Sent: February 26, 2008 3:33 PM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Launch of Global Campaign for Accountable Democracy in Bangladesh

Dear Mr. Najib:
 
First, this campaign is about personal gain as you have implied very sarcastically.
 
Second, this campaign is about education, including yourself.
 
Third, reaching out to the political parties is not our objective -- it's one of the strategies.
 
Finally, perhaps you should learn to write and think with more clarity as many of your written sentences are quite ambigous and heard to understand.
 
Masud

zubair.najib@statcan.ca wrote:
I do not what you gain by this.
&n! bsp;
Let see how things work in Bangladesh.
Most of the party knows where the votes are. The problem lies with political party symbols.
The voters mostly are illiterate and extremely poor. They are majority. If you have money (certainly corrupt money) you can buy these votes.
The people go to the booth and seal the symbol they are told to do.
 
We need to get rid of the symbols. If the political party wants vote then they have to spend some time make literate the voters and pay as you wish to vote against the candidate name. Hopefully this will improve our literacy rate. The people get more literate they can judge who to vote. In the long run our democracy may be benefited.
 
If I am the govt. I will issue new 500 TK note. I guarantee lots of cash are hidden by these criminals. I may be wrong but if you reissue new notes than hidden cash may be invalidated since no criminal wants to dis! close this when they try to exchange old cash with new notes.
 
Thanks
 
 
-----Original Message-----
From: alochona@yahoogroups.com [mailto:alochona@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of M. M. Chowdhury (Mithu)
Sent: February 21, 2008 1:47 AM
To: khabor@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Launch of Global Campaign for Accountable Democracy in Bangladesh

For Immediate Release


Change Bangladesh Launches Global Campaign for Accountable Democracy in Bangladesh

Little Rock, AR, February 21st, 2008 – Change Bangladesh is pleased to launch a global Campaign for Accountable Democracy in Bangladesh (CADB). The campaign will create a grassroots movement to compel the major political parties of Bangladesh to embrace and implement internal reforms towards democracy, accountability, zero tolerance for corruption and a law abiding political culture.

CADB plans to create the grassroots movement through the following strategies:
1.    Collect 10,000 signatures via an online petition by June 20008
2.    Educate and engage through online and offline media
3.    Partner with like-minded organizations to build momentum
4.    Present the petition for change to the major political parties of Bangladesh during summer 2008

The ca! mpaign for accountable democracy is being launched on historic February 21st, 2008 to mark the beginning of a new struggle. Just as February 21st, 1952 marked the beginning of the struggle for Bangladeshi nationalism, today marks a new struggle amongst all Bangladeshis to reclaim our nation and destiny from the slavery of corruption, political violence and kleptocracy.

Bangladesh today, is challenged with a rare opportunity to reform and rebuild its institutions of democracy, at the nucleus of which lies the political parties. Since there is no alternative to democratic governance, there is also no substitute to reforming the political parties for altruistic service to the teeming millions.

True democracy will not see the light of the day unless the politicians adhere to some fundamental rule of politics and governance.

•    Practice intra-party Democracy: Hold regular elections for grassroots and top level party leadership positions. Introduce term limits for party officials. Highly committed bright youngsters should be identified for future leadership positions.

•    Accountability: Elect, appoint and promote party leaders based on performance and meritocracy. Under performing party officials should be demoted or removed from party hierarchies.

•    Zero Tolerance for Corruption: There should be zero tolerance for corruption and unethical practices. "Politics of looting" has shamed us worldwide.

•    Adhering to the rule of law: Political parties' modus operandi must at all times be strictly followed. Reconciliation must replace confrontation with either rival political parties or the government. Political parties must stop illegal hartal, political violence, and boycott of parliamentary sessions as instruments of defiance and disagreement on issues of difference and discrepancy.
To  make your voice heard and to elicit change in the lives of 150 million people of Bangladesh - sign The Petition at:
http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/accountable_democracy_bd
or
http://www.bd-democracy.org 

For additional information on the Campaign for Accountable Democracy, contact Kawser Jamal or visit www.bd-democracy.org

Contact: Kawser Jamal    
Cell: 501-255-2814
Email: info@bd-democracy.org This email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it
www.bd-democracy.org
www.changebangladesh.org
 
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[mukto-mona] Re: Please publish

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/46803

[Subimal]
>
> 2. I have never said that atheism makes one a murderer. I simply
know that you may find an atheist among the murderers.


Response: You can find murderers in atheists, spiritualists,
Buddhists, humanists, secularists, democrats or even Tagore loving
spiritualists if you keep on trying. However, these should not be
our point of discussion anyways. Killers and murders remain in a society no matter how successful you are implementing a 'perfect' law and regulation. But a killer in a democratic society is
not necessarily the 'outcome' or 'cause' of democracy, rather lack
of it perhaps. Finding one or two `murderer' or `killer' in a
secular or democratic society or atheism / humanism thus does not
sell for any infirmity of the system or philosophy. However, mass
killing inspired by a dogma should be kept separated. As a matter
of honesty it is important that we sever our emotional umbilical
cord from our cherished doctrine which obviously feeds
fundamentalism and it's a proven fact, if you study history. "Kill
the witches", "Slay the idolaters wherever you find them"
or ""Fight those who do not believe in God and the last day"- such
verses from holy scripture inspired hate and thru out the history
religious inquisitions, "holy" wars, witch burning, 9/11, Gujarat
massacre are few notable examples among many.

Why does religious belief create such monstrous atrocities, even
though all of these dogmas unequivocally calling themselves `the
best' -one should ponder? One of the reasons may be- because
religion expresses everything into terms of belief, faith, and
absolutes, without need for reason or even understanding. This mass
hypnotism must be kept separated while pointing towards so called
sporadic `secular murderers'!


[Subimal]
>
> 3. Avijit is obviously right: an indoctrinated person cannot be
a free thinker. In that sense Stalin obviously was not a free
thinker. But what about Marx? Was his system of thoughts a product
of free thinking?
>

Response: I have explained it one of my writeups. You can check it
here:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/avijit/communism_scientific.htm

[Subimal]

> 4. I don't know what Avijit is trying to teach me. .... I will
appreciate if he kindly makes his instructions more clear.


Response: I am not trying to teach anyone anything. Sometimes I feel
you painstakingly engage yourself to find fault of secularists,
atheists and freethinkers and wrongly equate with Jamati
fundamentalist or Hindu bigots who have lately started discussing
their ideology in our forum. I wanted to clarify that there are
obviously some strong points to differentiate the two groups and
their activities.


Avijit


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[mukto-mona] Premen Addy

 

Trapped in a time-warp



by Premen Addy 29 Feb 08 (http://dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit3%2Etxt&counter_img=3)

It could be what the German philosopher Hegel chose to obfuscate as the "Cunning of Reason," or it may simply be history in cyclical mode: But there is an ill wind redolent of the summer of 1914 blowing through Europe. It was the simmering Balkan crisis and the assassination of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo by a militant Serbian nationalist that ignited World War I. Otto von Bismarck, the great German statesman of a previous age, had opined that the Balkans were not worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier, hence avoided embroilment in the region's incendiary rivalries.




The Chancellor was long dead when the impetuous Kaiser Wilhelm II mobilised his country's forces in support of his Austrian ally with fateful consequences for his continent and the world. All this was set against the canvas of a decomposing Ottoman Empire, stagnant expanses of the Austrian-Hungarian and the Russian imperial monarchies, each chronically incapable of addressing the discontents of their subjects. The great powers of the day drifted into a conflagration no one really desired.



The great powers now behave like denizens of a fish bowl. The scene outside is scarcely cause for reassurance. Balkan tranquillity was rudely disturbed with Nato's destruction of Yugoslavia in1899. Its ethnic conflicts could have been contained if the US and the EU had chosen to place their strength and authority behind a durable peace. Instead, there were historic scores to settle and historic aims to fulfil.



Croatians had been Germany's collaborators in World War II, while the Serbs were its implacable foes. True, the Germany of today has nothing in common with Adolf Hitler's Third Reich, but primordial instincts and memories often transcend and subsume liberal political theory. It was scarcely an accident that Germany was the first country to recognise breakaway Croatia, which Germany's partners in Europe were happy to follow. It proved to be a can of worms.



Yugoslavian developments were caught in the slipstream of the Soviet Union's collapse and the retreat of Soviet power from Eastern Europe.



Mr Mikhail Gorbachev was, in Mrs Margaret Thatcher's memorable words, "someone we can do business with". In more senses than one, as it proved. He was inundated with pious assurances from his Western interlocutors that once Germany was reunited, the eastern expansion of Nato would cease.



These promises were like piecrusts meant to be broken, and broken they assuredly were as Nato's authority gradually exceeded its original remit of April 1949, with its presence today looming increasingly large on Russian frontiers. The naïve Gorbachev had not thought it fit to demand written guarantees or a quid quo pro on the ground. For all his personal qualities, the imagination and generosity that drove him to end the Cold War, he is a near-forgotten figure among his own people and rarely acknowledged in the West for his pivotal role in bringing a dangerous era of superpower confrontation to a close.



Winston Churchill's Commons tribute to Joseph Stalin, his wartime ally, described him as a leader with no illusions. Arguably the greatest war leader of the 20th century, as the historian Geoffrey Roberts shows, he had presided over the transformation of Russia from a peasant society into global superpower, while his iron will, ruthlessness, high intelligence and strategic grasp played a central role in the USSR's demolition of Nazi Germany.



Small wonder that Mr Vladimir Putin should have assessed Stalin as the most outstanding of the Bolshevik leaders. It is inconceivable that Western leaders could have pulled off their three-card trick with him as they did so easily with Mr Gorbachev. The Stalin revival in Russia does not include the restoration of the Stalinist state and its totalitarian rigours. It is simply a tribute to a colossus who served his country well in the most challenging period of its modern history.



This is a circular route to my principal theme: The West's intervention in the Balkans, of which Kosovo's contrived Albanian-based independence is the latest manifestation. Weakening Serbia is reducing Russia: The goal may prove elusive, but not from any lack of effort. There was much headway in the disastrous Boris Yeltsin decade. Russia's wealth was looted with impunity by that country's oligarchs in tandem with their Western backers.



The economy collapsed as Moscow defaulted on its international debt. Chechen's Islamist insurgency received much sympathy in the West and, possibly, clandestine material help as well. The Beslan massacre of Russian children was greeted with ritual condemnation in much of the British Press, for example, but grim satisfaction could be detected between the lines. The unipolar world order was within America's reach.



The arrival of Mr Vladimir Putin ended Russia's 'Time of Trouble' as surely as Mr George W Bush's accession to the White House began America's. The war in Iraq is a quagmire; the struggle in Afghanistan looks bleak. Pakistan is a wilderness of political uncertainty and there is little comfort for Washington elsewhere. Joseph Stiglitz, America's Economics Nobel Laureate, in a book just published, calculates that his country stands to lose some $ 3 trillion by the time its present military adventures end. The political price at home and abroad could also be forbiddingly high.



Mr Putin has stabilised Russia, mended its broken economy, restored its self-confidence, recovered its abundant natural resources of oil and gas and is prepared to play the Great Game of pipelines in moves worthy of a chess grandmaster. The battle has been well and truly joined.



The cry in the West is that Mr Putin, popular though he is, has eroded democratic norms and the rule of law in his country, hardly a convincing complaint from those who in their time succoured venal dictators such as Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines, the Indonesian Suharto, the Chilean Pinochet and any number of Pakistani military despots -- from Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, through to Zia-ul Haq and now Gen Pervez Musharraf.



The Balkans are one trouble spot; in a globalised world each arc of crisis is linked to others. Terrorism and oil are now part of the seamless robe of international diplomacy. Times were when the US and the UK were blandly indifferent to India's pain in the vale of Kashmir and the flatlands beyond from Pakistan-sponsored ISI bombings and shootings. Then 9/11 struck New York and Washington, DC; the 7/7 attacks in London have together awakened Western establishments to the perils of cynicism and complacency.



As I write, Scotland Yard has broken a UK-based Pakistan terror ring, led by one Mohammed Hamid, which was given to training in the same Lake District immortalised by William Wordsworth. O tempora! O mores!



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[mukto-mona] Re: Senetor Obama is an eloquent speaker, I applaud him

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/46761

an irrational comment. Many of the world's icolonoclasts' and
revolutionaries' past may not be as "sacred" as Mr K.D. may have
learned to believe! Examples needed?

J.A.

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[mukto-mona] Daily Star - the No-where people Urdu Speakers of Bangladesh

 

Cover Story

A Place to Call Home

A young girl writes a poem where she asks a simple question -- one which no one can answer. She asks, "Who am I?" Her forefathers were born in India, they immigrated to Pakistan, she was born in Bangladesh. India has given up on them a long time back, Bangladesh will not accept them as the children of the land and Pakistan will not take them back. She says that she has many names 'Bihari', 'Maura', 'Muhajir', 'Non-Bangalee', 'Marwari', 'Urdu-speaker', 'Refugee', and 'Stranded Pakistani'. But she only wants one: human. This is the state of being of the 1.6 lakh camp-based Urdu-speaking community in Bangladesh.

Hana Shams Ahmed

http://www.thedailystar.net/magazine/2008/02/05/cover.htm

Zubeida was born in the Mohammadpur Geneva Camp about 20 years ago. she got married last year, and her in-laws formally brought her to their home in another part of Geneva Camp. Their home is an 8 feet by 8 feet room where Zubeida shares a bed with her husband and ailing mother-in-law. Her brother and sister-in-law sleep on the floor of the same room with their two-year-old child. Her husband works in a barber's saloon and makes just enough to make ends meet. But they are unable to move out of their little room and live elsewhere. Zubeida's husband will not get work anywhere else. Zubeida herself was unable to study beyond 4th grade. Her parents could not afford the Tk 150 monthly school fees. Zubeida's family were packed into one of the 116 camps all over Bangladesh right after the Liberation War. The plan was to eventually send them to Pakistan. That was thirty six years ago.

After the partition of India in 1947, faced with large-scale communal riots on both sides of the border, a few hundred thousand Muslims from Bihar, Kolkata, Uttar Pradesh, Maddhya Pradesh and as far away as Hyderabad came to the then East Pakistan. All India Muslim League Chief Muhammad Ali Jinnah promised them that Pakistan would be 'a safe haven for all Muslims'. As is typical of people migrating from a common locality, 'Biharis' lived in separate clusters from the Bangalis. Their communities were concentrated in areas in Mohammadpur, Mirpur, Khulna, Chittagong and Santahar. Bangali animosity towards Biharis started growing in the 1960s due to the perception that the Pakistan government preferred to give Biharis better jobs. By 1971, there were about 15 lakh (according to RMMRU) non-Bangalis living in East Pakistan. The West Pakistanis and Biharis enjoyed special privileges and when Sheikh Mujib declared war in 1971 for a free Bangladesh, the Biharis were in a dilemma. They had suffered through terrible communal riots in 1947 for the idea of the state of Pakistan, and they had antipathy and deep suspicion towards the state of India. Believing the Pakistan army's propaganda that Mujib was 'plotting with the Indians to break up Pakistan', their sympathies naturally went against the Bangali liberation war. The Pakistan army exploited this weakness to recruit Biharis to join the Rajakar death squads. Not all Biharis joined, but those that did not remained silent spectators of the conflict. They did not join the refugees crossing the borders, or take up arms against the Army.


Without a citizenship they are being deprived of education and the prospects of getting a job in the future.

With the surrender of the Pakistan Army, it was the Biharis who were now suddenly stranded in a devastated country looking for compensation and redress. International Community for Red Cross (ICRC) made a list of the Biharis living in the newly formed Bangladesh and asked them whether they wanted to stay there or go to Pakistan. All the Biharis stated their desire to go to Pakistan for safety. And so the ICRC registered nearly 540,000 of the surviving Urdu-speaking Pakistanis who wanted to be repatriated to Pakistan and built camps for their temporary security. According to the US Dept. of State country report on Bangladesh, the stranded Pakistanis turned down the offer of Bangladesh citizenship and instead raised Pakistani flags in their camps, expressing their desire for repatriation to Pakistan. As a follow-up of the Simla pact of July 1972, a tripartite agreement was concluded in August 1973 between Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. As per the agreement, about 2.5 lakh Bangali prisoners were airlifted from Pakistan to Bangladesh and the stranded Urdu-speakers in Bangladesh were to be repatriated to Pakistan. In 1974, 1.2 lakh stranded Pakistanis were airlifted to Pakistan. By 1993, 17,8069 Urdu-speakers were repatriated to Pakistan under government initiatives. Others went on their own initiatives. According to latest UNHCR reports, there are around 1.6 lakh Urdu-speakers living in 116 camps in 14 districts of the country. But 36 years have passed by and 70% of the Urdu-speakers were born in Bangladesh after the war.

Conditions inside the camps are inhuman

Twenty-eight-year-old Ahmed Hussain does karchupi work on saris inside the camp. Many of the Urdu-speakers have taken up handicrafts as their profession and their one-roomed homes are turned into their work place during the day. Ahmed works with four others in a room for five hours on a sari. He has been doing this work for 18 years. "I don't want to go Pakistan," he says, "I have my work here and I enjoy it. It is a little problem to live in such a congested room but otherwise I'm really happy the way I am." Ahmed earns Tk 500 a week with this work. Ahmed's 24-year-old co-worker Mir Jafar says that most Bangalis are nice to them. "Some Bangali people hurl abuses at us and call us 'mauras' but most Bangalis are not like that."

According to Tanvir Mokammel, director of Shopno Bhumi (The Promised Land), a documentary on the plight of the Urdu-speaking community, most of the young generation of Biharis want Bangladeshi citizenship. "Unless you have citizenship rights, it is very difficult to get a job or venture in economic activities," says Mokammel, "besides, a section of the leadership of the community discouraged them to go out and mainstream themselves as the illusion to migrate to Pakistan was kept alive."

Mokammel says that he understands the animosity of the general Bangladeshis towards the Urdu-speaking community but adds, "What is happening to this community now is sheer insensitivity and negligence by the concerned governments and international bodies".

For Khalid Hussain, President of AYGUSC (Association of Young Generation of Urdu Speaking Community) and Assistant Co-ordinator of Al Falah Bangladesh the most important requirement for the camp-dwellers is to get the National ID Card. "In our research (carried out by Al Falah Bangladesh in Dhaka, Mymensingh, Khulna and Faridpur) we have found that 70% of the people want to stay in Bangladesh, 17% want to go back to Pakistan and the others are not decided," says Khalid, "Al Falah Bangladesh, AYGUSC and Shamsul Haque Foundation from Faridpur together submitted a memorandum where we pointed out that we fulfil all the requirements of the Citizenship Act of Bangladesh made in the Constitution and we should be registered as voters and we should be able to get our ID cards."

The High Court in 2003 declared that 10 Urdu-speakers who filed a case and those living in all the camps around the country were citizens of Bangladesh. It was the first time that some Urdu-speaking Biharis have been recognised as Bangladeshi nationals. But the law ministry held back the order.

"I agree that our forefathers may have collaborated with the Pakistan army at that time but what about the persons who were not involved and the ones born after 1971, their rights are also very important," says Khalid, "They are Bangladeshis by birth, this fact cannot be ignored, these people cannot be deprived of their fundamental rights. There are some politicians with anti-Bihari mentality who are not letting this happen."

Khalid Hussain has been fighting for the fundamental rights of
the Urdu-speaking community for years.
Ahmed Ilias, Writer and Executive
Director of Al Falah Bangladesh.

The education rate at the camps is very low and Khalid blames the suspended position of the Urdu-speakers for this. "The government schools don't even take our children, they say that the government money is allocated for the citizens of Bangladesh only and we, as stranded Pakistanis, don't have any right on it."

Khalid talks about a case in Khulna where a man passed his Masters exams and applied for a job at the forest department. "He qualified in the written and viva exams," says Khalid, "but after investigations revealed that he lived in the camp, his government job was cancelled. He points out that if the National ID cards are not provided to them rickshaw-pullers won't get licenses and they will be deprived of all 19 facilities that come along with it. "Our livelihoods will be at stake."

Her mother tongue is Urdu but her country of birth is Bangladesh. But what is her identity?

Abdul Jabbar Khan, President of SPGRC (Stranded Pakistanis General Repatriation Committee), or better known to be the camp office, openly admits to supporting the cause of the Pakistan Army but says, "You call us Razakars, but how many of us have actually physically taken part in the process. We supported Pakistan with our mouth only, but what about [Motiur Rahman] Nizami and Abdur Rahman Biswas who were even bigger collaborators than me. Why did this discrimination take place in my case? They were made ministers and given a big house and big car by the state but, my citizenship was taken away from me and I became a refugee and was locked away into this camp."

Jabbar is not completely reassured by the voting rights and the ID Card solution proposed by young people like Khalid. "Some in the camp are asking us to become voters but the government that is now in power is not the elected government," says Jabbar, "what if the new government comes and says they don't agree to all this, then where will we go?"

Jabbar like many from the pre-71 generation think they would be safer in Pakistan because of their involvement (physical or otherwise) with the Pakistan Army against the Bangladeshis. "Nawaz Sharif assured us that 3000 families would be sent to Pakistan in the first phase of repatriation but so far only 318 people have been taken to Pakistan ever since then. We are hoping that the new government of Pakistan under Nawaz Sharif's leadership might change our situation."

Writer and Executive Director of Al Falah Bangladesh points out that the Bangladesh government has divided the Urdu-speaking community into two parts -- those who live inside the camps and those who live outside the camps.

Dr. CR Abrar says that the identity of the people should be made clear to them.

"The main problem is with those who are living inside the camps, the government is not doing anything to rehabilitate them." He points out that those who live outside the camps enjoy all the facilities of a Bangladeshi citizen. "I live outside the camp, I am a voter, I have an ID card, a Bangladeshi passport and a bank account and I can go abroad," says Ilias, "there is no discrimination for us. We are as equal as all other Bangladeshis."

Groups like SPGRC, Ilias points out, are taking advantage of the lack of government control. "They have a vested interest in this camp," says Ilias, "if the camp exists, they will have this leadership. They have been planted with a fear that if they get citizenship they will be evicted from the camp. No one actually likes living in these camps but if they have the option that they can work and get education, they can get training and become skilled."

Ilias thinks it is essential that the government solve the problem of their citizenship as soon as possible. "The government doesn't understand that if these people start working, they will become assets for the country and will only contribute to the national economy. Left like this, they will only become a social problem."

70-year-old Osman Gani worked as a driver for the Pakistan Army in 1971. He owns up to 'taking up

President of SPGRC, Abdul Jabbar Khan

arms' against the Bangalis but points out that his brother was shot in front of him by the Bangalis and he lost a lot of near and dear ones during that time. "I think its time to forgive," he says, "fights can happen between brothers and even if your brother does something wrong are you going to get rid of him?"

40-year-old Khairunnesa who does handicraft to eke out a living says that she is tired of the journalists and NGO workers coming in and questioning them about their condition. "We didn't come here to go to West Pakistan. We want to become Bangladeshi; the people here have to accept us. The government has to do something about our situation or just kill us all with a firing squad."

The tale of these people's lives is miserable. Families have grown since 1971 but they were left to make their lives in this one small room. Three generations of people live in this single room. Every morning people have to stand in a queue for hours to use the common bathrooms -- whether it's a pregnant woman or a fragile old man they will have to wait their turn to use the bathroom. Hygiene in and around the camp is almost non-existent. But for the sake of argument the slum-dwellers all over the country also live in very similar conditions so why should the plight of the camp-dwellers get priority?


Like everyone living in the camps, Zubeida (left) lives with three generations in the same room.

Dr C R Abrar, Professor at Department of International Relations of Dhaka University and Co-ordinator of RMRRU (Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit) says there's a major difference between the two groups. "The difference is that these people's identity has not been made clear and this is the one group of people for whom the state and NGOs have over the years shown complete apathy towards."

Families have grown since 1971 but they had to make do with living in a single room.

Abrar talks about a single incident which explains in a nutshell why this group deserves attention. A child born of Urdu-speaking parents was taken to an orphanage after both her parents died. When the orphanage authorities wanted a certificate from the local commissioner the commissioner refused to give it because she was a 'Bihari'.

Abrar says that the general impression that these people are getting all the utilities for free is not true at all. "The government may not be getting the money but there are rent-seekers who are making money out of this," he says, "without trying to stereotype there are chances that criminality from these areas will increase as a result of this if we don't address these issues."

Born after the war, these young people identify themselves as Bangladeshis and do not want to go to Pakistan.

Pointing out that the High Court has already declared that they are Bangladeshi nationals Abrar says that the point that they opted to go back to Pakistan [in 1971] in the ICRC form has no legal validity. "In a country which has a large Diaspora population, where many people have dual citizenship and where hundreds of thousands of people apply for diversity visas every year, how do you ascertain whose loyalty is where," he adds.

Abrar thinks it is very distressing that this community is made a scapegoat for the atrocities committed in 1971. "Whoever has committed the atrocities should be tried for their crimes, irrespective of whether they are Bangali or Bihari."

So is this an internal matter or does the Pakistan government have some responsibilities for their rehabilitation? "Pakistan has a moral responsibility," says Abrar, "except for Benazir Bhutto's government, right from Zulfiqar Bhutto to Parvez Musharraf subsequent heads of state said that they are going to take these people to Pakistan for the sake of the Islamic solidarity. In the end all these hopes worked against the anchoring of these people here and the term 'stranded Pakistanis' came about."

Because of the half-hearted repatriation process hundreds of families have been divided between Bangladesh and Pakistan. There is a father who cannot attend his only daughter's wedding and there is a wife who cannot attend her husband's funeral. But the new generation who were born after the war and comprise the biggest chunk of camp-dwellers don't have any affiliations with either India or Pakistan. They were born in this country and identify themselves as Bangladeshis. Unfortunately the state is reluctant to accept them as such. It's a very complex issue because a lot of ambivalence from the majority population that is skeptical about these people's loyalty to the country they want to be citizens of. But the inhuman conditions they are living in and the subsequent effect it is bound to have on the society as a whole makes it imperative to resolve this painful issue.

Copyright (R) thedailystar.net 2008

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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