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Friday, March 14, 2008

Re: [mukto-mona] "Jiten Roy- Should we give so much attention?"

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/47149

Dear Dr. Audrey Manning

Many thanks for such a thought provoking post that should touch any one's heart if he really has any heart at all. I have also read another of your posts in Mukta-Mona that clearly shows how nationalism can be bad.

"----who is more important to the overall running of society?" Not many people in the forum will appreciate the significance of this radical question of yours. Many of these 'highly qualified" debaters/preachers who were pure careerists in their student life are now well settled in an affluent society and have unlimited leisure to "serve" the distressed humanity. In real sense, I doubt, these self-centered people can do any good to the society other than establishing themselves as "great" intellectuals and activists. They are at best a little bit better than the paper tigers.

We had a great man named Rabindranath Tagore who received Nobel prize in literature in 1913. During his 80 years' life time (1861-1941) he saw so much. He saw nationalism of Germany and Japan and other major powers of his time. Your views about nationalism coincided with his.

Who is more important to the overall running of society? In many of his poems and other writings he has told us that the toiling masses are playing the most important roles in running of society. Believe me or not, he dropped out of school when he was a sixth grader.
His life also testifies to your assertion that "the humans needed to make the society work usually cannot, or do not wish to, master the high academic standards required of PhDs, MDs, lawyers and engineers etc."

With kindest regards

-Subimal Chakrabarty


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[mukto-mona] Was a poet ever kept in house arrest? by Taslima Nasreen

Was a poet ever kept in house arrest?
Taslima Nasreen
Translated by Faizul Latif Chowdhury
(Original in Bengali appeared in The Statesman, Calcutta)

Was a poet ever kept in house arrest?
May be she has been a subject of politicking
True she caused clashes once in a while
May be an arson, too.
But no, a poet was never taken to safe custody.
This India, this civilization, this 21st century
They all had welcomed the poet
Ignoring its childish religionism, its merciless politics.
But today, the poet languishes in house arrest.
She has done no offense.

Having been deprived of the view of the sky
No longer she can tell how does the sky look like;
Deprived of the sight of men, no longer can she say how are folks
today.
They have left leaving a world of darkness before the poet
They won't return ever, they informed.

Today for the one hundred and fiftieth day, the poet languishes in
safe custody
For one hundred and fifty days the poet is unaware
If this earth yet hosts any creature with a human soul
For one hundred and fifty days the poet is unsure
If she is alive or dead.

Whom she will approach to ask back these days for?
Facing darkness the poet ponders
Who will restore sunrays into her life?
Who is there to bring her back the song of life?

O man, tell me, all who suffered in house arrest
Most of them were poets, a big consolation will that be,
It will relieve the burden of my aloneness.


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Re: [ALOCHONA] An Open Letter from Sheikh Hasina to the people of Bangladesh.

dear mr bhuiyan, you seemed to be missing something, let me tell you,
 
1. the way hasina had been speaking at home, parliament house and abroad is likely for a first class degree holder?
2. what these 2 cheap ladies did are only 'mistakes' to you? those are 'sins' to this nation.
 
you are right about khaleda as 'chorer rani', think similar for hasina also, need help? ok
 
ALI BABA 40 CHOR--------HASINA BUBU 40 CHOR ha ha ha
 
please dont take any of above personally
 
shamim

"Engr. Shafiq Bhuiyan" <srbanunz@gmail.com> wrote:
 
Donot compare a 1st class holder with a 2nd class holder, though both of them were not 100% correct and both of them have made mistakes. One made less and other made most!
 
So don't compare CHORER RANI Khaleda with most successful Prime Minister of bngladesh, Sheikh Hasina.
 
Sheikh Hasina may also make few mistakes, but she has done more positive thing than thiose mistakes.
 
On the other hand Khaleda & her gong had made much more mistakes then very few godd things.
 
Can you cite a single honest person in Khaleda & her gong?


 
On 3/12/08, Sajjad Hossain <shossain456@yahoo.com> wrote:
Why you only want release of Sheikh Hasina? How about the others.
So do you assume that Sheikh Hasina did not do any crime but the others did.
You Awami's are always selfish. My way is the only highway.
 
SH
Toronto

"Md.Hasibul Hassan" <think_tank_habib@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
I have attached here a Hand written letter that sheikh hasina wrote before getting arrest.
 
Sheikh Hasina the ex-prime Minster of Bangladesh is being detained under the Emergency Powers Rule, 2007, not under the criminal code of Bangladesh. There is no due process under the emergency powers. Right to bail and right to appeal are denied and the detention can be extended indefinitely even without a trial. Trials are conducted by special tribunals in camera (only the judge is present, there is no jury and the proceedings are closed to outside scrutiny) and summarily (normal procedures such as conducting discovery are not allowed.)This is a violation of international human rights laws, in particular Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.Gov didn't accept case against war criminals but they are making politics tuff for politicians.Raise ur voice for justice & to get Free of sheikh Hasina and to held a fair election.
Here I ,mentioned some links where you can have the picture of human rights violation in Bangladesh by the present government. We want to free sheikh hasina & a fair election.
2.."Bangladesh: Protecting Rights as Vital as Ending Corruption Press Release, August 1,
2007 ::
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/08/01/bangla16556.htm
3.Bangladesh: Release Journalist and Rights Activist Press Release, May 11, 2007 ::http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/05/11/bangla15906.htm
4.Bangladesh: Elite Force Tortures, Kills Detainees Press Release, December 14, 2006 :: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/12/13/bangla14844.htm
5.Judge, Jury, and Executioner: Torture and Extrajudicial Killings by Bangladesh's Elite Security Force Report, December 14, 2006
http://www.hrw.org/doc?t=asia&c=banglahttp://sotacit.wordpress.com/2007/10/16/everything-you-need-to-know-about-general-moeen-u-ahmed/
Thanking you
  Habib
think_tank_habib@yahoo.com

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Shuvechhante,

Shafiqur Rahman Bhuiyan (ANU)
NEW ZEALAND.

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Re: [mukto-mona] Re: Are we loosing DJU

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/47145

Dear Dr. Jaffor Ullah:
I also thought same as your family members did, I am relieved now that you
don't need to see a doctor. Please take care.

Ofcourse I don't know you that much but you don't need Avijit's certificate
to convince us. You are known by your own deeds. You saw my last mail where
I talked about you & that matches what you assured me now.

Dr. Jaffor Ullah, there is no Hindu or Muslim gentlemen, it's only
gentlemen. Ofcourse I am Hindu, that's my private affairs and I am
comfortable with it. As I told before I am in MM forum long time & will
continue. Surely, I will differ with lot of you and I believe I have that
right.
Thanks.
Sitangshu Guha


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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm


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[mukto-mona] All’s well that Ends well

Dear Editor,
 
Hope you are doing well and thanks for publishing my previous write-ups
 
This is an article about "All's well that Ends well". I will be highly honoured if you publish this article. I apprecite your time to read this article.
 
Thanks
 
Have a nice time
 
With Best Regards
 
Ripan Kumar Biswas
New York, U.S.A
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
All's well that Ends well
 
Ripan Kumar Biswas
 
One of my known person who is a mid level army officer, was very sad while he was talking with me as according to him and many others including defense personnel and a large number of civilians in Bangladesh, present military backed interim government is trying hard to improve the country's total image in politics, businesses, administrations and finally to restore a stable and peaceful democratic political system in Bangladesh, but critics both from local and international, are so harsh on the government and different law enforcement agencies.
 
Although it's a part of their duty, but he further mentioned that they are living and spending their lives in the different camps of rural areas across the country leaving their families in different places since January 11, 2007 as because like others they also dream to enjoy a peaceful democratic political system in Bangladesh.
 
After receiving criticism against the role of Fakhruddin's government especially regarding on human rights issues from different groups, organizations or individuals both from local and international, government expressed its deep concern while the US Department of State in its annual report "Human Rights Practices 2007" on Bangladesh revealed that human rights record worsened in the country as the state of emergency continued to be in effect with elections remaining postponed.
In the country paper on Bangladesh including other 191 countries across the world published by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in Washington on Tuesday, March 11, 2008, the report said the Emergency Powers Rules of 2007 (EPR), imposed by the government in January and effective through year's end, suspended many fundamental rights, including freedom of press, freedom of association, and the right to bail. The report criticized harshly giving priorities against serious abuses, including custodial deaths, arbitrary arrest and detention, and harassment of journalists by the security forces although there was a significant drop of extra-judicial killings.
 
In addition since last September, although the government eased bans on indoor political gatherings in Dhaka but limited the number of people who could attend and required parties to seek permission from the home ministry to hold meetings, but still it is in the hard line to ease bans on politics across the country while according to the election commissioner of Bangladesh Brig Gen (retd) M Sakhawat Hussain, without any decision on the state of emergency with the hands and feet of political parties tied, holding of polls would not be possible. Talking to the reporters after holding a meeting with a delegation of the newly launched Bangladesh Kalyan Party on Thursday 13, 2008, Sakhawat felt the need for relaxing the state of emergency not only for creating an environment conducive to elections, but also for registration of political parties.
 
However in an immediate reaction to the report, Bangladesh government disappointed at the report's lack of balance in presenting the country's ground realities as the international communities are very much aware of the circumstances, which led to the declaration of the state of emergency early January 2007. According to a foreign ministry spokesman, the report further failed to mention the significant reform measures taken by the caretaker government for consolidating and sustaining democracy.
 
The army-backed Caretaker Government has scored some credible successes, especially in the area of law and order to address the challenge of extremism and terrorism in Bangladesh. It has eliminated a large number of terrorist kingpins like Bangla Bhai. They have also revived the case on the assassination attempt on Sheikh Hasina in which preliminary evidence shows complicity of BNP leaders.
 
Strong democracies also need sound institutions and processes. A stable business climate needs firm foundations of accountability. And people need to be able to trust that public life is not manipulated by a few individuals to satisfy selfish greed for money and power. The Caretaker Government pointed to clear achievements: an overhaul of the country's institutions including the Election Commission, Public Service Commission, the separation of the Judiciary that has eluded past governments for over 35 years and a drive to combat corruption. Government further mentioned its effort to improve human rights situation including the progress toward the formation of the Human Rights Commission and efforts to improve workers' and women rights. The government which is elected in 2008 will have a responsibility to nurture these gains.
 
Using countrywide data across the country, the report said the Rapid Action Battalion killed 94 persons throughout the year, although the average number of such deaths dropped from 15 per month in 2006 to approximately 8 per month during the year, but it's still continuing. Odhikar, a Dhaka based human rights organization, said that 87 persons died in prison and 67 died while in the custody of police and other security forces. The report pointed its concern to the declaration a curfew in August 2007 in response to protests on university campuses in several major cities and unwarranted arrests of teachers, students, and employees.
 
"This is the best time to get things right in Bangladesh and there is an urgent need to strengthen democracy through free, fair and transparent election for receiving continued US support," said Congressman Joseph Crowley, co-chair of US Congressional Bangladesh Caucus, on Thursday, March 13, 2008 at the Capitol Hill in Washington DC. All of them including Congressman Sheila Jackson and Bangladesh Ambassador to the US M Humayun Kabir, who were present at that meeting, mentioned the vastness of change in Bangladesh while Crowley expected that the government would follow the due process of law during the trials of the arrested leaders.
 
Credible and fair elections will be vital to the success of democratic renaissance in Bangladesh - the first and fundamental pillar of new foundations. "Democracy is not just about elections and installing governments after definite intervals. It is about empowering the people and ensuring their rights to choose their representatives without fear or intimidation and we always remained focused in our main task of holding a free and fair election by the end of 2008," Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed addressed to the Asia Society at New York on September 27, 2007.
 
As democracy is a right to enjoy the fruits of economic growth and development and a continuous process of building and strengthening institutions, Bangladesh must succeed in creating higher, stronger, foundations for democracy that can endure beyond the elections.
 
 
March 15, 2008, New York
Ripan Kumar Biswas is a freelance writer based in New York


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*****************************************
Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[mukto-mona] On conservatives, liberals and the people in between [complete & revised]

On conservatives, liberals and the people in between 
 
[Dedicated to my friends- Avijit Roy, Mehul Kamdar, Austin Dacey and Audrey Manning. I like you, as you all are non-believers like me; but I love you, for your intellectual honesty. –J.A.]
 
 
-Jahed Ahmed
 
1.
          "They deserve it." I was astonished and shocked when a fellow non-believer and a former Muslim said it about the atrocities and killings of ordinary Muslims in Gujarat. Do forsaking beliefs and myths of one's religion necessarily mean- an intensified hatred toward even the ordinary members of that religion? I was thinking. The person I quoted was not a sadist. He is polite, intelligent and holds a Ph.D. from a reputed American university.  
 
          Another true incident: "This Malu,"—a demeaning term often used by some Bangladeshi Muslims to allude to Hindus—he continued, "needs a lesson." The gentleman (if you call him so) is known as a secular 'activist and journalist' among Bangladeshis in New York.
 
          This story I heard from the noted Journalist and secular activist, Mr Shahriar Kabir. A 'secular' woman of Hindu origin came to visit her 'secularist' Muslim friend, also an woman. "Bhabi, this beef that YOU guys cook," she said, "really tastes great." "But you know, Boudi, WE can never cook vegetables like YOU folks do," the 'secular' Muslim woman responded.
 
Did these women target each other deliberately? Most likely, no; but one thing is clear: racism, chauvinism and bigotry have many layers. A modern and secular person may have, at a sub-conscious level, traces of racism and bigotry alive in his mind which may be manifested only on certain occasions, as we have seen in the second and third example above.
 
In another direction, a person might have abandoned and cut off relations with the religion of his birth and its doctrines, but while doing so, he might have developed, what is called in psychology, a 'reverse prejudice'—the concept that people of his former religion are the worst among all (as we saw in the first example). The person may have become an atheist but is not free yet. He is, as in Roseau's words: "…born free, and everywhere he is in chains."
 
In our day to day life, we see people known as progressives, modernists, or rationalists, but, occasionally, some of them turn out to be not significantly better than their counterparts: The racists, the chauvinists and the religious bigots. 
 
          To the contrary, I have seen people who openly practice their religions and its rituals, yet they have no problem in befriending with people of other faiths, or those with no faith at all.
 
          Does this mean that the secularists and the liberals are all hypocrites, and all the believers are benevolent and honest people? We'll deal with this question using examples.
 
2.  
 
We form opinions of people, categorize them into a particular groups that are already known to us and put labels on them without realizing—whether a generic noun would do justice to the beliefs and the characters of that individual. Our pre-conceived notions and criteria of good and evil, childhood experiences, etc play a bigger role in this than any solid rationale although we claim our judgments to be a rational one.        
         
A few months ago, the New York Times had published an interesting article, backed by research, on how we often commit blunders when we judge people based on indirect communications: e-mail, chat, telephone conversations. The employees of a company were asked to submit reports of some clients based on online communications. The same group of employees later met the same group of clients in a personal setting, and was asked to submit their second opinions. The report was more accurate and effective when the employees met their clients in a personal setting than by knowing them through online communications.               
 
          On a personal level, it happened to me more than once: My judgment and opinion of an individual that I came across online had radically changed when I met him/her in person at a later time.
 
One might, however, argue: Is there any guarantee that meeting a stranger through direct communications is the best way to know him/her? Or, what if it is not possible to meet someone in person?  
 
In either case, knowing a person thoroughly remains always a daunting task; yet it is possible that we could make our judgment of others a better one, if we minimize the risk of oversimplification and overgeneralization—a common fallacy seen among educated and uneducated people alike.  
 
          A few examples might make sense here.
 
3.
 
We often mistake intelligence for honesty and benevolence. A person with education and rhetoric could be impressive and smart but NOT NECESSARILY honest, benevolent or open-hearted. To the contrary, there are plenty of people among us with or without a fancy degree; yet they are honest and open-hearted. 
 
I strongly believe this to be true of people across all races and religions.
 
Dr. Jiten Roy, a newcomer to the Mukto-Mona Online Forum, has come up with an assertion that most secularists, liberals and communists of Indo-Bangla origin are 'cowards and hypocrites.'  To emphasize his view, he has quoted Michael Savage—an American nationalist and a conservative radio-host—who said, "liberalism is a kind of mental disorder."  
 
For Dr. Roy, an honest nationalist or a conservative (such as Michael Savage) is better than 'hypocrite' secularists and 'coward' liberals —a category where he puts most liberals of Indo-Bangla origins. Liberal Hindus and communists, in his opinion, are those 'cowards' who, having abandoned their own religion and culture, praise those of others in order to gain 'cheap popularity.'
 
 Dr. Roy identifies himself as an honest 'conservative' and a 'nationalist' who would like to remain loyal to the interests of his adopted country (America) without losing his original (Hindu) identity.             
 
Dr Roy has made another interesting assertion. Most 'desi' (here, Bangladeshi American Muslims), as he thinks, support Barack Obama because of his Muslim lineage.
  
It would be naïve to assume that Dr. Roy, an educated gentleman as he is, said this blindly or out of plain bigotry since it is not uncommon to hear such or, similar allegations about liberals and secularists from other people as well. In Bangladesh, for instance, Islamic fundamentalists' rants and hatred against the secular thinkers, writers and activists is no big secret.     
 
  As has been mentioned, we love to judge the world based on our individual experiences. Knowledge derived from personal experience leave a bigger impact in our mind than many truths and facts that we read in books or hear about from others.
 
It may not be easy to adopt the 'forget and forgive' policy—for instance—for a minority Hindu from Bangladesh who—in the face of constant threats, suppressions and tortures— might have been forced to migrate to the neighboring India, leaving behind the land of his ancestors.
 
Similarly, the concept of a 'secular India' to some Indian Muslims could be very different. An Indian Muslim, who had witnessed the atrocities and cruelties of the fanatic Hindus during the Gujarat riot, for example, might find the term, 'secular India', is synonymous to the term, 'Hindu India.'  
 
What, however, is quite alarming in Dr. Roy's argument is that, while he seems quite angry at the liberals and secularists of Hindu origin who refuse to identify themselves as a Hindu even in a cultural context, Dr . Roy does not miss the opportunity to take delight and congratulate a group of liberals and secularists who have abandoned Islam in its entirety. This group of former Muslims has cut off all formal relations with Islam, not just its political aspect; and they refuse to identify themselves as Muslims even in the cultural context.        
 
Clearly, one might accuse Dr. Roy's of maintaining a double-standard. He enjoys seeing in another religion what he doesn't want to happen to his own.
 
I do not think that such attitude is unique. Dr. Roy, indeed, reminds me of some interesting examples.
 
There are some 'secularists' among Muslims who would appreciate my anti-superstitions and anti-bigotry stand as long as I exclude Islam in my critique and scrutiny of religions.
 
Then I met 'secularist' Christians, who seemed impressed by my rational and freethinking attitude toward Islam but it was not long before I let them down by my equally acrid critique of Christianity.
 
In a very similar way, I came across Jewish 'liberals' who appeared dismayed by the 'terror of Islam' and Muslims, but who think of Palestinians as a bunch of Muslim 'terrorists' who are brainwashed by the Quranic promise of seventy virgins in the heaven. Israel's massacre of Palestinian men, women and children, on the other hand, to them, is the inherent rights of Israel—the land of 'God's chosen people'—for self-defense.
 
Does this mean- there are no honest liberals, secularists or freethinkers among the people of faiths i.e. those of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Jewish descent? A big NO would be my answer.
 
 
 
4.
A communist, a capitalist, an atheist, a fundamentalist, a secular humanist, a conservative or a liberal—they are just words. And a single word, it does not matter how potent it is, can not be sufficient to describe an individual's world-view.
 
For example: In terms of belief in God, where would I place Spinoza or, say, Galileo or Einstein? They were not atheists, nor were they believers in a conventional sense. And I would not call them 'agnostics' as they clearly had a belief in mind. The only difference is their concept of God was not the one that would interfere with the laws of nature.
 
Let us take an example from Indo-Bangla sub-continent.
 
Long before the advent of the words such as the 'feminist' or the 'feminism', Lalon Fakir, a Bangali mystic of the late eighteenth century British India with no formal education, had said*1:
 
"Circumcision tells a Muslim from others,
But what is the mark of his woman?
The Brahmin is known by his thread,
How do I tell who is a Brahmani?"
 
Should I call Lalon a liberal, a conservative, as we know that Lalon did have faith in God. Here is what he said:*1
 
"God is bound by chains at His devotees' doorsteps,
Hindu or Muslim, he little cares.                 
An ardent devotee is one intoxicated with love—"
 
 
5.
 
Some people would say that, a few Muslims or a bunch of Hindus—or a few Jews or Christians being good is not good enough to call all Muslims or all Hindus, or all Jews, or all Christians good. "An exception is never an example," they would argue.
 
"Well, why do you then cry about Muslims being discriminated against in the post 9/11 USA? The number of Americans who discriminate against Muslims because of their religion is pretty insignificant, isn't it? And we know that an exception is never an example" I had once asked a Bangladeshi Muslim in the USA. "A crime is always a crime regardless of how often it is committed," the gentleman responded.
 
"If this is so," I quip, "tell me, how a minority Hindu in Bangladesh, or a minority Muslim in India would feel when a Bangladeshi Muslim fundamentalist, or an Indian Hindu fundamentalist dismisses the tortures of respective minorities in their countries as an 'exception' but not an example?"          
 
 
We have the right to debate on or criticize a person's behavior, or social-political and religious beliefs, whether s/he is a Hindu, or a Muslim, a Christian or a Jew. But dismissing a person's credentials for being a Hindu or a Muslim is a kind of racism and hence, it must be condemned.
 
If we fail to maintain this honesty, we are neither a liberal, nor a conservative; we are just hypocrites.
 
And the world would be better off with such hypocrites being lesser.  
 
-----
 
New York
March 14, 2008
 
 
About the author: Jahed Ahmed is a humanist activist and writer based in New York. He could be reached at worldcitizen73@yahoo.com
 
 
 
*References:
 
1. Songs of Lalon, Translated & introduced by Samir Dasgupta; (Dhaka: Shahitya Prakash, 2000)
2. http://www.racismnoway.com.au/classroom/prejudice.html
                                                                                             
 
 
 
 
    
 


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[mukto-mona] Review of a docu-film on Egypt

 
Salata Baladi or Afrangi?
Joseph Massad 13 Mar 08 (http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article9379.shtml)
While Zionism's atrocities against the Palestinian people have not stopped for the last century, Israel's atrocities against other Arabs in the last sixty years have remained consistent, albeit intermittent. This not only includes Israel's bombings and killings of Lebanese, Syrians, Jordanians, Tunisians, Egyptians, and Libyans, but also its terrorism against Arab Jews, specifically Iraqi Jews whose exodus to Israel it brought about in the early 1950s after a series of bombings in Baghdad, and the tragedy it caused to Egyptian Jews, to say nothing of Yemeni and Moroccan Jews whose lives Zionism successfully interrupted and transformed. While Zionism's activities in Egypt among Egyptian Jews bore little fruit before or after World War II, Zionism's insistence that it speaks and acts in the name of all Jews have put Jewish communities inside and outside Palestine in a precarious position.

The situation would become more dangerous after the establishment of Israel in 1948. However, it was not until the uncovering of the Israeli espionage ring that committed terrorist acts in Egypt in 1954 (known as the Lavon Affair) and Israel's subsequent invasion of Egypt in 1956 that Israel would make the lives of Egyptian Jews unlivable and their continuation as a community virtually impossible. This is not to say that Arab nationalism was not guilty of accepting Zionism's and Israel's false claims that they spoke for all Jews, including for Arab Jews, or that the Egyptian government at the time could not have done more to protect Egyptian Jews from popular anger and from the harassment of its own agencies, it is rather to emphasize that the sizable portion of the responsibility for the tragic departure of Egyptian Jews between 1954 and 1957 (which is when the vast majority of them left) should be laid down on the doorstep of Israel.

The importance of the Lavon Affair, or "Operation Susannah," as the Israeli military intelligence operation was nicknamed, cannot be overstressed, as Israel's recruitment of a few Egyptian Jews to firebomb locations in Cairo and Alexandria, including post offices, movie theaters, a library, and the Cairo railway station, would put in danger the entire community, which would unfortunately come to be implicated in the "Affair" and in working for the enemy. Any evaluation of the tragic history of Egyptian Jews in the 1950s that ignores this key transformative episode in their lives would compromise its own credibility or at the least expose its ignorance and credulity.

Somehow, however, Nadia Kamel, in her moving first documentary film, Salata Baladi (Country Salad), manages to neglect to mention the Lavon Affair while sensitively chronicling the personal hardship felt by a number of Egyptian Jews who were separated from other family members. Salata Baladi, however, is correct in avoiding the Lavon Affair, as the story it tells is not one of the splitting of a Jewish family as a result of the 1948 war, the Lavon Affair, or Israel's 1956 invasion, but rather of the separation of her mother Mary Rosenthal, a.k.a Naila Kamel, from her paternal cousins who left Egypt to Palestine in 1946 on account of the Zionist commitments of Peppo, the eldest cousin, who was a member of an Egyptian Zionist cell. But the story that the film wants to tell is not only the touching tale of the aging Mary/Naila and her nostalgia for her childhood friend, her cousin Sarina, but rather the tale of an Egypt that used to be "cosmopolitan," as an Israeli cousin would describe Egypt to Nadia later in the film and as an Egyptian cousin volunteers on cue: "Egypt is a mix of nationalities except for Upper Egyptians and Christian Copts. They are pure because they did not mix with others."

Today, the film tells us, diversity is no longer possible in Egypt, evidenced by what the mosque Imam declares during an Eid sermon with which the film opens -- namely that Muslims should "awaken to defend Islam against its enemies who seek to erase it from the face of the Earth." Nadia's concern is for her nephew, Naila's grandson, Nabeel. Nadia's voice paraphrases the Imam's words with a sense of doom and with much worry, especially when she "saw Nabeel listening to the Imam as he reduced the world to Muslims and their enemies." Nadia declares that "the Imam's words... stuck to me. I walked away with a heavy heart. I remembered that when I was Nabeel's age, my grandmother would tell me the stories of strangers who met and then loved each other and then became my grandparents and my parents. If these stories are not retold, they would die away." It is the diversity of strangers in love and not of the uniformity of Muslims in hate, that Nadia Kamel argues, constitutes the better story of Egypt that the young Nabeel does not know and which she wants to tell him, and us with him.

Indeed, Nabeel seems to already know a big part of that story. He understands that his father is half Palestinian and half Egyptian and that his Palestinian grandfather, the politician Nabeel Shaath, lives in Gaza. The young Nabeel also knows that his mother is half Egyptian, a quarter Italian, and a quarter Jewish (the last part he learns in the course of the film). Yet ironically, while the young Nabeel is excited about his origins being salata baladi (in the sense of a country salad made up of many ingredients), he enumerates to his aunt Nadia all his national origins which she duly writes down on a piece of paper. Nabeel concludes, speaking in English, that he is "half Palestinian, quarter Italian, and quarter Lebanese" and wonders if he has any American in him, which he concludes that he must. Amazingly enough, while in reality the young Nabeel is half Egyptian, a quarter Palestinian, one eighth Italian, one sixteenth East European Jewish, one-sixteenth Turkish Jewish, he manages not to include his Egyptian half at all. One wonders if that is the lesson being imparted to him in the course of the film.

Moreover, Nadia's unhappiness with the discourse of the Imam suddenly becomes her way of reducing Egypt's contemporary reality to what he said. Yet the Egypt of today seems no less cosmopolitan than the one she grew up in. Aside from the fact that Nabeel has a half-Palestinian father (unless the presence of Palestinians in Egypt makes it less cosmopolitan than the presence of Jews), the Egypt of the present is also one that celebrates American and European cultural products and ideas at every level. To make the Imam's discourse the major feature of contemporary Egypt to the exclusion of the discourse of the government and private enterprise, of foreign non-governmental organizations, of non-Islamist political and artistic forces, many of which are repeated on hundreds of satellite channels, and in foreign schools, which the young Nabeel attends and where he learned his English (which is slowly but surely taking over his Arabic as the dialogue in the film amply shows) is to be as reductive of Egypt as the Imam is said to be. Should Egypt be seen today as Nadia Kamel versus the Imam, or are there other players, political positions, and cultural projects that are vying for dominance in the country? The Imam is not the only one being reductive here; it is also Nadia who is reducing the Egypt of today to Islamists and their cosmopolitan opponents.

Salata Baladi, it turns out, stages the political agenda of the director Nadia Kamel under the guise of telling the story of her mother to her nephew. It is the liberal cosmopolitan impulse prevalent in the "multi-culti" discourse of liberal circles in the West that the Egyptian audience is being instructed in by the film. Here, one should keep in mind the important words of the postcolonial theorist Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak who had once declared "multiculturalism is the new racism." The struggle of the film is in fact the struggle of Nadia to convince her mother and father to go to Israel. She instigates the entire situation, which is presented to us as the mother's tragedy. But it is Nadia who goads and pushes her mother (and father), who speaks for and represents her mother's motives and concerns throughout the film. Salata Baladi unwittingly documents the process through which Naila is slowly but surely led down the road of going to Israel by her daughter-director. Nadia asks her point blank: "Tell me Mom, don't we have relatives in Israel?" "How did it happen that you spent fifty years without seeing them?" The mother answers: "To tell you the truth, I did not think much about this subject." She adds: "The boycott of the state of Israel started by all Arabs, and I embraced Arab nationalism and the general Egyptian position. Of course I know that they are not responsible for Israel's policies, the Jews, not all of them..., but there was the feeling that they were the ones who did this, that they left Egypt and went to that place specifically ..." Indeed, Naila declares "these relatives, I did not think about going to see them this entire time, for more than fifty years [scene edited], then I felt like seeing them especially as I imagine that it was not right that I should have cut off our family relationship only because they were in Israel."

But this interaction is a bit strange. For it turns out that it had been sixty years, not fifty, since Naila's family left, as they had left in 1946 according to her Israeli cousins Sarina and Peppo. The fifty-year mark, which is repeated several times in the film and coupled with the issue of the boycott, refers to the 1956 period when Nasser was in power. It is a direct attack on Nasserism as an enemy of Egyptian Jews. But this was not borne out by the facts that the film presents. Peppo clearly states that the last time he had seen Naila before he and his family moved to Palestine, she had only been 12 years old. How could a 12 year old decide on political grounds not to see her family who chose to go to Palestine before 1948 and before the boycott? Are these real events being narrated or ideological justifications presented ex-post facto to scapegoat the boycott and Nasserism as responsible for the splitting up of Naila's family? Indeed, Naila later declares that her position in support of the boycott was clear to her since she was 17 years old, several years after the departure of her cousins.

Once in Tel Aviv, Naila ventures a date for the family's move to Palestine: "You left in 1950," she says, but Sarina responds emphatically "no, since 1946. We were here before the war." But if this is the case, what might have been the real reasons for Naila's refusal to see her cousins? If it was not the boycott or Nasserism, what was it? Could it have been her cousins who had boycotted her? Salata Baladi is silent on this. But the director cannot claim to be on the one hand telling the sad story of a woman and her family and, on the other, conveniently insert certain facts and not others about matters of considerable political import for which the film does not want to be held accountable. The film may be presenting a personal story but it does so only to fortify and advance a political and an ideological position that is far from innocent.

At any rate, Nadia is undeterred by the discomfort of everyone around her with her project of talking her parents into going to Israel. She is a driven woman throughout the film, appearing to be on an ideological crusade of sorts. Once the subject is broached about the possibility of going to Israel to visit Sarina and her family, Naila begins to hesitate. Her hesitation however is unacceptable under the constant haranguing of her daughter-director who intimidatingly and forcefully asks her mother and father: "Are we not going to Israel, then?" Indeed, the father's discomfort is registered throughout the film. He tells his daughter: "I am surprised that while I am being filmed you want to take me on a trip to Israel." Nadia makes the case for going and declares on behalf of her mother that the latter is "ready" and adds rather disingenuously that she herself is also ready (!) and that when her father is psychologically ready she would take the passports to make the necessary arrangements for the trip. When Naila hesitates again, a tense moment follows and Nadia says threateningly: "Are you going to change your mind?" The terrified mother musters a response: "No. God willing I will not change my mind." The camera is dangerously imposing during this discussion. It is in the face of the father and mother, confronting them, demanding that they give the right answers. They struggle to resist the demand of the camera and of Nadia with visible pain drawn on their faces. Even when Naila insists that her husband's family, which has become her adopted family, be consulted on the matter, it is Nadia who takes on the task of persuading them.

Nadia also is the one who tries to convince her sister Dina, mother of the young Nabeel, to come along, but Dina refuses and insists on not joining them on their journey. Nadia next takes her parents to visit Randa Shaath, young Nabeel's aunt, and a friend of Nadia's, to talk her into going with them to Israel, oblivious to Randa's inability to go there on account of being Palestinian, which she explains to them. In fact, earlier on in the film, when Naila begins to write up an itinerary of the journey on which she wants to take Nabeel, she includes Israel. There seemed to be no hint at that point that she knew that Nabeel, on account of being Palestinian, could not go to Israel. Yet once they get to Italy to visit Naila's brother and other cousins who live there, we come to know that Naila was trying to apply for Italian citizenship so that she could pass it down to her daughter Dina who would then pass it on to Nabeel. How then could the initial journey to Israel have been planned with Nabeel in mind?

It is to the director's credit that the film did not exclude the moments of hesitation when everyone refused and then some succumbed to the inevitability of the journey to Israel. Nadia Kamel filmed hundreds of hours from which the film footage was finally selected. This tells us that the process must have been even more fraught with problems than the segments we saw. But the director registers these moments in an ambivalent fashion. They are mostly represented not as hesitations to her political agenda but out of fear of the reigning political discourse of the boycott, of the intelligence services, of upsetting other family members, or of psychological blocks. Only in rare moments is the hesitation represented as one of principle, of convictions, and of a sober assessment of current reality.

When the young Nabeel asks why would his grandmother be the one to go to Israel, Nadia answers him that this is because his grandmother and Sarina are both sick and they are worried that they might die without seeing one another (something Naila never articulated in the film). When Nabeel explains that his grandmother is not sick, Nadia tells him: "She is not as sick as Sarina, which is why she is the one going." This is as close as the film gets to explain why it was not Sarina who would come to visit Naila, something she could have done since 1979 with minimal soul-searching. This key question is never asked or answered properly in the film. Could it be that the increase in the voices of the anti-normalization campaign with Israel provoked this yearning on the part of Nadia (and definitely not Naila) and not some personal need to connect with the past?

The film does register a very painful parallel about the modern nation-state's classification of people as foreigners. Naila's father, the Egyptian-born Elie Rosenthal (his mother and father had immigrated from Turkey and Odessa, respectively, to Egypt) did not hold Egyptian citizenship but rather a travel document, just like Naila's half-Palestinian grandson Nabeel, who was also born in Egypt and holds a travel document. Indeed, Naila's parents, the Italian Christian Leandra and the Jewish Elie emigrated to Italy in 1965 and died there. Nabeel's predicament of being stateless like his Jewish great-grandfather and like his own father and paternal grandfather demonstrates the injustice that all nation-states (and not only the Egyptian nation-state) perpetrate on individuals and families with impunity.

There is an instrumental use that the film makes of Palestinians, exploiting them to push the director's pro-normalization position. Starting with the songs of Palestinian singer Kamilya Jubran, which punctuate the film throughout, to actual Palestinians who are trudged onto the screen to push the ideological line to which Salata Baladi is committed, the director is undeterred. The film insists on showing how Naila's sad family situation and need to remedy it comes up against an intransigent, irrational demand by popular forces in Egypt to boycott Israel and to refuse to normalize relations with it, which is contrasted with the rational position of the Egyptian government which did normalize. A Palestinian woman friend, Majida al-Saqqa, who is program advisor for the Ford Foundation-funded "The Culture and Free Thought Association" in Khan Younis, is brought to visit Naila, accompanied by an American woman, Sharry Lapp. Naila tells Majida that Egyptian nationalists and writers are calling for a boycott of all things that fall under Israeli jurisdiction on account of the actions of the Israeli government. "But you Palestinians are under Israeli jurisdiction ..." Majida interrupts in order to push the most original line in the film. She declares on Naila's cue and without any equivocation that: "So [these Egyptian writers and nationalists] boycotted us too ... the Egyptians started a big campaign, saying that governments might agree, but it is impossible for people to normalize. [They speak of the] Palestinian cause, the rights of the Palestinian people, and I don't know what, while we, as Palestinians, since that day, since those days, were placed in an incredible isolation. For example, my mother has not seen my aunts. She lived for thirty years without seeing her sister, and then her sister died in another country. ... if you [Naila] have a small room of maneuver to try, and that this would work, then you must try, so that you would feel good. I did not see my cousins and my aunts and uncles until things started a bit to [improve] ... [They are] in the Gulf, in Syria, in Lebanon, in Abu Dhabi, in Kuwait, this is why I am telling you in no uncertain terms that as a Palestinian, I cannot see that this boycott has done anything good for the Palestinian cause ..."

In contrast to most Palestinians who understand that their separation from their families is based on the state of war and occupation imposed on them by Israel, which prevents the Palestinians it expelled from returning to their homeland to reunite with their families, Majida, pushing Nadia Kamel's pro-normalization line, wants to insist that the civilian efforts in Egypt to boycott Israel are responsible for the splitting of these families, and not Israeli expulsions and laws. Thus, the situation of Palestinian families and that of Naila's family are presented in the film as similar in that in both cases, Arab civilian boycotts, and not Israel, are responsible for their misery and human hardship. Israel somehow is subtracted from the equation, except for the fleeting moments when its apartheid wall and military checkpoints are filmed en passant when Sharry and Nadia's family are driving from Tel Aviv to Ramallah to visit Sharry. Indeed, Ramallah under occupation looks like a fun place to be, featuring fast Internet connections and lovely restaurants serving delicious food and the obligatory Arak on the rocks! Palestine more generally seems to be as cosmopolitan as Cairo before the departure of Jews. Sharry Lapp, who is also a co-producer of Salata Baladi, is an American woman who was born in Jerusalem (her father was an American archeologist who worked in Palestine) and until recently was a program officer at the Ford Foundation, and now lives in Palestine. Her presence there might be an indication to Nadia Kamel of cosmopolitanism. But what about the Jewish settlers in the Occupied Territories? Should Palestinians insist that they continue to colonize them in the name of cosmopolitanism?

Naila had an honorable activist history that is summarized rather too quickly in the film. When her grandson asks her at the beginning of the film about why she had been jailed, his voice is muted and the camera is distant (and no English subtitles appear to translate his question). Naila is not allowed to narrate that history. Nadia instead will speak briefly about her mother's activism later in the film: "I think I know what is bothering her. It is true that there is a fear that accumulated over the years, but there is something more difficult than this fear. Mom went to jail three times and spent seven years in jail because she was a communist. I think then that this way she fears that she might be abandoning the Palestinians ... She is looking through the articles she wrote [in defense of the Palestinians] over a period of 35 years for an answer to her dilemma."

As a friend of mine, an Egyptian woman academic who works on questions of cosmopolitanism in Egypt and who also saw the film in New York, remarked, there is very little nostalgia that the film or the director registers for a time when many Egyptians were communists, national liberationists, socialists, and everything in between (Hala Halim's forthcoming book addresses these exact issues). But this kind of diversity, it seems, the film and the director do not miss at all. Only the diversity of the non-Muslim and the foreign communities, including Greeks, Italians, Syrian Arab Christians, European Jews, and Arab Jews is missed by the contemporary cosmopolitans who live in Cairo and Alexandria. One wonders if the European funders of the film would have been interested in a film of nostalgia for Arab or Egyptian communism, of which both of Nadia's parents were part. But then the Ford Foundation, which contributed funds to the New York based ArteEast film festival (organized by Israeli scholar Livia Alexander) that screened Salata Baladi in New York might not have funded it either. When I saw the film in the middle of last November at Columbia University, where I teach, Nadia Kamel introduced it. She stood there and declared to her American audience (which included many Americans of Egyptian Jewish background and a number of officers from the Ford Foundation): "I come from a country full of taboos."

The audacity of that statement is not to be underestimated. In a post-9/11 New York City and a post-9/11 Columbia University where taboos on free speech and academic freedom are part of everyday life, for Nadia Kamel to complain to her audience and enjoin them to sympathize with her plight against the taboos of her country borders on the obscene. This is not to say that Egypt does not have taboos, it is to say that playing native informant to a Western audience, most of whom, like Nadia Kamel, only recognize Egypt's taboos but not America's, is not a courageous act. Exploiting the sad and touching story of Naila Kamel to push an ideological agenda that the United States and Israel have been pushing for years against the will of most Egyptians is hardly a progressive or democratic enterprise either. This is most pronounced in the director's attempt to attack the anti-normalization campaign with Israel, rather than Israel itself, as the party responsible for her mother's sadness and yearning for her cousin. Kamel's screening the film in East Jerusalem and Ramallah more recently, where it sparked much controversy, demonstrates that there are many kindred spirits to Nadia Kamel who live there and who look to benefit from normalization under occupation. What this documentary film is able to prove, however, is not that most Egyptians come from origins that are salata baladi, as that is hardly unknown to Egyptians, but that the ideological positions the film wants to push is nothing short of salata afrangi, made up exclusively of Western neoliberal ingredients.

Joseph Massad is associate professor of modern Arab politics and intellectual history at Columbia University in New York.
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http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/new_site/mukto-mona/faq_mm.htm

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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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