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Thursday, June 19, 2008

[mukto-mona] No excuses for missing 1971 documents

Dear Editor,
 
Hope you are doing well and thanks for publishing my previous write-ups
 
This is an article about "No excuses for missing 1971 documents". I will be highly honoured if you publish this article. I apprecite your time to read this article.
 
Thanks
 
Have a nice time
 
With Best Regards
 
Ripan Kumar Biswas
New York, U.S.A

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

No excuses for missing 1971 documents

 

Ripan Kumar Biswas

Ripan.Biswas@yahoo.com

 

"Without knowledge of the past we would be without identity, we would be lost on an endless sea of time," Arthur John Brereton Marwick (February 29, 1936-September 26, 2006), a left-wing social and cultural historian and a critic of postmodernism, always argued for the necessity of history.

 

And if the history is relevant to the country's "Proclamation of Independence" or formation of its first government, the necessity of knowledge of the past is much more essential as these past histories are especially important to many in that they are held to be a document that states the freedom that people have in the country and the freedom that the people have from other countries.

 

In an unfortunate development, according to a Dhaka based national English daily newspaper on Wednesday, June 18, 2008, the original copies of the Bangladesh's Proclamation of independence, formation of the first government, and the laws' continuance enforcement order of 1971 are missing from government custody. The documents relating to the liberation war of Bangladesh are not a sudden output of history. These are the outcome of or the important stage of the country's continuous 23 year's of historic struggle for national liberation starting from the language movements (1948-52) through various movements and struggle till 1971.

 

The missing important artifacts' have been noticed while the caretaker government handed over three volumes of original historic documents of appointments and oaths of the presidents, vice-presidents, and the prime ministers of Bangladesh, and of the proceedings of cabinet meetings during the period between 1971 and 1982 to the National Archives for permanent preservation on April 2, 2008. Among them, the original hand written draft of the Proclamation of Independence that worked as the provisional constitution of Bangladesh through the liberation war was not found or given.

 

However, the cabinet division confirmed that they had the photocopies of those, which they handed over to the National Archives. But according to the many officials of the then Mujibnagar government, the first ever interim government of Bangladesh, there would be a conspiracy behind the disappearance of the original documents of the formation of Bangladesh's government-in-exile that established the government as a successor to the East Pakistan regime. Including them, the general people are also in doubt whether the documents have been lost, removed, or destroyed with ill motives' to conceal the role of those who collaborated with the erstwhile East Pakistan government as now the country is demanding the trial of war criminals. It is sad to know that the successive governments, aware of the missing documents, but have done nothing to recover them.

 

The history of Bangladesh has been one of extremes, of turmoil and peace, prosperity and destitution.  It has thrived under the glow of cultural spiendour and suffered under the ravages of war.

 

Bangladesh became one of the youngest major nation states following a pair of twentieth century secessions from India (1947) and Pakistan (1971). It became independent and sovereign after a clarion call for liberation struggle was made following the brutal crackdown of the Pakistani Armed Forces at midnight of 25th March, 1971 on the innocent people of what was then East Pakistan. The struggle for liberation continued for about nine months till the Pakistani occupation forces surrendered on 16th of December.

 

To get the recognition as a distinct nation during the nine months glorious journey, three million people were massacred by the Pakistani military and local collaborators. Hundreds of thousands of women were raped. Village after village, town after town, were burned to the ground. There were dead bodies lying in everywhere, and floating in every river. There was hardly any family who did not lose something in the war.

 

The vital moment during the nine month history was the Proclamation of Independence, which was incorporated by the elected representatives of Bangladesh in their Proclamation of Independence on 10th April, 1971. For the first time, government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was sworn in on April 17, 1971, with Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as its President. Major Ziaur Rahman was appointed a Sector Commander under the said government and later on a Brigade Commander. This Proclamation of Independence has become part of the constitution of Bangladesh (Paragraph 3 (1) of the Fourth Schedule). Anything done in contravention of any provision of the constitution is illegal and void. 

 

The Proclamation of Independence refers to values that cannot be changed by any kind of circumstance. They are general ideas that cannot be controlled by any group. It refers to the freedom in which people will not be governed by an individual person, a group or a particular religion. This means that the freedoms that people have are generally an inheritance from their creators as if it were a legacy from God. They do not have to be forced onto anyone, meaning that people can follow the ideas that they want. This is something that the government will not infringe upon.

 

From the very moment of its creation, the Proclamation of Independence has been a document potent in symbolic, historical, and political value. People have tried to physically protect it, even when they did not fully understand how to do so. But after thirty seven years of its creation, the news those historical documents have gone missing from government custody, has left everyone dumbfounded.

 

The ancient history of Bangladesh is fragmentary in nature mainly due to a lack of records and adequate research. The documents relating to the liberation war of Bangladesh have been rapidly disappearing from the libraries across Bangladesh. People may find it very appalling to know that National Archives and the National Library, the two most important national institutions of the country devoted to the cultivation of knowledge and preservation of the country's cultural heritage, are now holding very few documents concerning the war and atrocities occurred in Bangladesh in 1971. Many of these historical documents are either destroyed because of lack of proper preservation or missing for reasons yet to be known.

 

According to Thomas Woodrow Wilson, the twenty-eighth President of the United States, a nation which does not know what it was yesterday, does not know what it is today, nor what it is trying to do. The speakers, along with Dhaka University Vice-chancellor SMA Faiz as chief guest and National Professor Dr Sufia Ahmed, who were present at the two-day seminar on June 13, 2008, organized by Bangladesh Itihas Parishad at the auditorium of the Teacher Student Centre of Dhaka University where seven research articles on the liberation war were presented, said that the history of liberation should be secured and gathered properly for the new generation for greater interest of nation.

 

Bangladeshis live in freedom because of the enduring power of the ideals, which they got from the Proclamation of Independence. Understanding the sentiment and value of it, the respective authority should put their vigorous effort immediately to recover the missing documents and investigate how they have been stolen or destroyed by those who wanted to cut Bangladesh off from the history.

 

 

June 20, 2008, New York, USA

Ripan Kumar Biswas is a freelance writer based in New York

 


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[mukto-mona] Re: False impression of a moderator

Here is my response to Mr Mohammad Aman Ullah's write-up.

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/farid_ahmed/Response_to_Aman.htm

Thanks,

Farid Ahmed

--- In mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com, "Editor, Shodalap" wrote:
>
> Wrt: http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/farid_ahmed/basbhumi.htm
>
> Please publish my response:
>
> http://shodalap.com/MAU_FA.htm
>
>
> Yours faithfully,
> Mohammad Aman Ullah
> ---
> Shodalap: An inclusive e-journal for Bangladeshis at home and abroad
>

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Re: [ALOCHONA] Sheik Hasina is a perfect Leader!

Interesting article. This makes me feel sad for our ccountry.


http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/special-report-bangladesh-is-set-to-disappear-under-the-waves-by-the-end-of-the-century-850938.html

--- On Mon, 6/16/08, Nayan Khan <udarakash08@yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Nayan Khan <udarakash08@yahoo.com>
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Sheik Hasina is a perfect Leader!
To: udarakash08@yahoo.com
Date: Monday, June 16, 2008, 10:55 PM

The daughter of the father of our nation is a very kind hearted, lovely women, a real housewife like many of ours, after all, she has full of affections like our grandmas, forget about being a good wife!
We hope she will stick with it forever by staying with her own family members overseas. Bangladeshi people once again got opportunity to compare both leaders. As a perfect daughter of a great leader who fought for freedom of a nation throughout his life, she like her dad doesn't want to remain herself in a small cottage, moreover, she carries freedom fighters or shahidi 'chetona', how dare she could stay in jail without ferrying this chetona days and nights long!
 
Almighty Lord shows His enormous mercy on her many times! This time again!
 
As per our honest, corrupt-free, 'satyabadi' lawyers along with her own Sheikh bhathija Barrister Taposh, she had completely lost her hearing, i.e. she was unable to hear anything during her last minute jail-life. But thanks God, right after released from the jail, after arrival in the USA, she started hearing everything, even BBC's journalist whispered question.  
 
Our future leader, Harvard graduate Joy Wajeed surely said a daughter of the father of a nation can't deal with any conspiracy. That's why she is very silent now, playing with her grand kids, showing her lovely 'momota' to them let alone poor peoples struggling to eat a piece of bread! Let it be done by 'sick lady' Khaleda Zia who doesn't want to leave her husband's country.
 
Prison can make a talkative person dumb. Psychologist may consider to prescribe this new great medicine for their next patients.  
 
We hope and pray for her rest in peace in her dreamland what she had proved many times during her regime-golden age in the era of 1996~2001. Even she transferred her prime ministrial office for a month long in USA. Let her be playing with our few future leaders continuously not playing 14 crore peoples' fate.   
 
We miss you, Netri. You are a perfect BALer leader! 
 
 

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[mukto-mona] Please Publish

Hillary was a better choice, Obama will lose

Now that the fight for Democratic Party Nomination is over and Obama has become the putative candidate of the Party, I would like to offer my two cents about the general election. So far American people have seen the rise of Barak Hossain Obama and from now they will his fall.  Had Hillary run her campaign in early days, the way she finished it-- the storyline today would have been different. But fact is the fact. Hillary lost, Obama won the primary. But Hillary was a better choice by miles.

Hillary often made a point that she won popular votes and most big states (the BLUE sates) that generally vote democratic and account for a winning combination in any democratic Electoral College map.  On the contrary Obama won most of the RED States that a reliably republican and chances for those to fall in Democratic column come November is at best a wishful thinking. Did you notice that Obama did well in South? Who helped him win? The South. And now the South will help him sink. Obama will not win in the south, period. All the talk about his 50 states strategy is nonsense. Earlier, I predicted that McCain will be elected in the general election and I have no doubt now about his chances.

AP said: 'Obama has done poorly with working-class whites and Hispanics, getting only about one in three of each group's votes overall. He also must win over white Democratic women who have remained fiercely loyal to Clinton, especially those who are middle-aged and over. That will be a delicate task for Obama'. Will he be able to overcome? No. Their dislike for Obama is just too great. Just remember the 30% thumping of Obama in Kentucky and West Virginia-- the two "bluish" states democrats always count on winning and often they do win.

Obama has come as a messenger of change, but change in what direction? He hasn't spelled his change medicine. Remember Kerry in 2004 saying American policies must "pass the global test"? Obama's rhetoric's are increasingly mirroring that position. Also his argument that because of American action in Iraq, the world is more dangerous and his inclination to sit with the rogue leaders unconditionally validates the America's long standing disdain for liberals. It is also misconstrued sometimes as "Blame America First". Americans never elect a weak leader in time of great perils. McCain camp has already started hitting the point home that Obama is running for Jimmy Carter's 2nd term. And it is not good for Obama.

Obama presents himself as a bipartisan leader, but his record points to otherwise. He has the most liberal and party-line voting record (94%) in the Senate, and has nothing to show for his supposed bipartisanship against McCain's well known maverick image who transcends political divides. AP said: 'Before he can win the White House, he must cope with a daunting finding: One in seven white voters of his own party said in exit polls that race was important in choosing their candidate. Of that group, not only did two-thirds voted for Clinton, but nearly six in 10 said they would rather vote for McCain in November or stay home than support Obama'.

GOP's most conservative base never did support McCain; can Obama bring them in his favor? Not a chance. They will fall in line with the GOP by default. People noticed that when Republican primaries were lingering, then Bush came forward and had asked the conservatives to support McCain, they did and John McCain became GOP nominee. In Nov. also Republican will pursue them to vote against Obama and they will. Obama now cries for Israel, will they believe him? No. His shifting positions on the status of Jerusalem are worrisome for Jews. And don't forget about the Lieberman factor.

Obama disowned his pastor. It was a right decision and it took Obama only 20 years sitting in the pews and listening to his anti-American tirades (sermons) to understand. People are asking, how he will be able to take right decision in four years?

During stretching primaries democrats argued that, elections were divisive! Was it? One gentleman questioned then Middle East or Saudi Arabia is a great place where there is no election! A born Muslim Obama is a converted Christian who understands how to play the election game and indeed he did well in primaries. So far it was quarter finals, now the main game, semi-final & final.

Obama's running mate will be surely a white to overcome those problems, will it be Hillary? I don't think so. Will it be women? Who knows? Surely, economy will be a major issue, but it will be hard to convince people that Obama will bring a solution. Iraq war may favor Obama a bit, but without any military experience McCain will bold him out clean. 

Moreover, Democratic Party is still divided and those who were loyal to Hillary may play a vital role if the party rank & file is not united sooner. Earlier I had written that, democrats who are not comfortable voting for Obama will have no problem voting for McCain, in coming days, guess, and those numbers will be high. Blacks backed Obama overwhelmingly against Clinton, giving him nearly nine in 10 of their votes. This may encourage others to vote otherwise. For the last six months it was "all Obama all the time" in the media. Also if you look at the stories run or written about him in media it is Obama 4:1 Vs. McCain. Besides, the prevailing political climate is such that a generic democrat runs 20+ points ahead of a generic Republican. But when it comes to Obama v. McCain the margin is merely 3-6%. Given the one sided coverage Obama enjoyed so far, if he had not built a 20% lead over McCain by now, he is not likely to do it as there will be more parity in the coverage as general election picks up steam? America will chose a proven "maverick" over a "liberal" in a heartbeat.

Our Bangladeshi friends are mainly democrats and will support Obama. Some are encouraged because he has a Muslim connection. Soon everybody will be discouraged with Obama's next steps. Michigan's Muslims made the same mistake voting against Gore because he had chosen Liberman, a Jew as his vice president. Obama is head over heels in his support for Israel. He chose Christianity over his paternal faith Islam, and shot down the notion that he ever was a Muslim. But his Muslim past will haunt him.  Although Muslims are not a factor in US elections, this time around Obama's Muslim connection will be factor, if not openly, surely silently. Have no doubt about it.

Sitangshu Guha, New York.                                                                                                                       17 June 2008
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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[ALOCHONA] Civil society is the cause of all our ills, i beleive so .

 

If you read newspapers or watch talk shows on television or go on-line, you will have observed long ago that "civil society" or "sushil" (used as a noun) has become a dirty word. No one, it seems, has a good word to say about civil society. Civil society is the cause of all our ills. There is no more villainous and infamous group of people to be found from Teknaf to Tetulia

 

To read details  go to

http://www..thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=41920

 



প্রতিনিধি , অশীল সমাজ
হে আল্লাহ আমাকে কখনো বিদেশীদের তাবেদার সুশীলদের অন্তর্ভূক্ত করো না


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[mukto-mona] Finding Brazil's isolated tribes

Finding Brazil's isolated tribes
The tribe may have thought the expedition aircraft was a large bird [FUNAI/State of Acre]

Jose Carlos Meirelles is the man who led the expedition that produced the remarkable images of the isolated indigenous people released by the Brazilian government earlier this month.
Speaking to Al Jazeera in his first interview since then, Meirelles has revealed how he found the tribe after spending 37 years working and living deep in the Amazon.
Now 61, he is responsible for finding evidence of dozens of previously unknown indigenous peoples.
He is a "sertanista" – the name given to a select few people who scour the Amazon jungle is search of isolated peoples and then set up a remote outpost to monitor and protect them from contact with "civilisation".
"When we think we might have found an isolated tribe, a sertanista like me walks in the forest for two or three years to gather evidence and we mark it in our GPS [global positioning system]," Meirelles told Al Jazeera.
"We then map the territory the Indians occupy and we draw that protected territory without making contact with them. And finally we set up a small outpost where we can monitor their protection."
Locating the tribe
To find the tribe, Meirelles had dozens of new GPS co-ordinates he wanted to explore from the air, but budgets were tight so getting an aeroplane was difficult.
Jose Carlos Meirelles has dedicated his
life to the Amazon [Meirelles family]
Finally the Brazilian National Indian Foundation (FUNAI)  and the Brazilian state of Acre - where the tribe had been spotted - provided him an aircraft, pilot, and two photographers.
He could use the aircraft for three days or 20 hours – whichever came first.
"I had years of GPS co-ordinates and a friend of mine sent me some Google Earth co-ordinates and maps that showed a strange clearing in the middle of the forest and asked me what that was," Meirelles said.
"I saw the co-ordinates and realised that it was close to the area I had been exploring with my son – so I needed to fly over it."
Logging fears
For the first two days Meirelles flew a 150km radius route over the border region with Peru and saw huts that belonged to isolated tribes. But he did not see any people.
"When the women hear the plane above, they run into the forest, thinking it's a big bird," he said.
"This is such a remote area, planes don't fly over it."
The tribe lives in one of the remotest regions
of the Amazon [Funai/State of Acre]
But the pictures of the huts and indigenous agricultural areas were valuable evidence that the communities were growing, according to Meirelles, and that the policy of no contact was working.
On the last day, with only a couple hours of flight time remaining, Meirelles spotted a large community and numerous women running into the forest with their children. He flew back over the exact area later, knowing the men would be back from hunting.
Upon a second flyover, he captured the iconic images of red-painted tribesmen throwing spears at the aircraft were taken.
"When I saw them painted red, I was satisfied, I was happy," he said. "Because painted red means they are ready for war, which to me say they are happy and healthy defending their territory."
On this expedition he identified three new communities, as well as one community Meirelles said was displaced into Brazil from Peru due to illegal logging across the border. 
"Many other states in Brazil have illegal logging that is threatening indigenous people, but not in the state of Acre – there is no logging here," Meirelles said.
"It's coming from Peru, especially mahogany wood, because the Peru side of the Amazon is a no man's land where everything is permitted.
"The Indians are being pushed into Brazil, which causes conflict with Indians already here, but if they stay in Peru they know they will die after contact with loggers."
Contact danger
Meirelles will not give his GPS co-ordinates to anyone - "not even under torture," he says - fearful that if their exact location got out they could be in danger, as even one physical contact with an outsider could kill the entire tribe in a matter of weeks.
Meirelles says there are about 70 isolated
tribes in Brazil [FUNAI/State of Acre]
He says the pictures and video that are being released to the world are powerful and undisputable evidence to those who say isolated tribes no longer exist.
"Alan Garcia [president of Peru] declared recently that the isolated Indians were a creation in the imagination of environmentalists and anthropologists - now we have the pictures. Now the pictures exist for the whole world."
For nearly two decades Meirelles has lived in an outpost in Acre state near the border with Peru.
It is one of the most remote areas of world and the nearest town is seven days by boat.  He has limited electricity, no phones or internet, and his only communication with the outside world is a two-way radio.
For three months of the year he lives in a modest one-bedroom wooden home in the small town of Feijo, itself in one of the more remote corners of northwest Brazil, and this is where he spoke to Al Jazeera.   
'Genocide'
 
Being a sertanista and living deep in the jungle is difficult work on many levels. It is said there are only five authentic sertanistas left in all of Brazil – and most of them are older men.
Meirelles was once hurt in the neck by an arrow shot by a tribesman he accidently confronted in the jungle, although he laughs it off as part of the job.
"This region of Brazil [the Amazon] probably has the highest concentration of uncontacted tribes in the world," he said.
He claims Brazil has 69 references to isolated tribes with little to no contact with the outside world – 22 of which have been confirmed, several by Meirelles himself.
Previously the government policy was to integrate isolated tribes into society after contact, but studies showed two-thirds died within months of the first contact.
"That is not contact, that is genocide," Meirelles said. 
So he and some colleagues were instrumental in changing policy to "no contact".
"These people have lived on their own for 500 years and that is their choice," he said.
"They can decide when they want contact, not me or anyone else. The policy of FUNAI is protection, we do not want to contact them; to run experiments on them to know about who they are, how they live or what ethnic group they belong too."
"As long as they are there, they are fine."
 
 
 

Brazil shows 'uncontacted' Amazon tribe - Science- msnbc.com

May 30, 2008 ... Brazil said it released stunning photos of Amazon Indians firing arrows ... isolated or maintain only occasional contacts, but these tribes ...
www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24895872/ - 50k - Cached - Similar pages

Brazil: Isolated tribe photographed | Video | Reuters.com

Reuters is your source for breaking news videos and top stories. Watch video clips about business, technology, sports and entertainment video.
www.reuters.com/news/video?videoId=83635 - 27k - Cached - Similar pages

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[mukto-mona] Intercontinental Poetry Recital

Dear Friend,

 

The Asbestos Arts Group will present Rafiq Azad, the visiting poet of Bangladesh

who was the Keynote Speaker of the 3rd Shabdaguchha Poetry Festival, at the Back Fence

Bar of the West Village. The poet will read from his new book of translation,

Love Environment and Other Difficulties.

The book will also be available for sell. The other features of the event are

Hassanal Abdullah and Liegh Harrison. Also, a 'small open' for interested attendants.

Poet Robert Dunn, the editor of Asbestos will be the emcee. The details of the event is as follows.

 

Venue:

 

Back Fence Bar

155 Bleecker St, Manhattan.

(btwn Broadway & 6th Ave)

 

Communication:

 

[A] [C] [E] [B] [D] [F] [V] to W 4th St.

 

Date and Time:

 

June 22nd, 2008 @ 3 pm

 

The contribution of the event is $5, minimum $3.

 

If you are in or around the city on Sunday, please come to enjoy

poetry from the East and the West.

 

Sincerely,

 

Hassanal Abdullah, editor

Shabdaguchha





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[mukto-mona] Secularism mane ki 'shob dhormer shoman Odhikaar' ?

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[ALOCHONA] TIME Magazine visits with Gen Moeen: General Command

 

Thursday, Jun. 19, 2008

General Command

By Ishaan Tharoor/Dhaka

TIME MAGAZINE

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1815984,00.html

 

To reach the office of General Moeen Uddin Ahmed in Dhaka's military cantonment, a foreign journalist must pass three security checkpoints and endure the searches of numerous stern soldiers. Broad-shouldered aides then lead you, with hushed solemnity and even a hint of fear, toward the chambers of their commander in chief. One would expect a grim, towering leader behind the headquarters' oak doors, but General Moeen is conspicuously diminutive and unassuming, hardly looking the part of the South Asian strongman he very well may be. Yet Moeen pulls few punches when speaking of his country's politics and its democracy's many failings. "No systems of government are bad in their own right," says Bangladesh's top-ranking military officer with a thin smile. "It's the human beings who make it so."

 

Little is known about the 55-year-old Moeen other than that he, more than anybody else in this nation of 150 million, is the man who holds the keys to its future. Over a year and a half ago, Moeen's army waded into a turbulent political crisis, postponed parliamentary elections and helped install a caretaker government of state-appointed bureaucrats known as "advisers," headed by a former World Bank executive, Fakhruddin Ahmed. Since then, Bangladesh has remained under emergency rule: civil liberties have taken a hit and thousands of suspected troublemakers picked up in midnight sweeps. Behind all this, it's commonly understood that Moeen and the military really run the show. The Harvard-trained general was made army chief just under three years ago and is coy about the extent of his power. In his first major interview with foreign media, he told TIME of the urgent need to clean up Bangladesh's cynical, venal and corrupt politics. Moeen looks back to what preceded Jan. 11, 2007, when the army intervened, and recalls chaos: "The situation was deteriorating very rapidly. The world saw people dying in Dhaka's streets. Was this the way forward?"

 

But the way forward looks as murky now as it did 18 months ago. Despite Moeen's insistence that elections will go ahead as planned by the end of this year, the optimism that first greeted his arrival on "1/11," as the epochal event is known there, is gone. Ever since achieving independence from Pakistan in 1971, impoverished, unfortunate Bangladesh has slumped down its path toward democracy. When not under the rule of autocratic generals — as it was twice in the past — it has been the province of two mammoth, bickering political parties, the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Their legacy of craven politicking and brazen plundering buoyed the current army-backed regime into power. But few believe Moeen is truly democracy's savior when the military has so consistently impeded its growth in the past. "As Bangladeshis, it's like we're riding a tiger," says Gowher Rizvi, director of the Ash Institute for Democratic Governance at Harvard University. "How do we get off?"

 

The Caged Begums

Two fixtures of the country's checkered politics remain at the center of things in Dhaka. Bangladesh's Parliament complex, designed by the noted American architect Louis Kahn, looms out of a verdant expanse in the heart of the capital, encircled by palm fronds and crisscrossed by waterways. What was meant to be the cradle of Bangladeshi democracy — described by Kahn as "a many-faceted precious stone, constructed in concrete and marble" — has over the past year been the prison ground for the government's most prominent political detainees: Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia.

 

The two women, daughter and widow, respectively, of the founders of the AL and the BNP and still the parties' leaders, have dominated Bangladesh's political landscape for over a decade, swapping spells as Prime Minister. But they ended up behind bars, casualties of an anticorruption drive launched by the caretaker government post-1/11. "Before, it was a free-for-all," says Muzaffer Ahmed, a respected academic and the head of Bangladesh's chapter of Transparency International, which once ranked the country the most corrupt in the world. "Public funds were being extorted, embezzled, misused in all sorts of ways." Prominent figures in both parties have been charged for crimes ranging from tax fraud to murder; dozens of cases prosecuting politicians on graft are ongoing.

 

It's this history of political dysfunction and avarice that Moeen claims he wants to expunge. The caretaker government has prided itself on its efforts to rebuild Bangladesh's democratic institutions — from cleaning up a voter roll that had some 12 million fake names listed on it to laying the groundwork for more effective regulatory commissions. With such steps and the examples set by the government's anticorruption campaign, Moeen believes Bangladeshis can be weaned off their fraudulent politicians. "The people in the villages are very docile, they are kind-hearted," says the general. "You can be a criminal, but you just need to go and cry, and they will accept you."

 

The military takeover following 1/11 was widely accepted and applauded at first. In the run-up to parliamentary elections, Zia's incumbent government attempted to manipulate the democratic process. Mass protests from the AL plunged the country into chaos and nationwide hartals, or strikes, paralyzed the country. Such was the exasperation of members of civil society and the international community at the time that, according to an April report of the International Crisis Group, diplomats from a number of Western countries, including the U.S., secretly urged Moeen to intervene. Though Moeen insists he and his top brass are operating purely "in aid of civil power" until elections are finally held, few in Dhaka doubt that anybody but the generals are calling the shots behind the scenes in this interim government.

 

Camp Rules

In political terms, the military's biggest failure in the many months it has held sway over the country has been its inability to smash the power of the AL and BNP. Efforts to force Hasina and Zia into the type of exile imposed upon Pakistan's late former Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, proved abortive. (Hasina, however, was released to much acclaim on parole on June 11 to seek medical treatment in the U.S.) Also unsuccessful have been attempts to lure away party stalwarts. Given the aura of their pedigreed leaders, the two parties still command a vast following among Bangladesh's population — a combined 80% by most estimates — and the length of the two begums' detention has drawn the ire of millions. As elsewhere in impoverished South Asia, populist dynasties hold strong. "Hasina had her shortcomings, but she is a legendary figure," says Abdur Razzaq, a prominent member of the Awami League. "Charisma is very important; it really means something."

 

As the caretaker government seeks to cleanse the country's politics, many in Dhaka worry about the ensuing assault on democratic rights. By some accounts, a total of 440,000 people have been rounded up under the emergency, with less than a quarter still detained. Journalists formally complained a month ago of a clampdown on press freedoms: some TV talk shows have been suspended, while more than a few editors are practicing self-censorship after receiving communiqués from military intelligence. "Everywhere you look there are watchmen outside your door," says Adilur Rahman Khan, member of Odhikar, an outspoken human-rights group. "Just open your mouth and you're liable to be jailed," says Khondkar Delwar Hussain, secretary general of the BNP. In recent raids across the country over the past few weeks, the government has arrested around 25,000 people, including many local party activists, on vague grounds of curbing criminal activity. An Amnesty International report released last month condemned the "severely restricted" state of human rights in Bangladesh, citing, among other cases, the torture of journalists by state security forces.

 

Growing frustrations with the military come as Bangladesh is reeling from a colossal crisis in food security. The price of rice has soared 60-80%, a rise that spells hunger for millions. "This is not even a question of choice for the poor," says the AL's Razzaq. It's a global problem, but Moeen knows all too well that in this case, as he says, "bread is as important as freedom." The caretaker government has frantically tried to address the crisis, draining waterlogged lands for cultivation and growing alternate crops like potatoes in between harvests. But little can be done to avert the fact that, over the past three years, rising inflation has led to an additional 8.5% of the country's households falling below the poverty line (nearly half are already there). Uncertainty over the caretaker government's future has also led to a dip in foreign investment compared to previous years, according to a recent study published by the Centre for Policy Dialogue, a Dhaka-based think tank.

 

A Sense of Unease

The political parties have seized upon the government's diminishing credibility. "We're in grave economic peril," says Hussain of the BNP. "It's time for democratic unity." His party and the Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamist party that has existed for decades in direct antagonism to the secular-left Awami League, took the unprecedented step of calling for even Hasina's release from prison. They bridle at the caretaker government's undemocratic attempts to reform democracy from the top down. "Just see the U.S.," says Jamaat's Ali Ahsan Mojaheed. "It took hundreds of years to establish fair democratic norms there. We also need time."

 

The sense of solidarity that these parties now share flies in the face of their past: since the restoration of electoral politics in the 1990s, Zia's BNP and Hasina's AL alternated divisive spells in power, terms that were marked by bitter partisanship, rampant corruption and little to no sense of national consensus. "We need to reduce the cost of electoral defeat. [Elections] used to be winner-take-all with the loser in the streets," says Foreign Adviser Iftekhar Chowdhury. To that end, the government has attempted to engage political parties in an ongoing series of dialogues focused on constitutional reform, pivotal in the advisers' estimation to strengthening democratic governance. But the main parties, including the BNP and Jamaat, have so far refused to join in the discussion — though with Hasina's recent release, the AL has warmed to government overtures.

 

Many Bangladeshis suspect that Moeen and the advisers are happy to press ahead with both local and national elections, crafting a government of "national unity" with handpicked candidates and without the backing of any of the major parties. If Hasina and Zia are convicted of crimes before December, they'll be disqualified from competing in the polls. This, reckons one Western diplomat, may finally break the parties and lead to a series of significant defections.

 

But another scenario is also possible: that the growing outrage among the political parties and their cadres may spill onto the streets in the form of mass people-power protests. "If they want to make trouble," says Moeen, "let them" — but that belies very real concerns on the part of the government of the threat of widespread dissent. Across the walls of Dhaka University's sprawling campus are murals of activists and revolutionaries breaking their chains and fighting the state. Military rule may be encoded in Bangladesh's DNA, but so too is resistance to it.

 

The government has made no promises about when it will lift the emergency. Shying away from democratic commitments, Moeen is far more eager to talk about building effective leadership in Bangladesh and educating its vast, illiterate masses — as he himself puts it — "so that they don't keep on cutting off their own feet." Such a tone is fitting for a man who styles himself the redeemer of his country. "You can judge the people of a nation by the type of leaders they select," he concludes. Most Bangladeshis are wondering when they'll really get that chance.

 

With reporting by Haroon Habib/Dhaka

 

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