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Thursday, March 27, 2008

[mukto-mona] Message from Sitangshu Guha

Hello,
Sitangshu Guha would like you to visit the following online campaign, by iPetitions: http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/

Message:
Please sign the Petition to Repeal Enemy Property Act. Thanks.

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari

http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm


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[mukto-mona] New Age Editorial - March 28, 2008

 
We are concerned that the military-controlled interim government has forcibly postponed the elections to the executive committee of the Dhaka University Teachers Association that were scheduled for Thursday. The association has said that four members of the joint forces went to the residence of the election commissioner of the teachers' association in the wee hours of Wednesday and asked him to postpone the polls or step down from his position. On Wednesday, the association also received a letter from the Dhaka Metropolitan Police asking it to postpone its polls by at least 15 days. As a result, the association felt compelled to postpone the elections and have rescheduled the polls for April 12.
   We believe the government's action to postpone the DUTA polls was an absolutely unnecessary show of its sheer coercive power. For one, the polls were postponed for no apparent reason, and for another, the decision to send the joint forces to the residence of a teacher at the dead of night to force the government's agenda on him and the teachers' association shows that this regime is still using state power to scare and force individuals, associations and organisations to comply with its wishes. Unfortunately, such illegal use of power and such arbitrary actions only occur when there is an absence of the rule of law and when there is utter disregard for due process on the part of the rulers.
   We have also witnessed recently the postponement of elections to the executive committee of the Supreme Court Bar Association because of pressure from the government in general, and the Dhaka Metropolitan Police in particular, to do so apparently because the association did not seek permission from the police before holding polls. Report also has it that a particular security agency got involved in the matter. On the other hand, the Dhaka University Teachers Association had reportedly applied for permission on January 9 and given a further reminder on January 21. The association is rightly incensed, in our view, that the police, instead of raising objections before, decided to foil the elections only 18 hours before they were scheduled to begin.
   However, the regime has not only allowed but has appeared to provide support to elections within business organisations and their apex bodies. As a matter of fact, the chief election commissioner recently visited the Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industry during its elections in an apparent effort to show support to it. We find it rather revealing that the regime is continuing to put roadblocks on elections within associations of the intelligentsia – the teachers and lawyers – while appearing to bless elections of trade bodies. It is also extremely worrying that the government is continuing to use the joint forces led by the army and a particular security agency to get things done in its way. Unfortunately, this will only tarnish the image of the army in the public mind and erode the credibility of the army as an institution, which, in our view, is not desirable either for the state or the people.
RAB induces fear, not
sense of security
The Rapid Action Battalion stepped into its fifth year on Wednesday. The battalion was formed in 2004 with an objective to contain crime and improve law and order. Four years on, as we look back at its performance, we have more reasons to be scared than feel secured. According to the human rights watchdog Odhikar, the battalion have accounted for more than 500 extrajudicial killings – 480 in 'crossfire' or 'encounter' and the rest in custody. Every time a crime suspect dies after being arrested by the battalion – either in crossfire or custody – the RAB account of the incident is curiously identical, seemingly betraying its disdainful indifference to the very concept of rule of law, which ordains that even the vilest of criminals has the right to be defended in a court of law. When the protectors of law, which the battalion is meant to be, show such inclination to vigilante justice, we have reasons to feel frightened.
   At this point, we should point out that the current government, like its elected predecessor, has thus far shown no signs that may suggest that it is worried about the trigger-happy law enforcers. It is true that the number of deaths in RAB custody has marked a decline in the past one year or so. However, the incumbents deserve little credit for that; the decrease has been mainly due to the increasingly vocal opposition to extrajudicial killings by certain sections of society. Extrajudicial killings have not been the only blemish for the battalion, though; several RAB members have reportedly been found guilty of involvement in crime and corruption in the past four years and some of them were even sentenced to imprisonment of varying degrees.
   Overall, there are more reasons than one why the authorities need to establish accountability in the affairs of the Rapid Action Battalion. Thus far, the authorities have shown an inexplicable indifference when it comes to streamlining the battalion and reining in its trigger-happy members. We renew our call to the authorities to thoroughly investigate into every incident of 'crossfire' and other custodial deaths that the battalion has been associated with and mete out exemplary punishment to those found guilty of aberrations or excesses.

Not more of the same, hopefully
The food situation is worsening every day primarily because of the inaction of the government. The problems should not be difficult to identify for such seasoned bureaucrats and recognised economists. The prices of food essentials are high and increasing every month, if not every week. On the other side, the people do not have the means to buy food either because they do not have enough earnings or because they have no earnings whatsoever. The obvious solution, then, is to generate more employment and arrange for food subsidies,
writes Tanim Ahmed
THE recent formation of a 'core' committee, headed by none other than the chief adviser, Fakhruddin Ahmed, himself, which will exclusively discuss ways and means to keep the market prices within the reach of the commoners and ensure availability of food on the market, is an admission in itself that the military-controlled interim government's efforts to contain the rising food prices have largely been exercises in futility. The chief adviser said the committee would do 'anything and everything' required to address the food situation. The emphasis on 'anything and everything' may well have been an attempt to inspire some confidence in the public mind vis-à-vis the government's commitment and ability to steer the country clear through the ever-worsening food situation. It may not have worked; for valid reasons, one must say.
   Thus far, the government's measures to tackle the food situation have been limited to a largely failed bid to procure grains from abroad, withdrawal of import tariff on cooking oil, which would hardly have any impact on the prices since import of refined edible oil is virtually non-existent, and increased market monitoring, which has proved more or less ineffective in the absence of specific laws for price control. If the 'core' committee continues in the same vein, the future, particularly in terms of the food situation, looks rather bleak. The past statements of the other members of the committee – namely food adviser AMM Shawkat Ali, commerce adviser Hossain Zillur Rahman and finance adviser AB Mirza Azizul Islam – were any indicator of how the committee would function, the future looks even bleaker.
   The food adviser is reported to have said recently that the people should eat less till the boro harvest when the prices are expected to come down and can eat more then to make up for the nutrition loss now. The commerce adviser is quoted to have said that the strong sales during the Dhaka International Trade Fair, which concluded on February 7, were a clear indication that the people's purchasing capacity had not diminished and that their income levels were satisfactory. The finance adviser, in the wake of the devastation by cyclone Sidr, said the damage to standing crops on thousands of hectares of land would not affect the food situation. Earlier, he commented that, in an open-market economy, the government could do nothing about the prices, and that increase in import tariff on capital machinery and its reduction vis-à-vis finished production would not affect industrialisation or employment.
   While their statements seem inane, a recent statement of the chief adviser on the number of people detained in the past 13 months or so and the inflation figures released by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics point to some disturbing conclusions. In an interview with the al-Jazeera television, when asked whether it was true that his government had detained as many as 2.5 lakh people, the chief adviser told the acclaimed British journalist David Frost that the number should not be more than 80,000. According to latest figures available with the police headquarters, the number of detainees now stands at more 5.7 lakh, as was reported in New Age on March 24. Meanwhile, the latest figures released by the bureau of statistics suggest that inflation actually decreased to 10.16 per cent from 11.43 per cent in January – a figure that would surely be cited many times in future by the government to paint a more tolerable picture of the economy. The figures, needless to say, have been contested by many, including the chairman of the Regulatory Reforms Commission, Akbar Ali Khan, who said the BBS figures did not depict the true picture. The research findings of Unnayan Samunnay arrive at similar conclusions.
   These two particular events certainly raise the question as to whether the government is resorting to dissemination of misinformation and manipulation of data to suit its own needs and purpose – a tendency that authoritarian regimes have shown in different times and in different places in the world, including in Bangladesh.
   If the 'core' committee is really intent on tackling the food situation, its members should first and foremost shed the apathy they have shown and come out of the state of denial they appear to have been thus far. No one would question the experience and aptitude of the members of the committee. All of them have PhDs – two in economics, one in public administration and the other in political sociology – and their previous positions of employment include governor of the Bangladesh Bank, chairman of the Palli Karma Shahayak Foundation, chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, chairman of the Sonali Bank's board of governors, lead author of the national poverty reduction strategy plan, commissioner for the Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation, secretary to the ministries of establishment, industries, agriculture, jute, and post and telecommunications. In fact, the same may be said for the interim government, which includes two more PhDs, as a whole. It may not be hyperbolic either to say that never before have such a distinguished league of individuals come together to serve the people of this country in such a fashion.
   Whatever their individual aptitude and experience may be, the fact of the matter is that collectively they have neither managed to revive the economy nor been able to mitigate the sufferings of the people. One reason for their failure to revive the economy may be their lack of vision due to years of bureaucratic service or working as consultants for mostly international agencies such as the United Nations and the World Bangladesh that primarily require strict adherence to prescribed lines of engagement and hardly taxes one's innovative faculties or resourcefulness.
   On the contrary, in running the affairs of the state, one needs more than resourcefulness; one needs vision as well. Running a government also requires that those at the helm feel the pulse of the people and act accordingly whether or not those actions conform to the customs or norms of a free market economy. The primary concern for the policymakers of a government must be the welfare of the people they serve. The welfare of the people should also be the prime concern of the core committee. But in order to elicit genuine results the members would have to go beyond the 'development box' specified by the international lending agencies.
   The food situation is worsening every day primarily because of the inaction of the government. The problems should not be difficult to identify for such seasoned bureaucrats and recognised economists. The prices of food essentials are high and increasing every month, if not every week. On the other side, the people do not have the means to buy food either because they do not have enough earnings or because they have no earnings whatsoever.
   The obvious solution, then, is to generate more employment and arrange for food subsidies. Since the private sector is still shying away from investment due to the climate of fear that the government itself created through its over-enthusiastic drive against corruption and looks unlikely to invest enough to revive the economy in the near future, the government will have to increase public spending on development work. This might enhance people's purchasing capacity but would not be enough to ensure a reasonable improvement of the miserable situation and thus prices would also have to come down.
   To that end, the government should immediately initiate reactivation of the Trading Corporation of Bangladesh, which would allow the government to intervene in the market and play a significant role in stabilising the market for essential commodities. The state agency could be used to distribute and sell subsidised food items that feature prominently in the common food basket of the poorer section of the people. The possibility of a national prices commission and laws expressly banning collusion or cartels as regards trade in essential commodities may also be among the initiatives that the core committee should recommend or, even better, initiate.
   No matter how the core committee goes about addressing the food situation, it would only be making it worse if it looks for guidance from the lending agencies. The lending agencies have not only precipitated economic crises across the world but are also considered as the main actors behind causing serious economic crises from East Asia to Latin America. However, the decisions and actions of the government thus fair, which have resulted in gradual withdrawal of the state from the public sphere by corporatising state-owned enterprises, suggest that it is still sticking to the lenders' prescription. The incumbents must realise that this is a crisis where the market has evidently failed. The bottom line is that the market needs to be brought back on track. It no longer is a question of regulating the market; it is a case for strong government intervention.


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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

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[mukto-mona] Last part of 'Mollatontro bonam Narir Shomanadhikar.{Bangla}

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/Rabiul_islam/Mollatontro_narir_adhikar3.pdf

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari

http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh drying up as India withdrawing Ganges water

Bangladesh drying up as India withdrawing Ganges water
 
Abdur Rahman Khan
 
 
 
 
Bangladesh is getting drier every year due to India's unilateral withdrawal of water from the common river Ganges flowing upstream from India. The quantity of water down the Farakka point has been critically declining due to taking out of the Ganges water by upper riparian India through various canals by violating the water sharing agreement.

   Over and above, there are other unresolved issues and irritants between India and Bangladesh, one of which is the long outstanding border issue. Bangladesh had long ago handed over its Berubari enclave to India but has been waiting for more than 34 years to get the Mujib-Indira Border Accord ratified by Indian parliament for the handover of Tin-Bigha corridor to Bangladesh.

   But the irritant which remains singularly thorny since long between Dhaka and Delhi is the water sharing issue of the common rivers flowing from India to Bangladesh. The flow of the once-mighty river Ganges (Padma) has decreased alarmingly due to withdrawal of water at Farakka point in India, leading to drying up of at least 15 of its tributaries. It is now a mere memory that the fishermen living along the river Padma used to catch hilsa fish near Rajshahi city but� in last couple of decades waters has dried up giving rise to� sandy islands� on the dried bed of the Padma.

   Unilateral withdrawal of the Ganges water during the dry months resulted in serious adverse effects in the south-western and western districts of Bangladesh, covering almost 20 per cent of country's area. It has adversely affected the environment, agriculture, industries, fisheries, navigation the river regime and salinity culminating in the surface and ground water.

   The effects of this have been severe for Bangladesh where the salinity front have moved some 280 kilometers upstream northward from the coast in the south and the salinity level in surface water has increased almost six times. It was also evident that the Sundarbans, one of the world's largest mangrove forests, is being degraded due to increased salinity in the estuarine rivers.

   Meanwhile, much to Bangladesh's agony, India is moving ahead with its plan of interlinking its Himalayan rivers with those in the peninsular region through 30 interlinking canal systems. Already, the project has raised controversy and debate. Interlinking rivers will directly hit Bangladesh because India's rivers pass through Bangladesh. Besides, the basis of the Ganges and Brahmaputra river systems are shared by Nepal and Bangladesh.
   In India, the project has been criticised on environmental grounds. It is feared that implementation might cause vast forest tracts to be submerged, disturbing wildlife, displacing communities, affecting livelihood and transforming water quality and microclimatic conditions affecting human health.

   To implement the project, India must enter into agreements with Nepal and Bangladesh, as these countries share the basins of the Ganges and Brahmaputra river systems. However, Bangladesh is seriously concerned as India plans to divert vast quantities of water from the Ganga and Brahmaputra rivers to India's southern states, directly threatening the livelihoods of millions of people in the country as well as its environment. These rivers are crucial sources of freshwater for the country.

   Agriculture is the main mode of livelihood in Bangladesh where over 65 per cent of the population is dependent on farming. That is why the people's livelihood is inextricably linked to water. Bangladesh's water, both above and below the ground, provides a multitude of services to its population: water to drink, water for agricultural production, fishery and river transport. Water is Bangladesh's lifeline that is now under stress putting the nation in a bad situation.

    The crisis began with the construction of Farakka Barrage on the Ganges in India at about 20 km upstream from Bangladesh border soon after her independence. The Farakka barrage was completed in 1974 for diverting Ganges water into the Hoogly river for the stated purpose of improving navigability� of Kolkata� port.

   For the test run of the barrage, a water sharing agreement with India was made in 1975 for diverting 11,000 to 16,000 cubic feet per second (cusecs) of water between April 21 and May 31, 1975 leaving about 44,000 cusecs for Bangladesh.

   However, India started unilateral withdrawal of water upstream in 1976 without any agreement severely affecting Bangladesh in the dry season. Bangladesh had to take the issue to the United nations General Assembly and finally an agreement was concluded in 1977 for five years.

   With the expiry of the first five-year agreement, a memorandum of understanding (MOU) was signed in 1982 between Bangladesh and India on the sharing of Ganges water. After it expired in 1988, the countries failed to reach a new agreement and entered a period marked by disagreement. During this time, India continued unilateral diversion Ganges water through the Farakka Barrage. Finally on December 12, 1996, Bangladesh and India signed a treaty on sharing of Ganges water.

   Negotiations on the sharing of Ganges water at Farakka started in 1960 at the time of the sharing of Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan. India decided to construct a barrage across the Ganges at Farakka in 1951 in order to divert water to Bhagirathi to maintain its navigability.

    India's decision to start construction of Farakka Barrage in 1960 violated the international norms on infrastructure for the diversion of water on any international river. Construction of the 7363 feet long barrage -- designed for a maximum discharge of 27,00,000� cusecs and a head regulator for diversion capacity of 40,000 cusecs of flow -- was completed in 1974.

   India then approached Bangladesh for a test operation of the Farakka Barrage and feeder canal. The then Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman agreed to India's proposal for the test operation of the barrage and the feeder canal. Initially in 1975, India was allowed to divert flows varying from 11,000 cusecs to 16,000 cusecs for a period of 41 days from April 21 to may 31 in 1975.

   It was the understanding in 1975 that India would not operate the feeder canal until a final agreement was reached between India and Bangladesh on the sharing of Ganges water. However, India, in violation of the understanding, diverted the Ganges water in the upstream in 1976 and 1977.

   The 1996 treaty established a new formula for sharing the Ganges water at Farakka in the dry season (January 1 to May 31). According to the agreement, two governments would immediately would sit for consultation to make adjustments on emergency basis in case of drastic fall of waters below 50,000 cusecs in any 10-day period. If the discharge is 70,000 cusecs or less, both the countries will share 50 per cent. In case of a flow between 70,000 and 75,000 cusecs, Bangladesh will receive 35,000 cusecs and when the flow is above 75,000 cusecs, India will receive 40, 000 cusecs and Bangladesh will receive the balance.
   Article 11 of the agreement made it clear that agreements will be reviewed every five years and if no agreement can be reached or adjusted India will release at least 90 per cent of Bangladesh's share. However, the fault of the agreement was that no provision for international arbitration was spelled out in case of any dispute.

   However, the recent statistics reveal that Bangladesh received less amount of water in each ten-day slot from January to March this year.

   According to the agreement, Bangladesh was to get a share of 408,046 cusecs of water in eight slots during the period of January 01 to March 20 this year but got only 257,235 cusecs. Bangladesh was deprived by 150,811 cusecs of water during the period.
   In this regard, a written protest from Bangladesh side was made through the Joint River Commission and also the mater was taken up at diplomatic level.

   Meanwhile, the water level in the Padma is falling down by one meter on an average every March. It came down by 2.50 meters from January to mid-March.

   In March 2000, the water level in Padma was at a height of 10.65 meters while it came down to 9.62 meters in March 2004 and at 9.05 in March 2007. The record shows that the level of water came down to a level of 8.99 meters by the end of the first week of March this year (2008). It was at 11.30 meters in December last.

   Bangladesh water experts pointed out that India's claim for low discharge in the Ganges due to natural causes was not supported by facts as it was not maintaining the flow in the upper riparian on the basis of 40-years of average, as agreed in the water sharing treaty.
   To maintain a steady flow in the upper riparian, Nepal could be involved for augmentation of the Ganges water, the experts suggested. But India is not sincere enough to involve Nepal in a tri-partite agreement in spite of Nepal's willingness to help resolve the crisis.
   Whatever might be the water statistics and discord, the adverse impact, a slow-motion disaster, is hitting Bangladesh with little concern among the ruling regime. Unfortunately, Bangladesh under a non-elected Caretaker Government is active in working out a railway link as desired by India and also the facility to use Chittagong port keeping the Bangladesh demands pending over the years.
 
 
Also:
 


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[mukto-mona] Re: Transcript of Obama's speech in Philadelphia - Presenting Farida Majid as the latest Obama sycophant

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/47399

What gave you the impression that I'm a "supporter" of Ms Farida Majid?

J.A.


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*****************************************
Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

*****************************************
Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari

http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm


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[mukto-mona] Tackling crisis period

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
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[mukto-mona] Please read this online web site and write there

Dear Readers,
Yours to discover! Please click the link:
 
 
With warmest regards,
 
Gopal Sengupta
Canada
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[mukto-mona] The toxic power of RACISM

Newsweek
Sponsored By
The Toxic Power of Racism

Recent studies document the harmful effects of discrimination on our health.

 
Dean Ornish M.D.
Newsweek Web Exclusive
Updated: 5:54 PM ET Mar 25, 2008

 

Like many of us, I was inspired by Sen. Barack Obama's recent eloquent speech on healing racial and other divisions in this country. His words resonated with my personal experiences. In 1981, for example, when my friend and I moved to Boston to start our medical internships at Massachusetts General Hospital and the Brigham & Women's Hospital, the landlord forced us to find another place to live when he saw that she was African-American.
 
In his speech Senator Obama was careful to point out that access to affordable health care is a human issue, not one reducible to the color of our skin or the color of our states, Red or Blue. As he said, "This time we want to talk about how the lines in the emergency room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care, who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together."
 
However, a growing body of research during the past few years indicates that one of the most glaring inequalities experienced by African-Americans is the disparity in health care that they receive. This week, for example, the New York Times reported that the Department of Veterans Affairs found that black patients "tend to receive less aggressive medical care than whites" at its hospitals and clinics, in part because doctors provide them with less information and see them as "less appropriate candidates" for some types of surgery.
 
Statistics tell the story. A new government report found the difference in life expectancy between poor black men and affluent white women to be more than 14 years (66.9 vs. 81.1 years)! African-Americans have a higher risk of dying from chronic ailments such as coronary heart disease and high blood pressure than any other ethnic group. Only part of this disparity is explained by differences in income and access to adequate medical care. On average, the most affluent African-Americans suffer more health problems than the least affluent whites.
 
In the past decade more than 100 studies have been published documenting the harmful effects of racial discrimination on a variety of health measures in African-American men and women. For example, a recent study that followed nearly 60,000 African-American women for six years found that women who reported on-the-job racial discrimination had a 32 percent higher risk of breast cancer than others who did not. Women who said they faced racial discrimination on the job, in housing and from the police were 48 percent more likely to develop breast cancer than those who reported no incidents of major discrimination. Another study of African-American women found that those who reported chronic emotional stress due to their experience of racism had more severely blocked carotid arteries (which supply blood to the brain) than those who did not. In yet another study perceived racism was associated with a significantly increased risk of uterine fibroids in black women, and this was unrelated to differences in health care utilization.
 
Some critics say that racism cannot be objectively measured and so does not lend itself to rigorous research. However, the latest studies show that it is the perception of chronic stress that determines whether or not it is harmful. For example, two people in the same job may react very differently to a boss's demands—one may perceive them as an exciting challenge and not experience them as stressful, whereas the other person may experience them as chronically stressful and have a higher likelihood of illness. While the experience of racism, like any chronic stress, is subjective, the harmful effects can be quite real. The effects can be both direct (increased blood pressure, decreased immune function) and indirect (more smoking, drinking and overeating, less exercise and social support).
 
This area of research is controversial for some, as it can be misused to further polarize and fan the flames of anger and blame. To me, however, awareness is the first step in transformation and healing. Chronic hostility, fear and hatred are among the most toxic forms of stress. Chronic stress due to racism affects everyone, not just African-Americans. As Senator Obama shared, "a similar anger exists within segments of the white community." Even his beloved white grandmother, who "once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe … Resentment builds over time." In another example, Arab-Americans experienced a period of increased harassment, violence and workplace discrimination in the weeks immediately following Sept. 11, 2001. A study of pregnant Arab-American women in the six months following 9/11 compared with a year earlier found a significantly elevated relative risk of poor birth outcomes.
 
Well then, what can we do about it? As we understand how chronic stress leads to illness, we begin to understand even more profoundly that how we treat each other, and how we talk with each other, matters—not only in our quality of life but even in our survival. "Just words" can harm or heal. We can all find many reasons to righteously justify our anger and fear, but we have more constructive choices. When we can connect the dots between what we do and how much we suffer—from both chronic stress and increased illness—then we can make different choices that are a lot more enjoyable and healthful.
 
When we are angry with someone, we empower the person we hate the most in that moment to make us stressed out or even sick. That's not smart. Seen from that perspective, the most "selfish" thing we can do is to be more compassionate, tolerant and forgiving. When we forgive someone, it doesn't excuse their actions; it frees us from our own chronic stress and suffering, so it's in our own self-interest.
 
As then-President Bill Clinton said in his address to the Nigerian parliament in 2002, "Some things you just have to forgive and let go. That's one thing I learned from my friend Nelson Mandela. I asked him, 'When you were taking your last walk for freedom, didn't you hate your oppressors again?' He said, 'I did for a while, after all. Look, they kept me for 27 years. I didn't get to see my children grow up. I felt hatred and I was afraid. I hadn't been free in so long.' And then he smiled at me and he said, 'If I still hated them when I got outside the prison gate, I would still be their prisoner.' He said, 'I wanted to be free, and so I let it go'."
 
In his speech Senator Obama concluded, "In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand: that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well."
 
All divisions are man-made. In an era in which war and terrorism—at home and abroad—are often based on racial, religious and ethnic differences, rediscovering the wisdom of love and compassion may help us increase our survival at a time when an increasingly divided country and world so badly need it.

 
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/129020


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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[mukto-mona] newsweek cover story: When Barry Became Barack

Newsweek
Sponsored By
When Barry Became Barack
 

It didn't happen overnight. But in college, the young Barry took to being called by his formal name. What this evolution tells us about him.

 

Richard Wolffe, Jessica Ramirez and Jeffrey Bartholet
NEWSWEEK
Updated: 2:26 PM ET Mar 22, 2008

Barry Obama decided that he didn't like his nickname. A few of his friends at Occidental College had already begun to call him Barack (his formal name), and he'd come to prefer that. The way his half sister, Maya, remembers it, Obama returned home at Christmas in 1980, and there he told his mother and grandparents: no more Barry.  Obama recalls it slightly differently, but in the same basic time frame. He believes he told his mom he wanted to be called Barack when she visited him in New York the following summer. By both accounts, it seemed that the elder relatives were reluctant to embrace the change. Maya recalls that Obama's maternal grandparents, who had played a big role in raising him, continued long after that to call him by an affectionate nickname, "Bar." "Not just them, but my mom, too," says Obama.

Why did Obama make the conscious decision to take on his formal African name? His father was also Barack, and also Barry: he chose the nickname when he came to America from Kenya on a scholarship in 1959. His was a typical immigrant transition. Just as a Dutch woman named Hanneke might become Johanna, or a German named Matthias becomes Matt, the elder Barack wanted to fit in. America was a melting pot, and it was expected then that you melt—or at least smooth some of your more foreign edges.

But Obama, after years of trying to fit in himself, decided to reverse that process. The choice is part of his almost lifelong quest for identity and belonging—to figure out who he is, and how he fits into the larger American tapestry. Part black, part white, raised in Hawaii and Indonesia, with family of different religious and spiritual backgrounds—seen by others in ways he didn't see himself—the young Barry was looking for solid ground. At Occidental, he was feeling as if he was at a "dead end," he tells NEWSWEEK, "that somehow I needed to connect with something bigger than myself." The name Barack tied him more firmly to his black African father, who had left him and his white mother at a young age and later returned home to Kenya. But that wasn't the primary motivation.

Obama wrote a whole book about his quest for identity, called "Dreams From My Father," and in it he never directly deals with the reasons he reverted to his birth name, or the impression it made on his relatives. The book is a deeply personal narrative that takes some liberties with the facts for the sake of a coherent tale. (Some of the characters, he points out in the introduction, are composites.) Old friends contacted by NEWSWEEK who were present during the time he changed his name recall or intuit a mix of reasons—both personal and social. By Obama's own account, he was, like most kids at that stage of life, a bit of a poseur—trying to be cool. So that could have played a part. He was also trying to reinvent himself. "It was when I made a conscious decision: I want to grow up," says Obama.

It's clear that he was trying to fit in somehow, but not in the way of his father's generation. He wanted to be taken seriously, perhaps to rebel against the compromises blacks and others were expected to make in a white-dominated society. But more generally, he was also looking for a community that would accept him as he was, inside and out.

The identity quest, which began before he became Barack and continued after, put him on a trajectory into a black America he had never really known as a child in Hawaii and abroad. In the end, he would come to see and accept that he was in an almost unique position as an American—someone who had been part of both the white and the black American "families," able to view the secret doubts and fears and dreams of both, and to understand them. He could be part of a black world where his pastor and spiritual mentor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright Jr., expressed paranoid fantasies about white conspiracies to spread drugs or HIV, because he understood in his gut the history of racism that stoked those fears. He could, for a time, shrug off Wright's more incendiary views, in part because he knew that whites, in their private worlds, often expressed or shrugged off bigotry themselves, partly because of fears that might seem irrational to African-Americans. Obama's own grandmother, as he pointed out in his Philadelphia speech last week, "on more than one occasion uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe."

Conservative critics have blasted him, partly for "moral equivalence." (Obama's grandmother, syndicated columnist Charles Krauthammer pointed out, "never spread racial hatred.") Other critics questioned his loyalties to America. They will continue to do so, particularly if he wins the Democratic nomination. Obama responds by telling his own story, and wrapping it into the larger chronicle of America. His pitch is that he can see America as few others can, and that this ability will enable him to pull a majority of the country together and get things done. "That's what we are doing with our speeches and that's to some degree what I think this campaign is about and what America is about," he told NEWSWEEK in one of two recent interviews. "People from diverse backgrounds and unlikely places finding a common culture and a common set of values and ideals that make them American." That is perhaps Obama's greatest talent: to weave compelling narratives about himself that seem to include everyone in a common epic. The stories have a fierce intelligence, but like any good mythmaker, Obama sands down pieces that don't quite fit. How Barry became Barack is just such a story.

Obama's first questions about his own identity came early, when he lived for several years in Indonesia. He moved there with his idealistic mother—whom he has described as a "lonely witness for secular humanism"—when he was 6. The Asian archipelago was an eye-opener for a child who had been raised in the relative comforts of Hawaii. He didn't know what to make of the leper who came to his door, who had a hole where his nose was supposed to be and made a discomfiting "whistling sound" as he asked for food. He had to learn how to deal with street beggars of all types. Obama's bighearted mother gave easily. His Indonesian stepfather, an unsentimental man with a more practical view of the world, counseled the boy that the demands of the needy had no end; it was best to be strong because "men take advantage of weakness in other men."

The young Obama grappled, to the extent a child can, with the guilt of the privileged. But for the first time, he also confronted the potential burden of being dark-skinned. This occurred, according to his autobiography, at the library of the U.S. Embassy, where his mother was teaching English to local businessmen. Barry was there leafing through magazines when he came across disturbing photos of a black man who had tried to erase the darkness from his skin by using chemicals. The man had a ghostly pallor, as if he had suffered from radiation poisoning. After "a stretch of childhood free from self-doubt," seeing the photos was "violent for me," Obama later wrote. He had been warned before about bigots and wasn't completely ignorant about the evils of the world. "But that one photograph had told me something else: that there was a hidden enemy out there, one that could reach me without anyone's knowledge, not even my own."

The boy's mother tried her best to armor him against self-doubt. "To be black was to be the beneficiary of a great inheritance, a special destiny, glorious burdens that only we were strong enough to bear," she told him. She also taught him "to disdain the blend of ignorance and arrogance that too often characterized Americans abroad," and made sure he was respectful of Indonesians and their culture. "My mother always distinguished between certain aspects of Americans abroad that she was embarrassed by: the expats who would never eat in a local restaurant or never socialize with Indonesians or had a patronizing attitude," Obama recalled to NEWSWEEK. "She was always concerned about me never thinking I was superior to Indonesians in that way."

He ate lots of the local street food: chicken satay, traditional fried rice and meatballs the size of tennis balls. He saw shadow-puppet shows and listened to Indonesian music. His backyard was home to baby crocodiles, birds of paradise and a cockatoo. "It wasn't all grim," says Obama's half sister, Maya. Jakarta was like a vast, sprawling village at the time, lit by kerosene lamps—a young boy's paradise.

But Obama's mother didn't want Barry to be denied the many opportunities that American kids had. So she tutored him at 4 a.m., before he went to his Indonesian school, administering three-hour English lessons. Obama got a glancing exposure to Islam. He went to a public school where he had a bit of Islamic instruction, perhaps once a week. But Indonesia wore its religion lightly. "Nobody wore headscarves on the streets," he says. "I mean, women were driving on Vespas, and when you went to the villages they were all taking baths in the river." His mother taught him what she thought of as "Midwestern, traditional American values"—honesty, fairness, plain speaking. "She believed in saying what you mean and meaning what you say, even if it made a situation uncomfortable," he recalls. "To her that was part of her American tradition that she was proud of, and she wanted to make sure that was part of me."

Yet the poverty and corruption of Indonesia would come to instill "a relentless skepticism" in the child, he later wrote. Obama's mother eventually stifled her idealism, and sent her son back to Hawaii to live with his grandparents.

There's no escape from adolescence and the torrent of questions that accompany it. Like all young boys, Obama was plagued by doubts and worries—about girls, about being teased, about his ability to "fit in." He became more aware of his blackness. At his new school, a redheaded girl wanted to touch his hair, and a boy wanted to know if his father ate people. Obama gave a slight shove to a black girl when other kids taunted the two of them, saying she was his girlfriend. Barry later felt guilty about it. When his father came to visit from Kenya—for the first and only time—the 10-year-old was nervous. He didn't want to be seen as different from the other kids, but with no choice, he couldn't resist fibbing that his father was a prince, his grandfather a chief, and that his family name meant "burning spear." In 1975, when Obama started high school in Hawaii, teacher Eric Kusunoki read the roll call and stumbled on Obama's first name. "Is Barack here?" he asked, pronouncing it BAR-rack. "He said, 'Just call me Barry'," recalls Kusunoki. "He didn't say it like he was exasperated or anything; he just corrected me."

Keith Kakugawa was a close friend of Obama's at the Punahou School. (He appears in "Dreams" as a revised character named "Ray" who may be a composite of more than one Obama friend.) He says that Obama, being a dark-skinned kid growing up in a white household, sensed that something was amiss. "He felt that he was not getting a part of who he was, the history," says Kakugawa, who is also of mixed race. He recalls Obama's reading black authors —James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, Langston Hughes—looking for clues. Keith didn't know at first that Obama's given name was Barack. "We were in the library and there was a Malcolm X book," Kakugawa tells NEWSWEEK. "He grabbed it and looked at it and he's checking it out, and I said, 'Hold on, man. What you gonna do? Change your name to something Muslim?' He said, 'Well, my name is Barack Obama.' And I said, 'No it isn't.' And we got in an argument about that in the library and they had to tell us, 'Shhhh'."

Back in Hawaii in the 1970s, it could seem that everyone was some kind of a minority. The fact that Obama was half-black and half-white didn't matter much to anyone but Obama, Kakugawa says: "He made everything out like it was all racial." On one occasion, Obama thought he'd gotten a bad break on the school basketball team because he was black. But Kakugawa recalls his father's telling the teenager, "No, Barry, it's not because you're black. It's because you missed two shots in a row." (Here, Kakugawa's memory is different from Obama's. The Ray character in the book is the one obsessed with being discriminated against.)

Darin Maurer, another buddy of Obama's in Hawaii, never noticed any internal struggle. The two met in seventh grade, drawn together by a shared interest in basketball. Both Darin and his mother recall Obama as very integrated. Suzanne Maurer recalls that Barry and her white son, who had very curly hair, both sported Afro-style haircuts at one point. Mostly, both Maurers remember how smart Obama was. "He could whip out a paper that was due the next day the night before, while all the other kids were spending weeks writing," recalls Suzanne. Darin remembers some racial tensions in Hawaii at that time—expressed by Native Islanders against both whites and blacks. There were derogatory native words for both races. "I wouldn't be very surprised about any sort of derogatory stuff about a black person," says Darin, a pastor who now lives in Texas. "I knew that's what you had to accept … It wasn't like it was debilitating. It was just a challenge."

Mostly, perhaps, Barry was feeling stifled in Hawaii, which is best known for its laid-back love of sun and surf. He didn't want to go the way his friend Keith ultimately went. Kakugawa flew off to the mainland and later struggled with drugs, moving in and out of prison, and was homeless for a period. Even as a teenager, Obama had broad ambitions, and seemed determined to make something of himself.

Barry Obama met Eric Moore fresh on arrival from Hawaii at Occidental College in Los Angeles. The two roamed in the same circles, gravitating toward friends who considered themselves "progressive," including many with international backgrounds. Moore came from the mostly white college town of Boulder, Colo. He hoped Occidental and Los Angeles would expose him to African-American culture in a way that his Caucasian-dominated world back home could not. Yet Occidental had 1,675 kids enrolled, and only 17.7 percent were minorities.

"There was a certain kinship right away," Moore says. He remembers Obama as polished and precocious. He seemed older than his age, unless you considered the flip-flops, T shirt and Hawaiian shorts he wore around campus. "He was more worldly than the average kid in California," Moore says, "although he clearly looked like a surfer type."

Their kinship was strengthened in conversations like the one they had about a trip Moore took during the summer of 1980. He visited Kenya—the homeland of Obama's father and other relatives—as part of a program that sent teens abroad to do volunteer work. Moore told Obama about his experiences, and explained how the trip was one of the most powerful events of his life. "It helped me find my own identity," Moore says. "I think for an African-American to go back to Africa is a powerful experience. It's like going to Israel if you're Jewish."

The two men didn't discuss questions of identity much, Moore says, but the struggles were always there, just beneath the surface. There were moments when they'd poke fun at each other, and snippets of private truth would emerge. On one occasion, Moore and Obama were hanging out in a dorm—early on in their friendship—when the subject of names came up. "What kind of name is Barry Obama—for a brother?" Moore asked with a grin. "Actually, my name's Barack Obama," he replied. "That's a very strong name," Moore told him. Obama responded that he didn't want to have to explain his name. "Barry" was just a way of simplifying things—a small compromise to smooth the way in society.

Moore knew then that Obama had been called Barry for a very long time, but he made a point to call him Barack anyway. He did this because he liked the name, he says, but also because he respected anything African. "It was a time when we were very conscious and he actually appreciated that I called him Barack," Moore says. A handful of people, mostly close friends, would use Barack and Barry interchangeably.

But Obama had friends from many different backgrounds. Other friends at Occidental, including his freshman roommate, Paul Carpenter, never heard Obama called Barack at all. At times, he was still asking to be called Barry. Anne Howells, who taught him Introduction to Literary Theory in the winter semester of 1980, had noticed Obama's full name on the enrollment list of about 15 students. She was curious about it, wondering if it was a Hawaiian name. But when she went around the room asking each student how he or she would like to be called, Obama answered "Barry."

Wahid Hamid, a good friend at Oxy who attended Obama's wedding years later, says that even before he became Barack, most friends simply called him "Obama." "It wasn't surprising to me that he decided to embrace that identity because 'Barry' could be perceived as trying to run away from something and trying to fit in, rather than embracing his own identity and, in many ways, kind of opening himself to who he is." For Wahid, an immigrant from Pakistan also trying to find his way in America (he is now a corporate executive in New York), the name Barack was perfectly natural and "somewhat refreshing."

Obama struck Moore as a person who could glide in and out of any social circle on campus. This was the thing about being of "mixed race," Moore says. "You have the benefit of knowing both cultures firsthand and it opens your eyes." Moore said that even though he was older than Obama, he was often worrying and struggling to succeed during that time in his life. Obama always seemed relaxed and well prepared.

He cites as an example Obama's speech during a rally of the Black Student Alliance and other groups concerning divestment from South Africa. The rally was staged near the president's office. In Moore's mind, the students were running a risk doing this. They could get in trouble, or even expelled. He was nervous and jittery, in part because he was also speaking at the event. Then he saw Obama take the stage. He seemed so calm. People slowed down to listen. "He had this booming voice," Moore says. "It helped that people knew who he was [because he was popular on campus], but he also had this commanding presence." Moore says he was reminded of that moment when Obama gave his breakout speech to the Democratic National Convention in 2004. "I remember calling friends, saying, 'Are you watching this? That's our boy from school'."

Obama says in his autobiography that the school speech on South Africa was an important moment, but also a confusing one. He was enthralled by the power of his own words—"to hear my voice bouncing off the crowd and returning back to me in applause." Yet he also felt foolish, that the whole demonstration was a farce—more about him than about South Africa. He succumbed to self-pity, and a friend admonished him for it. He still wasn't sure who he was, or who he was supposed to be.

Yet Obama honed his sense of right and wrong at Occidental. "He hung out with the young men and women who were most serious about issues of social justice," recalls Prof. Roger Boesche, who taught Obama two political-science courses and knew him as Barry at the time. Obama also wasn't afraid to stand up for himself, and perhaps had a righteous streak. In one instance, he politely confronted his professor over lunch at a local sandwich shop called The Cooler. "He'd gotten a grade he was disappointed in," Boesche recalls. "I told him he was really smart, but he wasn't working hard enough." Other students might have backed off at that point. But not Obama. He politely told Boesche he should have gotten a better grade. Even today, Obama recalls the demeaning mark. He told journalist David Mendell, author of a recent book called "Obama, From Promise to Power," that he "was pissed" about it because he thought he was being graded "on a different curve." Boesche still insists he gave him the grade he deserved.

Occidental—like Hawaii before—became too small for Obama. "I think the Oxy environment and L.A. in general seemed not to be enough for him," Moore says. He remembered asking Obama when he was a sophomore what he planned to do the following year, since many upper-class friends of Obama's were graduating. Obama told him he was planning to transfer to Columbia University. "I remember trying to convince him to stay at Oxy," Moore says. But Obama had made up his mind that he wanted to move to a more urban, intense and polyglot place. "He said something to the effect that he needed a bigger and more stimulating environment intellectually."

Obama wanted a clean slate. "Going to New York was really a significant break. It's when I left a lot of stuff behind," he says. "I think there was a lot of stuff going on in me. By the end of that year at Occidental, I think I was starting to work it through, and I think part of the attraction of transferring was, it's hard to remake yourself around people who have known you for a long time." It was when he got to New York that, as he recalls it, he began to ask people to call him Barack: "It was not some assertion of my African roots … not a racial assertion. It was much more of an assertion that I was coming of age. An assertion of being comfortable with the fact that I was different and that I didn't need to try to fit in in a certain way."

He stopped drinking and partying, leading what he calls "a hermetic existence" for two years. "When I look back on it, it was a pretty grim and humorless time that I went through," he recalls. "I literally went to class, came home, read books, took long walks, wrote." Politics was a passion, but he was disillusioned by radicals who claimed to have all the answers. At one point after graduation, he went "in search of some inspiration" to hear Kwame Toure (the former Stokely Carmichael) speak at Columbia. A thin young woman stood up to question Toure's push to establish economic ties between Africa and Harlem: was that practical, given the difficult state of African economies? Toure cut her off, calling her brainwashed, and others shouted her down. "It was like a bad dream," Obama wrote later.

Obama kept detailed journals in New York. It was good practice. "Writing journals during those two years gave me not only the raw material for the book, but also taught me to shape a narrative in ways that would work," he says. When he later became a community organizer in Chicago, part of his job was storytelling. "His job largely consisted of interviewing community members and creating a narrative out of their experiences, the problems the community faced," says his boss at that time, Gerald Kellman. Eventually, even Chicago would seem too small a stage. He told Kellman "he did not feel there would be large-scale change brought about by organizing." Large-scale change was what Obama was aiming for.

He lost touch with many of his old Oxy friends. Eric Moore says he had no contact with Obama for about 15 years. Then on a visit to Chicago, Moore was walking through a park when he saw a fund-raising table with an OBAMA placard. He walked up to the woman behind the table and asked if she was promoting "Barack Obama." She said yes, and he left his card with her in hopes she'd pass it along to his old friend. The two reconnected after that. "He was so genuine and unchanged," Moore says. "That's what he is every time I see him, except that now he doesn't wear the flip-flops." Moore says that he's amazed that his friend is on the possible verge of becoming president. "It's not like he came from a family like the Kennedys or the Bushes," Moore says. "He's a self-made man."

Few have willed their self-creation in quite the same way. The absence of his father taught Obama the importance of stories. These tales helped him make sense of who he was. (At least two acquaintances in his postgraduation years thought he was on a track to become a writer.) Stories made the murkier aspects of life coherent, or at least gave him confidence—that he could author his own life story, and thus become a master of the tale and not a victim. As a teenager, he had been skeptical of some family yarns, thinking they had been burnished a little too bright. He was at an age then when kids distinguish between fairy tales and truth, when they often become disillusioned with their parents.

One story that stuck with him concerned his father. It's the only such story about his father—told by his white relatives—that dealt explicitly with race. It goes like this:

Barry's white grandfather and several other Hawaiian friends take Barry Sr. to a Waikiki bar. It's a joyous scene, everyone eating and drinking "to the sounds of a slack-key guitar," when a white man with a booming voice announces to the bartender that he shouldn't have to drink "next to a nigger." The stunned clientele expects a fight. But Barry Sr. smiles and quietly lectures the man "about the folly of bigotry, the promise of the American dream, and the universal rights of man." In response, the shamed white man gives Barry Sr. $100, in apparent payment for his sin of racism. Even the young Obama found the tale hard to believe. But many years later, he recalls in "Dreams From My Father," he got a phone call from a Japanese-American man who had been a classmate of Barry Sr.'s in Hawaii. Unprompted, the man told Obama the same story. Obama says he was struck by the man's tone of "disbelief—and hope."

Obama has collected similar stories over the years—like the one he told in his Philadelphia speech about the young white woman who pretended to love mustard-and-relish sandwiches to help her sick mother through a time of financial stress, and the older black man who felt political kinship for her. The punch line is generally the same: blacks and whites have more in common than you might think, and he knows it because he is it: black and white, together as one. Or so his story goes.

 
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/128633


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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/new_site/mukto-mona/faq_mm.htm

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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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