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Wednesday, August 13, 2008

[mukto-mona] Local government administrations should be non-partisan

Dear Editor,
 
Hope you are doing well and thanks for publishing my previous write-ups
 
This is an article titled "Local government administrations should be non-partisan ". I will be highly honoured if you publish this article. I apprecite your time to read this article.
 
Thanks
 
Have a nice time
 
With Best Regards
 
Ripan Kumar Biswas
New York, U.S.A
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Local government administrations should be non-partisan
 
Ripan Kumar Biswas
Ripan.biswas@yahoo.com
 
In his reaction after being spelled from the CPI (M) (Communist Party of India-Marxist), New Delhi Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee told on August 8, 2008 that the party should appreciated him as he didn't compromise with the constitutional position of the Speaker. "No responsible person or authority can treat the speaker as belonging to a party," he added. Somnath was asked to resign from his post and vote against a confidence motion regarding a civilian nuclear deal between the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government and the United States.
 
A person can belong to a party, but speaker is a neutral constitutional authority, Somnath firmly believes. Many critics of political parties and its functions may agree with Somanath that political parties often espouse a certain ideology and vision, but countries may have disparate interests for the greater interest of general people. After local government elections in Bangladesh, political parties are now arguing with the government to get back their democratic and constitutional rights.
 
A legal battle is going on between the government and the political parties whether the local government in Bangladesh should partisan or non-partisan. According to the latest news,
the Awami League (AL) and BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) backed elected mayors and councilors are now going to pursue a legal challenge against the new electoral rules that require the winners to resign their party positions before taking the oath of office. The army-backed caretaker administration promulgated this law through the Local Government (City Corporation) Ordinance-2008 and Local Government (Municipality) Ordinance-2008 on May 14, 2008. If an elected mayor or councillor fails to abide by the legal provisions, they will be disqualified from taking oath of their new offices.
 
The affected political parties declined to accept the new provision and said that this will create a vacuum in the leadership of the political parties at the grassroots level. But the interim government wants non-partisan local government authorities as they observed the political demarcation in the past. The Election Commission of Bangladesh (EC) was of the opinion that the local government election should be non-partisan.
 
Since Independence in 1971, a number of attempts have been made to tinker with the local government system in Bangladesh. Changes have been made from time to time in terms of the nomenclature of tiers of local government, but almost nothing was done to strengthen local government. Therefore, the structure of the local government system has remained more or less unchanged.
 
After January 11, 2007, when the military backed interim government came into power, many reforms started including the local government as the government observed that the successive governments since 1971 have tried to use the local government system for their own political interest. The party or regime in power wanted to make the local government representatives their power base and manipulated the system to this end.
 
Although it was non political as per legal status, but all local government elections after 1990, were too much political. Moreover, most expansive politicization and moral decadence took place during the autocratic regime of General H M Ershad (1982-1990). His upazila system of local administration failed to do any good to the rural people.
 
In course of the reform process, the present interim government again uplifted the provision that candidates must not have any political affiliation or attachments, but a writ petition was filed in the High Court (HC) challenging the legality of this provision. In response to the writ petition, the HC observed in the judgment that since the functions and activities of the political parties are acknowledged as per Article 152 of the constitution of Bangladesh, the electoral rules restricting the use of political parties' affiliation in the city corporation and municipality polls are illegal. As a result, the local government election process of
Bangladesh gets legal support to be political in nature.
 
We do respect the HC verdict that is undoubtfully essential to ensure the democratic practices, but an elected candidate usually takes an oath of the office to uphold the constitution of his/her country that doesn't mention any political platform. Everybody will agree that any political system is imperfect, but a society or a country needs a political figure who listens to the heart of the people and makes the best weighed decision in the best interests of his/her people.
 
General people expect a leader who can directly address the people without being censored by his/her political party or worrying about the backlash from other pundits. A good leader will have the ability to get those that can not find common ground to at least sit at a table and hear the other's point of view. A good leader will instill in his/her people the confidence of character and morality of the spirit needed to get the people through times of crisis. A good leader does not look to point the finger when things go wrong. A good leader finds ways to rectify the situation and make improvements. A good political leader needs to be idealistic to tie them to the best interests of the people. A good political leader is more akin to a manager than a politician.
 
A good political leader doesn't need party portfolio. Similarly, good political parties can create more than one good political figure by inspiring their good ideologies. However, according to the provision, an elected leader is not barred to be a member of the party.
 
In line with other electoral reforms brought by the current government, the new ordinance will impose bar against individuals legally proven to be war criminals, persons with records of loan defaults within a period of a year prior to nominations, full-time and part-time government employees, convicted felons, and fugitives from contesting in the elections. In addition, according to a new law, an elected candidate will have to go through a background check which includes his/her tax and wealth statements and police records.
 
We didn't feel good while Professor AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury had to leave the presidency following disagreement with the government on the question of "principle." We don't dispute the rights for parties to exist, nor do we think they are ineffective in the local government administration. We expect an elected official, who can work at his/her office without being censored by his/her party.
 

August 14, 2008, New York
Ripan Kumar Biswas is a freelance writer based in New York

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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


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MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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[mukto-mona] An appeal sent to Prime Minister of India to defuse the crisis in Jammu and Kashmir


MEDIA RELEASE

 

 

The Hon'ble Prime Minister of India

Prime Minister's Office

South Block, Raisina Hills

New Delhi

Sub: An appeal to defuse the crisis in Jammu and Kashmir

 

August 13, 2008

Dear Dr Manmohan Singh,

 

The death of 5 people in firing in Baramulla is very disturbing to say the least. The recent move of the Government to take an all party delegation to J&K to restore peace and harmony while a welcome step, came a bit too late and the outcome of its efforts have been too little. Both the regions of state are having severe problems. The agitation started by Amarnath Yatra Sangharsh Samiti (AYSS) has blockaded the route to Kashmir valley and there are severe attacks on Kashmiris and Muslims living in Jammu area. The agitation had begun in the valley with the transfer of land to Shrine board. Now the material suffering of valley's people, blocking of their supplies by agitation of AYSS is threatening to create severe repercussion in the valley the results of which may be very adverse.

 

Amarnath yatra has been one of the major religious tourism activities of the state, well managed by the local population, mainly Muslims of the area, till 2001 when Shri Amranath Shrine Board (SASB) was formed and it took over the arrangements of the pilgrimage. SASB had Governor of the state as the chief and Governor's Principal Secretary as the Chief Executive Officer (CEO). Gradually the SASB started asserting beyond its mandate, e.g. going on to construct shelters and structures on Pehalgam Golf Course, mainly due to the clout of the Governor who headed this body. In 2005 SASB, contrary to the laws, was granted the permission to use the forest land for the tourists. Incidentally, CEO's wife was the forest officer who cleared this highly illegal demand of the shrine board. This started the process, which ultimately went out of hands of the local government. Due to some intervention and some subtle pressures from the higher ups the matters have come to a sorry pass. While Government initially opposed the order of the forest department, the high court stayed Government's decision. Following this the state Govt.'s buckling and transferring, and then cancelling the land transfer, to SASB started the process which today is threatening to destroy the efforts towards peace built over the period of decades.

 

It is interesting to note that Amaranth yatra by Hindus is rooted in one of the most mixed support structures; the cave where shrine is located was discovery of a Muslim Shepherd, Malik, in 1850s, since when the pilgrimage picked up. The descendents of the Malik family have been part of the management of the yatra till 2001. With SASB taking over, it started giving a Hindu tilt to the organizing process and the promotion of yatra went on at a hectic pace. The result was that there occurred a great increase in the number of pilgrims, from 12000 in 1989 to 400,000 in 2007. The period of yatra was extended from 2 weeks to 10 weeks and this resulted in adverse environmental effects, tons of human excreta and plastic material converted the nearby beautiful Lidder River into a sewer. It was one of the major reasons for melting of lingam, revered by the devotees, and attempts were made to put it into shape by putting dry ice. While BJP is calling for restriction of pilgrims to a particular number, e.g. 150 per day in Gangotri and Gomukh, for environmental reasons, here the unrestricted number of pilgrims and the aggressive promotion of the same are destroying the ecological balance of the hills. Also due to the patronage of the Governor the Shrine board virtually took over the functioning of Pehlagam Development authority.

 

The order of the Government transferring the land to SASB did result in the threat perception in already intimidated the Kashmiri residents of the valley. The perception that the land is being given to change the demographic composition of the valley affected the social thinking. One of the reasons for this perception was the common knowledge there that such a suggestion was given by Shimon Peres, the Israeli Foreign minister to Lal Krishna Advani, a few years ago. The spontaneous  breaking out of protest in valley was used by Syed Ali Shah Gilani, belonging to the extremist faction of Hurriat Conference, who went on to fan the fire during the agitations and further aggravated the situation by calling for boycott of polls to be held in October,.

 

As such what a tragic pass we have landed ourselves into. Kashmir was the place of highest synthesis of diverse streams of our culture. Kashmiriyat stood for values of Vedanta, teaching of Gautam Buddha and the Sufi saints. Sixty years since the treaty of accession has been signed, its clauses were violated with impunity and military solution has been the main instrument of our action. The army which is meant to fight the external enemy is the mainstay of our policies there. This needs severe introspection.

 

The people of Jammu also have suffered due to their problems being neglected. There is a widespread feeling that problems of Valley are being addressed by the Center and Jammu region is being neglected. Genuine effort for all round redressal of grievances is the need of the hour. The incitement by sectarian elements and the communal elements has to be confronted head on by an active process of reconciliation, restoration of peace through dialogue with all the grieving parties and other components of civil society. There is an urgent need to recognize the wrongs done in last few years, wrongs which are contrary to the forest laws, and the norms about shrines. No where in the country any holy place has been allotted any part of a forest land, nowhere in the country the assertion and dominance of temple trusts or Dargah boards has been meekly accepted beyond the confines of its own boundaries, as in the case of SASB.

 

* We urge upon you sir, to take the matters with utmost seriousness and take further the efforts, undertaken by your Government, which are just a small beginning.

 

* Foremost of the measures needed is to lift the blockade of the valley by the agitators and to restore the supplies to the valley and transport of fruits from valley to the markets of the country.

 

* We urge upon you to immediately convene a high powered meeting involving SASB, Kashmir's Action Committee, representatives of political parties and civil society to find a peaceful solution to the imbroglio.

 

* We urge upon you to review the functioning of SASB which has assertively acted in direction which are contrary to norms.

* The society must prevail upon the communal and sectarian elements to postpone any call for agitation till normalcy is restored in the valley, and the results of dialogue process are made public.

 

We are sure you will consider these proposals to ensure peace and amity in the country as a whole. 

Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal

Apoorvanand

Arundhati Dhuru

Dhruv Sangari

Dunu Roy

Ganesh Devy

Ghanshyam Shah

Indu Prakash Singh

Jatin Desai

Jaya Mehta(Dr)

KM Shrimali (Prof)

KN Panikkar

Kumkum Sangari

Lalit Surjan

Mahendra Sangari

Mansi Sharma

Nandita Das

Ram Puniyani (Dr)

Saif Ahmed Khan

Sandeep Pandey

Shabnam Hashmi

Tapan Bose

Uma Chakravorty

Vineet Tiwari

Zafar Agha


 
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Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

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Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

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German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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[mukto-mona] Fw: Netaji's speech

"I have said that today is the proudest day of my life. For an
enslaved people, there can be no greater pride, no higher honour,
than to be the first soldier in the army of liberation. But this
honour carries with it a corresponding responsibility and I am
deeply conscious of it. I assure you that I shall be with you in
darkness and in sunshine, in sorrow and in joy, in suffering and in
victory. For the present, I can offer you nothing except hunger,
thirst, privation, forced marches and death. But if you follow me in
life and in death, as I am confident you will, I shall lead you to
victory and freedom. It does not matter who among us will live to
see India free. It is enough that India shall be free and that we
shall give our all to make her free. May God now bless our Army and
grant us victory in the coming fight !"

On the eve of the 61st Independence day - Let's salute those great heroes!
 
With Regards

Abi

TO DELHI, TO DELHI

Speech at a military review of the Indian National Army, July 5,
1943

SOLDIERS of India's Army of Liberationl!

Today is the proudest day of my life. Today it has pleased
Providence to give me the unique privilege and honour of announcing
to the whole world that India's Army of Liberation has come into
being. This army has now been drawn up in military formation on the
battlefield of Singapore, which was once the bulwark of the British
Empire.

This is not only the Army that will emancipate India from the
British yoke, it is also the Army that will hereafter create the
future national army of Free India. Every Indian must feel proud
that this Army, his own Army, has been organized entirely under
Indian leadership and that when the historic moment arrives, under
Indian leadership it will go to battle.

There are people who thought at one time that the Emrpire on which
the sun did not set was an everlasting empire. No such thought ever
troubled me. History had taught me that every empire has its
inevitable decline and collapse. Moreover I had seen with my own
eyes, cities and fortresses that were once the bulwarks but which
became the graveyards of by-gone empires. Standing today on the
graveyard of the British empire, even a child is convinced that the
alnmighty British empire is already a thing of the past.

When France declared war on Germany in 1939 and the campain began,
there was but one cry which rose from the lips of German soldiers--
"To Paris, To Paris !" When the Brave soldiers of Nippon set out on
their march in December 1941 there was but one cry which rose from
their lips-"To Singapore. to Singapore !" Comrades ! Soldiers ! Let
your battle-cry be-"To-Delhi To Delhi ! " How many of us will
individually survive this war of freedom, I do not know. But I do
know this, that we shall ultimately win and our task will not end
until our surviving heroes hold the victory parade on another
graveyard of the British empire, the Lal Kila or Red Fortress of
ancient Delhi.

Throughout my public career, I have always felt that though India is
otherwise ripe for independence in every way, she has lacked one
thing, namely an army of liberation. George Washington of America
could fight and win freedom, because he had his army. Garibaldi
could liberate Italy, because he had his armed volunteers behind
him. It is your privilege and honour to be the first to come forward
and organize India's national army. By doing so, you have removed
the last obstacle in our path to freedom. Be happy and proud that
you are the pioneers, the vanguard, in such a noble cause.

Let me remind you that you have a two-fold task to perform. With the
force of arms and at the cost of your blood you will have to win
liberty. Then, when India is free, you will have to organize the
permanent army of Free India, whose task it will be to preserve our
liberty for all time. We must build up our national defence on such
an unshakable foundation that never again in our history shall we
lose our freedom.

As soldiers, you will always have to cherish and live up to the
three-ideals of faithfulness, duty and sacrifice. Soldiers who
always remain faithful to their nation, who are always prepared to
sacrifice their lives, are invincible. If you, too, want to be
invincible, engrave these three ideals in the innermost core of your
hearts.

A true soldier needs both military and spiritual training. You must,
all of you, so train yourselves and your comrades that every soldier
will have unbounded confidence in himself, will be conscious of
being immensely superior to the enemy, will be fearless of death,
and will have sufficient initiative to act on his own in any
critical situation should the need arise. During the course of the
present war, you have seen with your own eyes what wonders
scientific training, coupled with courage, fearlessness and
dynamism, can achieve. Learn all that you can from this example, and
build up for Mother India an absolutely first-class modern army.

To those of you who are ofiicers, I should like to say that your
responsibility is a heavy one. Though the responsibility of an
officer in every army in this world is indeed great, it is far
greater in your case. Because of our political enslavement, we have
no tradition like that of Mukden, Port Arthur or Sedan to inspire
us. We have to unlearn some of the things that the British taught us
and we have to learn much that they did not teach. Nevertheless. I
am confident that you will rise to the occasion and fulfil the task
that your countrymen have thrown on your brave soldiers. Remember
always that officers can make or unmake an army. Remember, too, that
the British have suffered defeats on so many fronts largely because
of worthless officers. And remember also that out of your ranks will
be born the future General Staff of the Army of Free India.

To all of you I should like to say that in the course of this war
you will have to acquire the experience and achieve the success
which alone can build up a national tradition for our Army. An army
that has no tradition of courage, fearlessness and invincibility
cannot hold its own in a struggle with a powerful enemy.

Comrades ! You have voluntarily accepted a mission that is the
noblest that the human mind can conceive of. For the fulfilment of
such a mission no sacrifice is too great, not even the sacrifice of
one's life. You are today the custodians of India's national honour
and the embodiment of India's hopes and aspirations. So conduct
yourself that your countrymen may bless you and posterity may be
proud of you.

I have said that today is the proudest day of my life. For an
enslaved people, there can be no greater pride, no higher honour,
than to be the first soldier in the army of liberation. But this
honour carries with it a corresponding responsibility and I am
deeply conscious of it. I assure you that I shall be with you in
darkness and in sunshine, in sorrow and in joy, in suffering and in
victory. For the present, I can offer you nothing except hunger,
thirst, privation, forced marches and death. But if you follow me in
life and in death, as I am confident you will, I shall lead you to
victory and freedom. It does not matter who among us will live to
see India free. It is enough that India shall be free and that we
shall give our all to make her free. May God now bless our Army and
grant us victory in the coming fight !

Inquilab Zindabad ! Azad Hind Zindabad !


------------------------------------

*****************************************
Sign the Petition : Release the Arrested University Teachers Immediately : An Appeal to the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh

http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

*****************************************
Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/daily_star/daily_star_MM.pdf

*****************************************

MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/5_yrs_anniv/index.htm

*****************************************
Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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Some FAQ's about Mukto-Mona:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/new_site/mukto-mona/faq_mm.htm

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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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[ALOCHONA] Upazila election, the first bastion of power

Upazila election, the first bastion of power
 
The government's announcement that the upazila election will be held in October, before the national polls, has caused a furore of protest among the political parties. However, the upazila election is likely to be a vital turning point in the government's road map...
 
A PROBE report
 
There's a common buzz making the rounds that the government has been deterred from its original plans, that it is moving away from its goal. People are saying that government can't handle the situation and that things have spun out of control. All said and done, analysts closely observing the situation say that this is not the case. The government is very much on course and is steadily and surely proceeding towards its target.

In fact, it is in keeping with its previous commitments that the government is holding the local government elections -- the pourashava and city corporation polls at present.
The next local election which the government plans to hold are the upazila elections. These, according to the schedule, are to be held in October, prior to the national election due in December. This plan has been met with a barrage of protest from the political parties. They demand that the national election be held first, and then followed by the upazila election. Even if it was on the same day, they would not object, but not before the national polls.

However, the government stands resolute in its decision. The upazila election will be held in October. "It is after the upazila election that a new turn is likely to take place," says a political observer. After all, starting with the city corporation elections and carrying on up till the upazila elections, if the government can successfully carry out all the local government elections, it will prove to be stronger.
 
Unlike previous examples set by political government, it is highly unlikely that there will be any manipulation in the upazila polls. If the government had any intention of rigging, subtly or overtly, this would be evident in the present activities for the pourashava and city corporation elections. There has been no manipulation whatsoever in this regard. While the political parties who have decried the local government polls before the national ones all have their respective candidates in the field, the government has none. Not even parties like PDP, often referred to as the King's Party, have not put forward any serious candidate. So the government is not attempting any underhand play in these elections and can hardly be expected to do so in the upazila election either.

Despite all this, the political parties, particularly the major ones and especially Awami League, are more than a little worried about the upazila election. They simply do not want the upazila election to be held before the national polls.

There is the school of thought that feels Awami League's "feeble" resistance to the upazila polls is just an attempt to hide its liaison with the government and to project an anti-government stance. After all, the people are not taking too easy to Sheikh Hasina's globetrotting. She may have been 'released' on "medical grounds", but has been jet-setting across the continents, attending weddings, political meetings and even a "clandestine" meeting with the former president HM Ershad, while on a trip to London.. All this while Begum Zia languishes in jail, her party in smithereens.

However, sources in the government say that Awami League is in a fool's paradise if it thinks it is getting an upper hand. This, they maintain, is the proverbial lull before the storm.

The people's perception is that Awami League, as well as BNP and others, feel that the party base at the local level will be weakened through the upazila election. They feel they will lose their grip at the grassroots. But that apprehension is unfounded. The catch lies elsewhere.

Political pundits predict that the upazila election will prove to be a climacteric corner in the government's road map. The government seems lax at present, giving the political parties and leaders a relatively free hand, releasing many on bail. Lenient leeway is causing raised eyebrows. However, once the upazila elections are complete, things will change. Smug smiles will be wiped off the faces of the senior leaders of political parties when pending cases are activated and bail orders cancelled. Whatever the public may be thinking, the political leaders are not quite so taken in by the government's present bland façade. They realise the government's anti-corruption drive will get a new lease of life after the upazila polls. The corrupt ones are likely to find themselves behind bars well before the national election. Therein lies their apprehension. They want the upazila election, but only after the national election, not a day sooner.

These senior leaders, particularly of Awami League, realise that they can't afford to miss the boat, pun intended. This may be their last chance to come to power. If they are convicted and incarcerated after the upazila polls, there goes their mighty aspirations. Even if not jailed, they may be barred from participating in the polls. There are enough charges against them for that. The Anti-Corruption Commission, after all, hasn't been idly twiddling its thumbs all these days.

If the upazila elections are held in accordance to plans in October, the major political parties may decide to boycott the national polls too.. This might be the only way out for them. In that case, what steps will the government take?

There are two options before the government, if the political parties do eventually decide to boycott the elections. Firstly, come what may, the upazila election will be held. After that, the national election will be held. This will be in strict adherence to the road map with no deterrence, no matter what road blocks may crop up on the way.

This first option may not be all that easy, no matter what strong backing the caretaker government has and how stringent the emergency may be.. The fact remains that, Hasina and Khaleda remain polular leaders, warts and all.

In the second option, the government may then decide not to hold the national election. Having completed the municipal and upazila elections, a strong local government will be in place. The elected members of the local government will be people's representatives in the true sense. And not too long ago, the US State Department's Richard Boucher had spoken about dealing with "elected representatives." He pointedly avoided the term "parliament members", specifically saying "elected representatives." This is significant. So the elected representatives of the local government, in all legality, can elect a national government, or a transitional government, as the situation at the time may demand [See PROBE Vol 7 Issue 3, July 11-17, 2008: Transitional Government for Constitutional Reforms]. That will be a bitter pill for the political parties to swallow and so sections within their leadership may be mulling over a disruption of the polls rather than a mere boycott. They have many issues up their sleeves, such as a withdrawal of emergency before the polls and such. They may decide to instigate agitation on these issues so as to thwart the national election. But the warrants of arrest hanging like Damocles Swords over their heads can pose as a dampener to their rebellious plans.

With a transitional/national government in place, there will be a flurry of activity to implement reforms and carry out the other unfinished tasks. The government will then lose no time in tying up the loose ends which are catching everyone's eye and inciting everyone's criticism at present..

During the critical period, the incumbent President may prove to be the first victim. There are all indications to this end. Already charges of corruption have been levelled against his family members. However, this change is likely to be part of larger changes. In other words, as long as this present caretaker remains intact, the President too will remain in office. But if this caretaker government no longer remains in its virtual seat of power, then he too will be dislodged. The caretaker government may resign on its own accord if the election is not held as scheduled, analysts contend. As for the new President? The "elected representatives' will be in place, ready to approve his taking over of office.
The entire nation seems to be hurtling towards a crisis at present, but things are not always as they seem. A clever buying of time can catch unwary politicians off guard. The carefully laid plans of the powers to root out corruption, remain steady on course.
 

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[mukto-mona] Sei kalo ratrir kotha {Bangla

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[Nagorik_Shokti] Earn $5000 for reading emails , 8/15/2008, 12:00 am

Reminder from:   Nagorik_Shokti Yahoo! Group
 
Title:   Earn $5000 for reading emails
 
Date:   Friday August 15, 2008
Time:   All Day
Repeats:   This event repeats every day.
Notes:   Dear Friend

You can join us for free.
We will pay you to view websites, $10 for paid EMAILS and $5 for PTC.
You can recommend Depacco, we pay you $10 per every referral. Additionally we have referral program where you get profits from referral earnings (30%). Minimum payout for Free Members is $5000 we guarantee Easy and Quick Payout.

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[mukto-mona] Dr. Humayun Azad is remembered by VOA

Dear Friends,
 
Please click on the web link to find a Voice of American Program that remembers Dr. Humayun Azad on his fourth death anniversary. The program is created by Shameem Chawdhury with some commentary from Latifa Kahinoor, Dr. Azad's wife, and Hassanal Abdullah, the editor of Shabdaguchha. Though the program is recorded in Bengali, you can find a write up on it in English.
 
 
 
Thank you for your cooperation.
 
 
Hassanal Abdullah




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Re: [mukto-mona] Sir Salman Rushdie's fatwa against freedom of expression

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/49368

Dear Shajahan
 
1. I feel good when you say you agree with me on all points. I see you still have some concern. Rushdie has the cover of libel while the prophet's wives 'don't'. But hopefully you realize that prophet's wives don't need it any more but Rushdie does. If some one from prophet's wives' side needs it, I believe he can go to court. But he must not have the cover of any form of blasphemy law. We have seen what inhuman acts can be committed in the name of divine authority. If court does not have the jurisdiction to help him, he should critique Rushdie and his works. That's all he can do. He must not resort to fatwa. 
 
2. On your observation that "----each society and individual has its or his own perceptions about what should be written or represented about it or him", I have the following comment: it is not that some one came to my door and cursed my fourteen generations. It's about a creative piece of literature by a great writer. Do we have the talent to fathom the literary beauty of the work and perceive the literary inspiration behind this? I am in favor of full freedom of the artists and writers.
 
Thanks.
 
-subimal      


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[ALOCHONA] A man with a mission

 

CAN ANY BODY CAN TELL WHO IS HE??????????

 

Pro-Israel editor goes on trial in Bangladesh

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1218104239563&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1218104239563&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

 

 

 

Pro-Israel editor goes on trial in Bangladesh

It is an unique case that being a sincerely believer Muslim and descendant of Muslim Hoily Saint he chose to defend Israel and Muslim-Jews Dialogue and relationship with Israel. We also in the beginning misunderstood him. But afterwards we could realize that unity of Believer Muslims and Jews can solve many porblems of our time and save the mankind from the evils of atheism, communism and materialims. Now Mr. Choudhury is not alone in Bangladesh. We are defending him. Kazi Azizul Huq, International Affairs Secretary, Bangladesh Khelafat Andolon, , +880-(0)-1819407963

Kazi Azizul Huq - BANGLADESH (08/10/2008 13:13)

 







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[ALOCHONA] CHT

I chanced upon an article written by a blogger in the e-bangladesh
website. It is about the problem going on in the CHT and its possible
causes and repurcussions. I would like all the members of the forum
to please read the article and share your opinions on it.

Posted on 24 June 2008 by Incidental Blogger
CHT: Beyond Narratives
Several blog posts have been written in the recent months since the
Sajek incident in CHT (Chittagong Hill Tracts) followed by two well-
publicised fact finding reports. These reports also brought the
Kalpana Chakma campaign in the forefront, once again, reviving her
cause in the public domain. While activists are mobilising,
organising, speaking for justice, the establishment decided to strike
again. This week, five more activists including Alakesh Chakma and
Ani Bikash Chakma have been picked up by "plain clothes" security
personnel. No charges have been filed; no right to an attorney; no
one even knows where they have been taken. They simply disappeared.
[Update: according to one unverified report, they have been released
after three days of detention in an undisclosed location].


Going through the reports gave me a strange feeling. They reminded me
of similar arson attacks, similar disappearances - that have taken
place before. Nothing seem to have changed. Same opposing groups,
same patterns of prejudice, same abuses, same cover ups. Everything
is same except the year stamps. Twelve years ago it was Kalpana
Chakma's disappearance, this year it is Alakesh and Ani. Twelve years
ago, the arson attacks took place near New Lalyaghona (Kalpana's home
village); this year, it is in Sajek. Twelve years ago, in that
fateful month of madness prior to the national election, 38 people
disappeared from Baghaichari including Kalpana; this year the number
is rising with promises for more incidents like this in the coming
months. As if a video scene is being replayed by someone. Even the
official versions and the contrasting human rights narratives sound
like distant echoes. They remind us of the outrage, still alive in
our memory; they remind us of the sense of helplessness, still raw in
our soul. After the noise and roars silence creeps, and in the still
air I keep hearing the whisper: "impunity perpetuates
injustice, . . . impunity . . . "
The aim of this post, however, is not to highlight the similarities
or differences between past and present times; it is not going to be
a `then and now' post. There will, understandably, be better times
for walks in the memory lane. Today, I would rather try look at the
proverbial "big picture."

First, let me look at some of the common narratives. With a political
dilemma as complex and multifaceted as the CHT, one cannot help being
astonished by the surprising simple mindedness of the existing
narratives. In them, the nuances are often ignored, gray areas remain
unacknowledged. And with some exceptions — these narratives are
almost always grounded in deep rooted prejudices, biases and
insecurities - all our own. One narrative center on portrayals of
Bengali settlers (Bangalees) as violent, communal and inherently
criminal; the contrasting narrative portray the Paharis (the Chakma,
Marma, Mog, Tripura, Bom and other minority communities in CHT) as
exotic, peace-loving, violence averse people. One narrative depicts
the CHT cause as a conspiracy against Bangladesh with strings pulled
by a powerful neighbouring country; the other narrative adopts a
rigid normative position, focusing strictly on the human rights
aspects of the conflict with the Paharis portrayed as perpetual
victims. One narrative needs a demonised Military establishment
(stationed in the region which is constantly scheming) to justify the
abuse stories; the other narrative forged by the majority Bangalees
needs to show the Paharis as opportunistic, half-civilised and
untrustworthy. Both narratives need heroes and villains, ironically
on both sides. Undermining, dehumanising, and trivialising the other
side's version is the underlying theme of all these narratives,
million miles away from any meaningful solution to the mess that is
CHT. With narratives, the problem is - they are more than just words;
they generate support, create converts, influence actors, and even
raise armies. Slowly but surely, narratives can and have divided
nations - as history is our witness in this region called the sub-
Continent. These narratives are, for lack of a better expression, as
divisive and polarising as the eerie experience of walking through
the villages of Baghaichari and Sajek. Those who have walked those
roads in these suspect times would know what I am talking about.

Ideally, this piece could have been addressed to two classes of
people. One, the unapologetically offensive ones, the irredeemably
racist and habitually communal ones - who have been vocal and active
against the CHT-cause from the word go. The second group would
comprise of the "confused ones" whose naive observations often
include statements such as:

1. What is wrong with Bangalee settlement in CHT? It is their country
after all;
2. I hear the whole CHT insurgence is an Indian conspiracy. Our Army
needs to be there to protect our sovereignty and guard our borders;
3. The alleged atrocities cannot be true. Our army is a well
disciplined professional body who are simply not capable of behaving
in such manners. What if the Paharis are manipulating a portion of
our civil society and the media with their made-up sob stories?
Things really cannot be that bad!


I would not say it is futile but tonight I have neither the patience
nor the inclination to preach to the first group; perhaps, some other
time. I address today's post only to the second category of people
comprising of Bangalee individuals who had always been in two minds
on this divisive "not so simple" issue.

Their first and second questions involve matters of "nationality"
debates and historical records. A huge amount of writings on them are
already available so i better not go in that direction. I do not have
anything to add to that. The third question is a matter of
investigated and recorded facts. In the last two decades, dozens of
independent human rights fact finding missions have been carried out
in the region. The reports have been published, quoted in both
national and international media as well as archived in the
repositories. Anyone with genuine interest in human rights issues
related to CHT can avail them to make up their own minds.

To be honest, similar scepticisms are not so uncommon among the
modern day Pakistanis who find it hard to believe the atrocities
perpetrated by their patriotic army during the 1971 Liberation War.
So, my response to the CHT sceptics would be: "please believe me when
I say the atrocities are real, they are not made up." There was a
time when I used to be one of those sceptics myself, one of those
confused ones, in those naive years of my youth. But after that I had
the opportunity to be closely associated with a number of human
rights fact finding missions in CHT. I had the opportunity to talk to
the people on the ground and walk those eerie walks. In the process,
many many years ago, something fundamentally changed in my
quintessential Bangalee soul. I learned to separate the truths from
the lies. I learned that things are really much much worse on the
ground than what is reported and fed in the mainstream media.


A sustainable, democratic and peaceful solution to the CHT problem
must be found before it is too late.


CHT is a genocide waiting to happen

Few months ago, I had the opportunity to attend a talk by someone
whose area of academic expertise was genocide prevention. Discussing
Rwanda's Hutu-Tutsi scenario, he argued: "genocides just don't happen
out of the blue; slowly but steadily they reach their catastrophic
peak." I remember him saying that the early signs of genocide can
easily be detected and be prevented with minimal intervention from
the civil society. And these signs do not always come in the forms of
axes and machettis, gang rapes and pogrom. Often they are subtle,
sometimes too understated to be noticed. The signs can be anything
between a hate speech here, a communal gathering there, a threat
here, a murder there etc. Reading the recent Sajek reports, I had an
ominous feeling. I could not help feeling that CHT might as well be a
genocide waiting to happen. Let me quote some parts from the Sajek
report:

A Karbari from one village said "If they see 2/3 of us talking to
each other, they inform the Army Camp." Another Pahari inhabitant of
Gongaram Mukh, unwilling to state his name, said "We were told to put
up our houses about 2/3 km away from the road. The Settlers' houses
would be next to the road. Ali and his cronies said that they would
slaughter us like sacrificial cows if we said anything about it."
. . .
A Chakma inhabitant of Gongaram Mukh said that Ali and some others
had come to his shop on 19th April and threatened him that if he
remained there till after dusk, then they would burn him and the shop
down and kill his whole family. In fear, he sent his wife and
children to another house that very evening. On the next night, 20th
April, his house was burnt down.
. . .
The main reason for this tension was that the Bangalees had been
erecting houses near or adjacent to the Pahari houses. The same sight
could be seen all along the four kilometers of the main road between
Baghaihat and Gongaram. Next to the Pahari house or across it is a
house of a Bangalee settler, in which no-one appears to stay or to
sleep at night. After talking to the Settler there, we learned that
these huts had been put up over the last two months or so. From the
beginning the Paharis could not accept Bangalee settlements on their
traditional lands. There had already been several conflicts and
confrontations over this issue. But the hut construction did not end
in the face of these protests and the tension increased. [see here,
at p.2]

Any day from now, the CHT situation may blow out of proportion and
turn into a situation close to an ethnic cleansing. The worse thing
is - that may happen with the help of our own army and our own
government which would probably make it even more dangerous. Do we
really want that to happen in our names? Do we really want to wait,
take chances, and see if that happens? I do not. If that makes me any
less patriotic than the next person, then let it be. I repeat, early
signs of genocide are there. It is quite possible that I am wrong and
reading too much into the situation. But what if I am not?


PsyOps: Climate of mistrust and suspicion

In the Mess Hall of the Baghaichari Zone Army Headquarter, there used
to be a graffiti-type wall writing which was part of the Hall's
decoration. (This information is few years old so I am not sure if
the wall writing is still there). There is a reason I am mentioning
this. The content of the writing in question was indicative of the
climate of mistrust that had always prevailed in Rangamati for more
than two decades. I believe the readers would also agree with me if
they read the following summary of the wall writing which was
something along this line:

"Be careful when you meet a Pahari. They will smile at you and
pretend to be your friend. But remember, in the back of their minds
they are plotting against you, always. Do not trust them. Bangalees
and Paharis can never be friends."

A chill runs down my spine everytime I recall those sinister lines.
Later, an army Major (presumably working in the Intelligence)
explained to me that this is all part of their "Psy-Ops"
(psychological operations) strategies - which basically involve
actively spreading divisions and mistrusts among the inhabitants and
occasionally supporting one side (eg, the Bangalees) against the
other (the Paharis). According to him, the army machine cannot
function in the absence of this climate of fear and mistrust. I am no
military strategist so I would not understand what war games those
Officers and Jawans were playing at. Also, I do not know why that
particular Intelligence Officer felt inclined to share this
extraordinary state secret with me. Frankly, I do not care. As far as
I am concerned, there was a writing on the wall, and surely it meant
something to them and that worried me most; and it still does.

I met one USAID high official who was recently transferred to Dhaka.
From him, I found out that they too receive similar briefings when
they join "outposts" in the third world countries. In no uncertain
terms, this particular USAID officer was actually advised by his
department to treat the "natives" with "suspicion and caution." The
similarities are uncanny.


Racial behaviour and condescending attitudes

Sometimes I do have problem coming to terms with the state of our own
civility. I do not think anyone would deny that as a society we still
haven't reached that tolerant or civilised stage when disparaging the
Paharis or belittling the CHT cause generally may be considered as
politically incorrect. Many Bangalee people I know, even some of the
most educated and refined ones, are quite comfortable making off-the-
cuff remarks or offensive jokes or suggestions about the Paharis —
without even being aware (let alone ashamed) of the racist
connotations of their statements. Worse, rarely have I seen anyone
protesting against such bad behaviour in a Bangalee gathering. At
least in this respect, I dare say, there seem to exist a general
socio-cultural acceptance of bad behaviour among our fellow
Bangalees. Sometimes I do wonder - is there really any difference
between the mindset of the person who is comfortable making such
offensive remarks and the person who is actually setting fire to
Pahari houses or raping their women? That is something to think about.

Racially superior attitudes, both loud and muted, prevail among most
of our fellow Bangalees towards the Paharis. Their degree of severity
may vary but they do exist, ranging from rabid racism to faint hints
of racially condescending behaviour. I am sad to note that even among
some of the `most refined and the most sensitised' I have detected
these subtle notes, albeit unintentional. I have no doubt that they
too struggle hard inwardly in their minds to battle these prejudices
and stereotypes; but these attitudes exist. On several occasions, I
have seen refined "Dada-Didis from the big cities" visiting CHT on
special events (eg, Biju festival) - treating the locals with
conscious and practiced political correctness. I guess their efforts
should be praised. But in them, I could not help but detect the
subtle notes of complacency or notes of inequality. In my eyes, often
those encounters failed to appear as interactions between equals
based on respect. Some are even worse - where these dada-didis tend
to treat the locals as something "exotic." In the long run, these
attitudes of perceived allies do not help. I sincerely hope I am
mistaken.

The Paharis do not need charity, they do not need anyone's "favour"
or "good will." They do not need anyone's pity or generosity. Their's
is a just cause, not a missionary one. They are proud, upright,
dignified, and generous people. As a society/community they probably
represent the most progressive and civilised of Bangladeshis one
would ever encounter. Where in Bangladesh women can work and move
freely and safely at any hour of the day or night without being
attacked except in CHT? Where else in Bangladesh one can find a
community without domestic violence or dowry deaths except in CHT?
Where in Bangladesh women are truly empowered with equal (and
sometimes more) say in family and community matters?

I believe, the mainland Bangladeshis have a thing or two to learn
from the Paharis.


Islamist Mujahid training camps

It is not news any more that there used to be several Mujahid camps
even in the heart of Chittagong City. I know of at least one Kaomi
Madrassah in the hills (within the city area) where Mujahids were
trained to be sent to Afghanistan to fight for the Taliban. I have
seen the camp myself. That was before all the illegal hill cutting
activities started. Now, it may surprise some but both the training
camp and the Madrassah were within half a mile radius of Chittagong
police barrack. It is rather implausible that the law enforcement
authorities did not know about their existence. Strangely, there
never has been any intervention from the law.

Because of massive hill-cutting (thanks to successive Mayors of
Chittagong with the connivance of illegal property developers), long
gone are those magnificent hills, and long lost are those Mujahid
outfits. I will leave the environmental story for another post. The
point is, the training camps moved. One theory is they moved to the
deeper regions of CHT as I have been told by several people including
one eye witness. As far as this theory is concerned it is
still "hearsay" to me, and therefore, is something that needs to be
verified with more concrete evidence. However, as a matter of logic,
it is not implausible since the hill tracts would be a much better
place to hide clandestine training camps. If that really is the case,
I would be curious to know if the military administration in CHT have
any role in the matter.


Problems of a military solution

Sovereignty-insecured anti-India attitude is one of the reasons why
our military strategists think the CHT solution needs to be a
military one. Their solution is to populate the land with as many
mainland Bangalees as possible so that the Paharis become minority in
their own land. All these to counter possible retaliatory and
unfavourable referendums if the occasion ever arises. In the process,
what the militaristic solution is actually achieving is that it is
categorically alienating the Paharis in the CHT. Our military
strategists are forgetting that the Paharis are also cititzens of
this country, with full rights. Citizens, who must not be viewed and
treated with "suspicion and caution." Treat someone as a stranger and
stranger they would become one day. As a policy this is unwise. This
is also unrealistic and unsustainable because military solutions cost
a lot. Our government needs to find a solution, preferably a
political one, that would not involve stationing large battalions on
the remote hills, or funding clandestine counter insurgency
initiatives. This is not how we treat the people of Sylhet or of
Dinajpur or of Barisal. So, how it is justifiable to treat the
Paharis of CHT this way?


Political Leadership: Indigestion of Nationalist doctrine

The armed forces could call the shots in CHT because political
leadership failed everyone in this respect towards a political
solution of the problem. Also, most of the mainstream political
parties and the successive political governments have adopted the
policy of appeasement, never wanting to antagonise the military
establishment. In the process all our leaders failed the Paharis,
dating back to 1972. On one hand, BNP as one of the major political
parties was itself born inside the military cantonment which in the
later years tag-teamed with the most communal of the political forces
such as Jamati Islami. On the other hand, to the Awami League (which
claims to be a secular non-communal party), the Paharis have been
nothing more than vote banks. However, AL seem to be the only party
to have taken "some" steps in the right direction, eg, in the form of
a Peace Treaty, although there can be a lot of criticisms about the
form, content or implementation of that Treaty. Above all, post-
independence Bangladesh's history has been a continuing saga of
flirtation with "nationalist" doctrines and their resulting
indigestions in our body politic, and CHT seemed to have borne the
brunt of it.


Conclusion

It is not that I am trying to side with a community merely for the
sake of it being disadvantaged. Sustainable political solution in CHT
is a must not only because justice demands it, strategic wisdom and
lasting peace demands that too. The problem need to be solved,
politically, once and for all. It is the right thing to do, it is the
smart thing to do. Today, the majority of the Bangalee population is
opposing "a" CHT solution in favour of the Paharis (anecdotal and
from experience, for want of researched data). But if we give
currency to their versions of politico-military wisdom merely because
they happen to be the majority, then there will be a time when
looking back–we would regret not doing enough or not speaking up.
Consider the regret many Pakistanis feel until today whose silence
made continued discrimination of East Pakistan possible and
eventually resulted in its separation. Can we not learn from history?
We have to realise that communal and racially motivated Bangalees are
part of the problem, not the solution. Therefore, if we keep paying
too much heed to their twisted narratives, we will deviate from our
course. Perhaps it is time we think of new narratives to approach the
CHT issue with a whole new set of vocabularies. Frankly, at this
moment, I have no idea what that narrative would be like but surely
we need to think of something before it is too late. Because, after
37 years of creation of Bangladesh, it is now clear that the existing
narratives are not helpful, for either side. Things are getting worse
in CHT and the problem is not going to go away anytime soon.

You decide.
______________________________________________________________________


In this context I would also like the members to go through the full
text of the Cht peace agreement and draw your conclusions.

Following is the English rendering of the peace agreement signed
between the National Committee on Chittagong Hill Tracts affairs,
formed by the government of Bangladesh, and Parbatya Chattagram Jana
Sanghati Samity, reports BSS.

Keeping full and unswerved allegiance in Bangladesh's state
sovereignty and territorial integrity in Bangladesh's Chittagong Hill
Tracts region under the jurisdiction of the Constitution of the
People's Republic of Bangladesh, the National Committee on Chittagong
Hill Tracts, on behalf of the government of the People's Republic of
Bangladesh, and Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity, on behalf
of the inhabitants of Chittagong Hill Tracts, reached the following
agreement in four parts (namely: Ka, Kha, Ga, Gha) to uphold the
political, social, cultural, educational and economic rights of all
the people of Chittagong Hill Tracts region, to expedite socio-
economic development process and to preserve respective the rights of
all the citizens of Bangladesh and their development.

(Ka) General:

1. Both the sides recognised the need for protecting the
characteristics and attaining overall development of the region
considering Chittagong Hill Tracts as a tribal inhabited region.

2. Both the parties have decided to formulate, change, amend and
incorporate concerned acts, regulations and practices as soon as
possible in keeping with the consensus and responsibility expressed
in different sections of the agreement.

3. An implementation committee will be formed to monitor the
implementation process of the agreement with the following members:

Ka) A member nominated by the Prime Minister: Convenor

Kha) Chairman of the taskforce formed under the purview of the
agreement ............ : member

Ga) President of Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity ......... :
member

4. The agreement will come into effect from the date of itssigning
and execution by both the sides. This agreement will be valid from
the date of its effect until all the steps are executed as per the
agreement.

(Kha) Chittagong Hill Tracts Local Government Council/Hill District
Council:

Both the sides have reached agreement with regard to changing,
amending, incorporating and writing off the existing Parbatya Zila
Sthanio Sarkar Parishad Ain 1989 (Rangamati Parbatya Zila Sthanio
Sarkar Parishad Ain 1989, Bandarban Parbatya Zila Sthanio Sarkar
Parishad Ain 1989, Khagrachhari Parbatya Zila Sthanio Sarkar Parishad
Ain 1989) and its different clauses before this agreement comes into
force.

1. The word "tribal" used in different clauses of the Parishad Ain
will stay.

2. The name "Parbatya Zila Sthanio Sarkar Parishad" will be amended
and the name of parishad will be "Parbatya Zila Parishad."

3. "Non-tribal permanent residents" will mean those who are not a
tribal but have legal lands and generally live in hill districts at
specific addresses.

4. Ka) There will be 3 (three) seats for women in each of the
Parbatya Zila Parishad. One third (1/3) of these seats will be for
non-tribals.

Kha) 1, 2, 3 and 4 sub-clauses of clause 4 will remain in force as
per the original act.

Ga) The words "deputy commissioner" and "deputy commissioner's" in
the second line of sub-clause (5) of clause 4 will be replaced
by "circle chief" and "circle chief's".

Gha) the following sub-clause will be incorporated in the clause
4 "The concerned circle office will ascertain whether a person is non-
tribal or not on the basis of submission of certificate given by
concerned mouza headman/union parishad chairman/pourashabha chairman
and no non-tribal person can become the non-tribal candidate without
the certificate received from the circle officer regarding this."

5. In the clause 7 it has been stated that the chairman or any other
elected member will have to take oath or give declaration before
Chittagong Divisional Commissioner before taking over office.
Amending this in place of "Chittagong Divisional Commissioner," the
members will take oath or give declaration before "any High Court
Division Judge."

6. The words "to Chittagong Divisional Commissioner" will be replaced
by "as per election rules" in the fourth line of clause-8.

7. The words "three years" will be replace by "five years" in
thesecond line of clause 10.

8. In clause number 14 there will be provision that a tribal member
elected by other members of the Parishad will chair and discharge
other responsibilities if the post of chairman falls vacant or in his
absence.

9. The existing clause number 17 will be replaced by the following
sentences: A person will be considered eligible to be enlisted in the
voters list if he/she (1) is a Bangladeshi citizen (2) he/she is not
below the 18 years (3) appropriate court has not declared him
mentally sick (4) he/she is a permanent resident of hill district.

10. In sub-clause 2 of clause number 20 the words "delimitations of
constituencies" will be incorporated independently.

11. In sub-clause 2 of clause 25 there will be a provision that the
chairman of all the meetings of the Parishad or a tribal member
elected by other members of the Parishad will chair meetings and
discharge other responsibilities if the post of chairman falls vacant
or in his absence.

12. As the entire region of Khagrachhari district is not included in
the Mong circle, the words "Khagrachhari Mong Chief" in clause number
26 of Khagrachhari Parbatya Zila Sthanio Sarkar Parishad Ain will be
replaced by the words "Mong circle chief and Chakma circle chief."
Similarly, there will be scope for the presence of Bomang chief in
the meetings of Rangamati Parbatya Zila Parishad. In the same way,
there will be provision that the Bomang circle chief can attend the
meetings of Bandarban Parbatya Zila Parishad meetings if he wishes or
invited to join.

13. In sub-clause (1) and sub-clause (2) of clause 31 there will be a
provision that a chief executive officer of the status of a deputy
secretary will be there as secretary in a Parishad and the tribal
officials will get priority in this post.

14. Ka) In sub clause (1) of clause 32 there will be a provision that
the Parishad will be able to create new posts for different classes
of officers and employees for properly conducting the activities of
the Parishad.

Kha) The sub-clause 2 of clause 32 will be amended as follows: The
Parishad can, according to rules, recruit class three and four
employees and can transfer, suspend, terminate or given any other
punishment. But condition would be that in case of such appointments
the tribal residents of the district will be given priority.

Ga) As per sub-clause (3) of clause 32, the government, in
consultation with the Parishad, may appoint officers for the other
posts and there will be legal provision to removed, suspend or
terminate or penalise officers as per the government rules.

15. 'As per rules' will be mentioned in Sub-clause (3) of Rule 33.

16. In the third line of Sub-clause (1) of Rule 36, the words "or in
any way devised by the government" will be deleted.

17. Ka) The principal clause of the 'fourth' of Sub-clause (One) of
Clause 37 will be valid.

Kha) "As per rules "will be included in Sub-clause (2), Gha, of Rule
37.

18. Sub-clause (3) of clause 38, will be cancelled and sub-clause (4)
will be amended in conformity with the following text, "a new budget
can be prepared and approved, if needed, at any time, before the
completion of the previous financial year."

19. Rules 42 will incorporate the following sub-clause: "The
parishad, with the allocated money from the government, will receive,
initiate or implement any development project in the transferred
subjects and all national level development programmes will be
implemented through the parishad by the concerned
ministries/divisions/organisations."

20. The word "Parishad" will replace the word "government" in the
second line of Sub-clause (2) of Rule 45.

21. Rules 50, 51, and 52 will be repealed and following clauses will
be introduced:

"If needed, the government will give advice or regulatory directives
for streamlining the Parishad activities with the objectives of the
aforesaid rules."

"The government, if the government receives any hard evidence that
any activity or proposed activity of the Parishad is violating the
aforesaid rules or is inconsistent with it, will have the authority
to ask for written information along with explanation. The government
will also have the authority to give advice or directives in this
regard."

22. "Within 90 days of abolition of the Parishad" shall be read in
place of "after the expiry of defunct period" before the words "the
act" under clause 53 sub-clause (3).

23. The word 'government' will be replaced by the word "ministry" in
the third and fourth lines in clause 61.

24. (A) sub-clause (1) in clause 62 will be replaced by the following:

Whatever be the provisions in the currently prevailing laws, hill
districts police sub-inspector and below shall be appointed by the
Parishad as per the prescribed rules and the Parishad will transfer,
and take action against them as per the prescribed rules.

However, the condition will be that tribals of the district will get
preference in case of this appointment.

25. The words "supports will be provided" will remain in thirdline in
clause 63.

26. Clause 64 will be amended as follows:

a) Whatever exists in the currently prevailing laws, without prior
permission of the parishad, no lands, including leasable khas lands
in the district, can be leased out, sold, purchased or transferred.

However, it will not be applicable in case of the reserved forest,
Kaptai Hydroelectricity Project area, Betbunia Satellite Station
area, state-owned industrial enterprises and lands recorded in the
name of the government.

b) Whatever exists in the currently prevailing other laws, the
government cannot acquire or transfer any lands, hills and forests
under the jurisdictions of the Hill District Parishad without prior
discussion and approval of the Parishad.

Ga) The Parishad may supervise or control the work of headmen,
chairman, amin, surveyors, kanungo and assistant commissioners (land).

Gha) The fringe land of Kaptai lake will be leased out on priority
basis to their original owners.

27. Clause 65 will be amended to formulate the following: For the
time being, whatever law is in force, the land development tax of the
district will be in the hand of the Parishad and the tax to be
collected on that account will be in the fund of the Parishad.

28. Clause 67 will be amended to formulate the following: Parishad
and the government will raise specific proposals if it is necessary
for the coordination of the Parishad and the government, and
coordination of work will be done through mutual consultations.

29. Sub-clause (1) of Clause 68 will be amended to formulate the
following sub-clause:

With a view to fulfilling the objectives of this law, the government
will be able to prepare rules after discussion with the Parishad
through gazette notification. Even after the formulation of any rule,
the Parishad will have the right to appeal to the government for re-
consideration of such rules.

30. Ka) In the first and second paragraphs of sub-clause (1) of
Clause 69, the words "prior approval of the government" will be
dropped and following part will be added after the words "should be
done" in the third para:

It is conditional that if the government disagrees with any part of
the provision formulated then the government will be able to provide
suggestions or directives regarding the provision.

Kha) In the (Ja) of sub-clause (2) of Clause 69 the words "the power
of the chairman will be given to any officers of theparishad" will be
dropped.

31. Clause 70 will be deleted.

32. Clause 79 will be amended to formulate the following section:

The Parishad will be able to make written appeal to the government in
case it feels that a law passed by the Jatiya Sangsad or any other
authority is difficult for the district or objectionable for the
tribals after stating the reasons of the difficulty or objection and
the government may take appropriate steps for redressal as per the
appeal.

33. Ka) The word supervision will be added after "discipline" in the
schedule number one on the activities of the Parishad.

Kha) The activities of the Parishad mentioned in number three will be
added with the following:

(1) Vocational education,

(2) Primary education in mother tongue

(3) Secondary education.

Ga) The words 'reserved' or will be dropped from the first schedule
of the activities of Parishad and sub-clause 6 (Kha).

34. The following subjects will be included in the functions and
responsibilities of the hill district parishads:

(Ka) Land and land management,

(Kha) Police (local),

(Ga) Tribal law and social justice,

(Gha) Youth welfare,

(Uma) Environmental protection and development,

(Cha) Local tourism,

(Chha) improvement trust and other local government institutions,
Barring paurashava and union parishads,

(Ja) Issue of licence to local industries and business, barring
Kaptai water resources, proper use and irrigation of other rivers and
canals and beels,

(Jha) Preservation of statistics of birth and deaths,

(Ta) Business transactions and

(Tha) Jum cultivation.

35. The following subjects and sources will be included for
imposition of taxes, rate, toll and fees by the Parishad stated in
the second schedule:

(Ka) Registration fee of manual vehicles,

(Kha) Tax on buying and selling of commodities,

(Ga) Holding tax on land and buildings,

(Gha) Tax on domestic animals,

(Uma) Fees of social judgement,

(Cha) Holding tax on government and non-government industries, (Chha)
A portion of royalty on forest resources,

(Ja) Supplementary tax on cinema, jatra and circus,

(Jha) Partial royalty of contracts by government for search and
exploration of mineral resources,(Neo) Tax on business,

(Ta) Tax on Lottery,

(Tha) Tax on catching fish.

(Ga) Hill tracts regional parishad

1. A regional council will be formed combining the three hill
districts local government parishad through amending some clause of
three hill districts Local Government Parishad Act 1989 with a view
to strengthening and making them effective.

2. Chairman of the parishad will be indirectly elected by the elected
members of the parishad. The chairman will enjoy the status of a
state minister and he must be a tribal.

3. The parishad will consist of 22 members, including its chairman.

------------------------------------

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