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Saturday, September 27, 2008

[mukto-mona] Re: Basij Islamists Mock Holocaust To Show Solidarity With Palestinians

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/49995

This posting shows the gall of the islamists. They just thrive on
hatred: Freedom is too sterile to have! Freedom is no fun!

It is not israel, it is islam that has hijacked freedom from the vast
majority of humanity.


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[mukto-mona] Notebook ebong ekjon bigganir protikriti - part 5 {Bangla}

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/farid_ahmed/notebook_5.htm __._,_.___

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Re: [mukto-mona] Poet Robert Dunn died last night

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/49999

Dear Hasan Bhai,

This is really a sad news. It's hard to accept his demise, although this is a sheer reality.

Thanks for sharing the news with us.
Regards.

Milton

Dr. Abul Hasnat Milton
MBBS, M.Sc (Epid), PhD
Senior Lecturer
Centre for Clinical Epidemiology and Biostatistics (CCEB)
The School of Medicine and Public Health
Faculty of Health
The University of Newcastle
Room Number: 347
Level 3 David Madisson Building
Callaghan, Newcastle
NSW 2008, Australia.

Tel: 61 2 4913 8200 (off), 61 412141971 (cell)
Fax: 61 2 4913 8148
e-mail: milton.hasnat@newcastle.edu.au

The University of Newcastle CRICOS Provider Code: 00109J

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[mukto-mona] Sri Sitangshu Guha

Sri Sitangshu Guha,
Can you tell us who was behind the killing of Shorbohara Leader Shiraj Shikder and hundreds of JSD workers ?

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[ALOCHONA] The historical backgrounds of existence of ethnic Rohingyas in Arakan

The historical backgrounds of existence of ethnic Rohingyas in Arakan
 
Compiled By Nurul Islam

Rohang, the old name of Arakan, was very familiar region for the Arab seafarers even during the pre-Islamic days. Tides of people like the Arabs, Moors, Turks, Pathans, Moghuls, Central Asians, Bengalees came mostly as traders, warriors, preachers and captives overland or through the sea route.


Many settled in Arakan, and mixing with the local people, developed the present stock of people known as ethnic Rohingya. Hence, the Rohingya Muslims, whose settlements in Arakan date back to 7th century AD are not an ethnic group which developed from one tribal group affiliation or single racial stock. They are an ethnic group developed from different stocks of people. The ethnic Rohingya is Muslim by religion with distinct culture and civilisation of their own. They trace their ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Pathans, Moghuls, Central Asians, Bengalis and some Indo-Mongoloid people. Since Rohingyas are mixture of many kinds of people, their cheekbone is not so prominent and eyes are not so narrow like Rakhine Maghs and Burmans. Their noses are not flat and they are a bit taller in stature than the Rakhine Maghs but darker in complexion. They are some bronzing coloured and not yellowish. The Rohingyas of Arakan still carried the Arab names, faith, dress, music and customs. So, the Rohingyas are nationals as well as an indigenous ethnic group of Burma. They are not new born racial group of Arakan rather they are as old an indigenous race of the country as any others.

"The Origin of Rakhine"

In the year 957 AD, a Mongolian invasion swept over Vesali, and killed Sula Chandra, the last king of Chandra dynasty. They destroyed Vesali and placed on their throne Mongolian kings. Within a few years the Hindus of Bengal were able to establish their Pala Dynasty. But the Hindus of Vesali were unable to restore their dynasty because of the invasion and migrations of Tibeto-Burman who were so great that their population over shadowed the Vesali Hindus. They cut Arakan away from Indians and mixing in sufficient number with the inhabitants of the eastern-side of the present Indo-Burma divide, created that Indo-Mongoloid stock now known as the Rakhine Arakanese. This emergence of a new race was not the work of a single invasion. But the date 957 AD may be said to mark the appearance of the Rakhine in Arakan, and the beginning of fresh period.

The new English Dictionary states that the word Mog, Mogen, Mogue appear as names of Arakan and the people in 15-16th centuries.20 Today the Maghs of Arakan and Bangladesh disown this name because the word Magh became synonymous with sea pirates. For more than two centuries the Maghs of Arakan were known as sea pirates in Bengal. The Maghs earned such a bad name during the last many centuries that it has become a great shame for their descendants of today to own the name Magh. Thus they started calling themselves Rakhines. But according to Phayre, the name Magh originated from the ruling race of Magadha and also a well-known poet of Rosanga (Arakan), Dault Kazi (1622-38) mentioned in his Sati Mayna that the kings of Arakan belonged to Magadha dynasty and was Buddhists by faith.

According to the Maghs of Arakan, they are descendants of Rakkhasa (bilu); the aborigine of the land and the name of their country is Rakkahpura. Ethnically most of the Arakanese Magh belongs to the Mongoloid race. Ethnologists point out that north-western China, the cradle land of mankind between the upper courses of the Yang-Tse-Kiang and of the Hoang-Ho rivers was their earliest home. They entered the area, now known as Burma, through the upper courses of the Irrawadi and Chindwin in three successive waves.

In making this entry they encountered the local Mon-Khmer and by defeating them they settled in Burma. However, Arakan Yoma Mountain separates the Arakanese Maghs from the parent stock. Though descended from the same stock, worshipping the same faith and speaking the same language as the Burmese, the Arakanese Maghs have a distinct culture and have preserved a distinct dialect. Hence the Arakanese Maghs of the northern section, close to Bangladesh, exhibit the original Mongoloid features in lesser and subdued degree than their southern brethren. Whether these ethnic differences are due to the intermixture of race or ecological and other factors it is not known. The Arakanese Maghs are short in stature, whose height rarely exceeds five feet six inches. The body seems to be stocky with relatively short legs and body; cheekbone is high and broad. Females are flat chested with thin lips. Black straight hairs, brown small eyes and flat nose are common features of the present-day Rakhine Magh population.

The spoken language of Rakhine Magh is not a separate language but pure Burmese with phonetic variation. Historians commented on the Rakhine language as follows:

" The question of the emergence of the Arakanese Rakhine language is more difficult. No inscriptions in the Burmese script are found in Arakan before 11th and 12th centuries. Whether it was the language of the Mongolian invaders of 10th century or whether it filtered across the mountains after contact with Burma in the 11th and 12th centuries is undecided. As Rakhine language is the same language as Burmese, being merely a dialect, to suppose that it was the language of the invaders is to contend that the Mongolians who extinguished Chandras spoke afterwards became predominant in the Irrawady plain. If the country is postulated, and it is argued that the Burmese language, coming over the mountain road, impinged upon the Mongolian speech of the then Arakanese and created modern Arakanese, linguistic difficulties are raised which are difficult to solve. This question awaits judgement."

King Anawratta of Pagan (1044-77 AD) conquered North Arakan, but it was not incorporated in his kingdom. It remained a semi-independent feudatory state under its hereditary kings. When Pagan fell in 1287 AD Arakan asserted its independence under the famous Minhti, whose regime, according to the chronicles, lasted for the fabulously long period of ninety-five years (1279-1374 AD). His reign is also notable for the defeat of a Bengali raid. After his death Arakan was for a considerable time one of the theatres of war in the great struggle between Ava and the Mon kingdom of Pegu. Both sides sought to gain control over it. First the Burmese, then the Mons, placed their nominees on its throne.

"The development of Muslim Settlements in Arakan"

The infiltration of Arabs to Arakan has started before Muslims conquest of India. The oft-quoted statements and records of Arab geographers and traders are important source to reconstruct the history of the coming of the Muslims to Arakan. The Arabs used to write about the places that they had visited which indicate their arrivals at east and west of the world. Referring to the early geographers, G.E. Hervay writes, " To the Arabs, whose shipping predominated in the eastern seas from 8th to 16th century, Burma was Arakan and Lower Burma." In addition, from the very beginning of Muslim commercial shipping activity in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trading ships reach the ports of Arakan just as they did the ports of Burma proper. And as in Burma so, too, in Arakan is there a long tradition of old Indian settlement.

Bengal became Muslim in 1203 AD, but this was the extreme eastern limit of Islamic overland expansion (although the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago were Islamized much later by missionaries and merchants who came by sea). In northern Arakan close overland ties were formed with East Bengal. The resulting cultural and political Muslim influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan. Actually, Arakan served to a large extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma, and also Muslims attained some degrees of importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan. The Islamic influence grew in Arakan to the extent of establishing Muslim vassal state beginning in 1430 AD. Muslim's rule and influence in Arakan lasted for more than 350 years until it was invaded and occupied by Burman in 1784 AD.

"The emergence of Mrauk-U Empire"

This independent kingdom turned westward, toward Bengal, as a result of the growing power of the Burmese court of Ava. In 1404 AD, the king of Arakan, Narameikhla (1404-1434 AD), was forced to flee to Gaur, capital of Bengal Sultanate, which 86 years earlier had already become independent of the Mogul Emperor in Delhi. Ahmed Shah, Sultan of Gaur, welcomed the refugee king. Narameikhla remained at the court of Gaur, where he served as an officer in Ahmad Shah's army and fought in his wars. After the victory of the war, king Ahmed Shah handed over the throne of Gaur to his son Nazir Shah (according to Bengal History it was not Nazir Shah but Sultan Jalaluddin Mohammed Shah) in the year 1426 AD.

Then Naramaikhla pleaded help from the king to regain his lost throne at Launggyet in Arakan. According to Rakhine Razawin (Rakhine History), the Sultan of Bengal agreed to do so when Naramaikhla agreed to abide the following 6-point conditions. They are: - 28 1. To return the twelve towns of Bengal.29 2. To receive Muslim title for the kings of Arakan from Bengal. 3. The court emblem must be inscribed with Kalima Tayuba in Persian. 4. The coins, medallions must be inscribed with Kalima Tayuba in Persian and to mint them in Bengal. 5. To use the Persian as court language of Arakan. 6. To pay taxes and presents annually.

"The arrival pathan army in Arakan"

As Naramaikhla agreed to six point conditions (Arakanese kings also followed and practised them while they were independent and under no obligation), in 1429 AD, Sultan Nadir Shah sent Gen. Wali Khan as the head of 20,000 Pathan army with Naramaikhla to restore the throne of Arakan to Naramaikhla. The Pathan army conquered Arakan from the control of Mon and Naramaikhla ascended the throne. Soon Wali Khan and Naramaikhla had a dispute over the No. 5 condition of introduction of Persian language as court language of Arakan. Gen. Wali Khan arrested king Naramaikhla and locked up at Balutaung fettering him. Gen. Wali Khan ruled Arakan for one year and introduced Persian in his court which continued as state language up to 1845 AD and appointed Qazis.

But some time after that Narameikhla succeeded in re-conquering Arakan with the help of a second army supplied by Nadir Shah headed by Gen.. Sandi Khan. The accession of Min Sawmon to the throne ushered a new era in the history of Arakan. Upon his return, Narameikhla founded a new city, Mrauk-U on the bank of the Lembro River, now known as Mrohaung, which remain the capital until 1785 when Arakan was conquered by Burma. Narameikhla's Muslim soldiers, who came with him from Bengal, settled in villages near Mrohaung and built the Sandi Khan Mosque, which still exists today.. Muslim influence in Arakan, they may be said to date from 1430, the year of Narameikhla's return. As a result of the close land and sea ties between the two countries, which continued to exist for a long time thereafter, the Muslims played a decisive role in the history of Arakan Kingdom.

"
Mrauk-U Sultanate"

Narameikhla ceded certain territory to the Sultan of Bengal and recognised his sovereignty. He introduced Nadir Shah's system of coins bearing the Kalima as used in Bengal since Muslim conquest of 1203 and its fellows that the coinage of Mrauk-U was subsequently modelled. Later on he struck his own coins which had the name of the king in Arakanese letters on one side and his Muslim title in Persian on the other. According to historian M.S Collis, it took the Arakanese a hundred years to learn that doctrine (Islam) from the Moslem-Mongolians. When it was well understood, they founded what was known as the Arakanese Empire. For hundred years 1430 to 1530 AD, Arakan remained feudatory to Bengal, paid tribute and learnt history and polities. Twelve kings followed one after another at Mrauk-U in undistinguished succession. They struck coins and some have been found. In this way Arakan become definitely oriented towards the Moslem State. Contact with a modern civilization resulted in a renaissance. The country's great age began. In 1531 AD Min Bin as Zabuk Shah ascended the throne. With him the Arakanese graduated in their Moslem studies and the great Arakanese Empire was founded.31 But according to Arakanese historian U Aung Tha Oo, all 13 kings including Min Bin received Muslim titles and state Emblem from the Bengal Sultans.

In 1434 AD, at the age of 53, Min Sawmon died leaving his kingdom at the hand of his brother Min Khari as Ali Khan (1434-1459 AD) as his successor. Min Khari was succeeded by his son Basawpru as Kalima Shah (1459-1482 AD). Taking advantage of weakness of Sultan Barbak Shah of Bengal Kalima Shah occupied Chittagong in 1459 AD. Kalima Shah was murdered in 1482 AD and his kingdom plunged into chaos and disaster. Eight kings came to the throne in succession but most of them were assassinated.

At last in 1531 AD a capable young king name Min Bin as Zabuk Shah (1531-1553 AD) ascended the throne of Arakan and declared himself as a full independent monarch. During his rule stability came back in Arakan.33 Even after becoming independent of the Bengal Sultans, the Arakan kings continued the custom of using the Muslim titles in addition to the Arakanese or Pali title. The fact that this practice continued even after they had shaken off the yoke of Bengal Sultan, goes to prove that there were some cogent reasons for this other than merely compulsion or force. The king had already a large number of Muslim subjects holding important posts in the court as well as in the field of trade and commerce possessing a far superior culture and civilization compared to those of his own people. Court ceremonies and administrative methods followed the customs of the Gaur and Delhi sultanates. There were eunuchs, harems, salves and hangmen; and many expressions in use at court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts in the court of Arakan. With the ever increasing Muslim influence in the court of Arakan and the subsequent subservience of the administration Sonargaon, Muslims of Gaur and particularly those from Chittagong infiltrated into Arakan in large numbers in search of fresh lands and new pasture. Henceforth Arakanese administration continued to bear definite Islamic stamp.

Dr. Muhammad Enanmul Haq and Abdul Karim (1869-1953) in their work Bengali Literature in the Court of Arakan 1600-1700 state that " the Arakanese kings issued coins bearing the inscription of Muslim Kalema (the profession of faith in Islam) in Arabic script. The State emblem was also inscribed Arabic word Aqimuddin (establishment of God's rule over the earth)." The Arakanese court also adoption of many Muslim customs and terms were other significant tribute to the influence of Islam. Mosques including the famous Sandi Khan Mosque began to dot the countryside and Islamic customs, manners and practices came to be established since this time. For about two hundred years Muslim domination seemed to have been completed.

The kingdom of Arakan had come in close cultural contact with the Muslim Sultanate of Bengal since fifteen century so much so that many of the Buddhist rulers of that country adopted Muslim names for themselves. They appointed Muslim officials in their courts and, apparently under the latter's influence, even inscribed the Kalima on their coins. Contact with a modern civilization resulted in a renaissance. The country's great age began. From this time onwards the relation of Muslims with the Arakanese became more intimate and for about two centuries Arakan was united in a bond of friendship with Islamic lands. As a result of the impact of the civilization of the Muslims, Arakanese culture also progressed and thus the ' Golden Age' in the history of Arakan. The end of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth century were a period of political instability and transition caused by the break-up of the Afghan state in Bengal and gradual advance of the Mughals. One of the social and demographic effects of this political change was the flight of a large number of Afghan nobles and other Muslims rank and position towards the easternmost districts of Bengal. Quite a few of these people found shelter at the Arakan court where they filled up important positions in the government. In this way Arakan became definitely oriented towards the Muslim State. By the end of 1500 AD Arakan region was Islamized and stood as an independent Muslim kingdom.36 It was later absorbed by the Burmese king in 1784 AD.

"The conquest of Chittagong and the influence"

Muslim cultures and literatures in Arakan

Arakan, in fact, a continuation of the Chittagong plain was neither a Burmese nor an Indian Territory till 18th century of the Christian Era. Shut off from Burma by a hill range, it is located far away from the Indian capitals. Chiefly for its location, it had not only remained independent for the most part of its history, but also endeavoured to expand its territory in the surrounding tracts whenever opportunity came and Chittagong was the first country to be the victim of the territorial ambition of Arakanese monarchs.37 The relation between Chittagong and Arakan is influenced by geographical, ethnological, cultural, and historical considerations. From 1575 till 1666 AD, nearly a century, Chittagong was under almost uninterrupted Arakanese rule which is undoubtedly an important period marked; a company of eight sovereigns successively ruled Arakan only with Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts with full despotic power.

After Min Sawmon, the successive kings of Arakan took initiative to evolve administration on the model of Gaur and the Muslims were given high posts in the government offices. It is also true that a large number of Muslim officials were employed in the civil as well as military establishments, who were mostly from Chittagong. As a result of the royal patronage, settlements of the Muslim community also grew upon the south-eastern neighbourhood of Mrauk-U; all these settlements are popularly known as Kalapanzan. Close to the Mrauk-U City, in course of time, a trading port named Bandar was developed. In Bandar there lived qadis, muftis, ulama, religious fakirs and darvishes. Those high ranking Muslims living there used to converse with the king on equal and friendly terms. At that place the Muslims crowded for business. The ruins of seven mosques and towers (some still standing) eloquently testify to the heydays of the Muslims in Arakan. Most of the Muslim settlements are found on the both sides of the major rivers namely Naf, Mayu (Kalapanzi), Kaladan and Lembro (Lemro). The impact of Muslim culture on the life of the people of Arakan had profound effect on the subsequent course of the history of Arakan. Like the Pathan Sultans of Bengal, the kings of Arakan patronised the cultivation of Bengali literature and many talented poets and writers from different regions thronged the court. With the royal support Bengali literature developed; learned men and men of high calibre received patronage from the kings due to the liberal policy. Many Muslim Bengalee poets dominated the court life.

Bengali became a favourite language and the Arakan kings encouraged the writing of a number of Puttis, which was then the only form of literature.. Some Putti literatures to be mentioned of Arakan are: Shuja Qazi's Roshanger Panchali (History of Roshang), Kazi Daulat's Sati Mayna-O-Lora Candrani, Shamer Ali's Razawan Shah, Mardan's Nasir Nama or Nasir Maloum, Shah Alaol's Padmabati, Tufa, Sati Mayna Lor Chandrani, Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal, Sikander Nama, Hatf-Paikar, Abdul Karim's Dulla Mailis, Hajar Masil, Tamam Anjari, Qazi Abdul Karim's Rahatul Qulub, Abdullar Hazar Sawal, Nurnama, Madhumalati, Darige Majlis, Abul Hussain's Adamer Larai, Ismail Saquib's Bilqisnama, Qazi Muhammad Hussain's Amir Hamza, Dewalmati, Haidar Jung, and etc. Thus Arakan opened up a new field for expansion and exploitation for the Muslims of Chittagong. Except for the political barriers Chittagong and Arakan became one in all other respects and this continued for well over a century and to some extent lingered even up to the first half of the last century.

"
The Arakanese Kings with Muslim names and titles"

According to former Chairman of Historical Commission, Burma, Lt. Col. Ba Shin's "Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD", Min Sawmon as Solaiman Shah, the founder of Mrauk-U dynasty and his successor were greatly influenced by Islamic culture. The practice of adopting a Muslim name or title by the Arakanese kings continued for more than two hundred years (1430 – 1638). This titles which appeared in Arabic script / Persian Kufic on their coins is given below:

No. Names of the Kings Muslim Names Reigning period

1. Narameikhla (a) Sawmon Solaiman Shah 1430-1434 AD.

2. Meng Khari (a) Naranu Ali Khan 1434-1459

3. Ba Saw Pru Kalima Shah 1459-1482

4. Dawlya Mathu Shah 1482-1492

5. Ba Saw Nyo Mohammed Shah 1492-1493

6. Ran Aung Noori Shah 1493-1494

7. Salimgathu Sheik Abdullh Shah 1494-1501

8. Meng Raza Ilias Shah - I 1501-1513

9. Kasabadi Ilias Shah - II 1513-1515

10. Meng Saw Oo Jalal Shah 1515

11. Thatasa Ali Shah 1515-1521

12. Min Khaung Raza El-Shah Azad 1521-1531

13. Min Bin (a) Min Pa Gri Zabuk Shah 1531-1553

14. Min Dikha Daud Khan 1553-1555

15. Min Phalaung Sikender Shah 1571-1591

16. Min Razagri Salim Shah - I 1593-1612

17. Min Khamaung Hussain Shah 1612-1622

18. Thiri Thudama Salim Shah - II 1622-1637

"The arrival of Portuguese in Arakan"

The Portuguese arrived in the Eastern waters about the year 1500 AD in search of trade. They were mariners and seamen of unique characters. An agreement with Portuguese was reached. When Min Bin as Zabuk Shah came to the throne he turned Mrauk-U into the strongest fortified city of the Bay, employing the Portuguese to lay out his walls and moats and to forge mount his cannon. He appointed them as military officers to train and equip a mercenary army of heterogeneous races, foreign and domestic; and he built with their aid, a large fleet manned with his own men, who were hardy boatmen, but guided and stiffened by Portuguese. King Min Bin in this way became master of a powerful modern weapon.

In July 1538 AD, the Mogul king Humayon entered Gaur and displaced the Independent dynasty of Arab Hussein Shahi dynasty.43 The pretender was Sher Shah. During the whole of Min Bin's reign the administration of Bengal was interrupted by that struggle and Eastern Bengal lay defenceless. For Min Bin, armed as the non-was, this was opportunity. With a combined fleet and army movement he occupied Eastern Bengal. That province remained to Arakan for the next hundred and twenty years, till 1666 AD. Its administration was left in the hands of twelve local rajahs, who paid an annual tribute to the Arakanese king's viceroy at Chittagong.44 After conquest of Chittagong Min Bin struck coins on which Chittagong King and his Muslim name Zabauk Shah were inscribed. If King Min Bin founded the prosperity of Mrauk-U dynasty, Min Rajagri as Salim Shah, his successor of forty years later, may be said consolidated it..

"The activities of Magh and Portuguese pirates"

The capture and enslavement of prisoners was one of the most lucrative types of plunder.. Half the prisoners taken by the Portuguese and all the artisans among them were given to the king. The rest were sold on the market or forced to settle in the villages near Mrohaung. A considerable number of these captives were Muslim. In addition to the Muslim prisoners and slaves brought to Arakan from Bengal and even from north India, many more came to serve as mercenaries in the Arakanese army, usually as the king's bodyguard.

Early in the 17th century the Portuguese reached the shores of Bengal and Arakan. At that time too, the raiding Arakanese ships reached the source of Ganges. They came into contact with the Portuguese and permitted them to establish bases for their operations and also granted them commercial concession. In return, the Portuguese helped to defend the Arakan boundaries. In 1576 AD. Akbar the Great, Emperor of Delhi, was efficiently ruling Bengal so that Arakan was now facing the Mogul Empire itself and not only Bengal. The Portuguese knowledge of firearms and artillery was more advanced than that of the Moguls, and Arakan profited much there by. Joint Arakanese-Portuguese raids on Bengal continued until the end of the 18th century and ceased entirely with the strengthening of the British naval force in the Bay of Bengal.

King Mingphalaung as Sikander Shah (1571-93), worthy son of conqueror Min Bin as Sultan Zabuk Shah ascended the throne of Arakan in 1571 AD. He went up to Dacca and held all parts of Chittagong and ports of Noakhali and Tippera.48 King Minphalung was succeeded by his son Meng Razagryi as Salim Shah I (1593-1612). In 1599 AD. Meng Razagyi attacked Pegu. In this expedition he employed a flotilla from Chittagong and the Ganges delta. The expedition was crowned with success. On the return journeys the wise minister Mahapinyakyaw, lord of Chittagong, died.

King Salim Shah I, called himself king of Bengal and Tippura, issued trilingual coins from Chittagong in Arabic, Nagari and Devanagri with his Pali and Muslim titles in 1601 AD. For a short period during the reign of Salim Shah I Arakan extended from Dacca and the Sundarbans to Moulmein, a Coastal Strip of a thousand miles in length and varying from 150 to 20 miles in depth. This considerable dominion was built up by means of the strong cosmopolitan army and navy organised by king Minbin as Zabuk Shah. King Salim Shah I was succeeded by his eldest son Meng Khamaung as Hussain Shah (1612-1622 AD). In 1609 AD the Portuguese occupied Sandip and established their independent base. From this base they conducted several hostile incursions in different parts of the Arakanese kingdom. So the Arakanese king decided to destroy the Portuguese bases. In early 1615 AD the Arakanese laid siege to the island of Sandip and later they occupied the island with the help of Dutch. The Arakanese capture of Sandip in 1615 AD shattered the Portuguese dream of establishing a maritime and religions empire in the region. King Hussein Shah proved to be a great and most successful king of Arakan.50

The main source of information on that period is the Portuguese traveller, the Augustan monk Sebastian Manrique, who was in Arakan from 1629 to 1637 AD. Using not only his own memoirs but also ancient Arakanese sources placed at his disposal, Manrique in his book described the arrival of Muslim prisoners, and Muslim army units at the Arakan king's court. He also mentioned important Muslims who were holding key positions in the kingdom and comments on the foreign trade colonies mostly Muslims, which existed in Arakan. The prisoners were brought from Bengal in Portuguese and Arakanese ships, some of whose sailors were themselves Muslims - a fact that did not trouble them in their profession, not even the fact that enslaving a Muslim stands in contrast with the Muslim Law, the Shari'a. Manrique gives a detailed description of such Muslim prisoners, which he accompanied. He even tried -without success to convert the Muslims to Christianity. Some of these captive salves were settled in special areas guarded by Muslim soldiers.

For nearly half a century, Chittagong was a breeding ground of the pirates who ravaged the whole of lower Bengal, depopulated it and turned it to wilderness. During the four years from 1621 AD to 1624 AD the Arakanese Maghs in alliance with the Portuguese pirates brought to Chittagong then in possession of the king of Arakan, 42,000 slaves captured in the various districts of Bengal. Only Portuguese sold their captives but the Maghs employed all of them they had carried off in agriculture and other services.

In 17th century the Maghs and Portuguese pirates brought Bengalee captives, both Muslims and Hindus, and sold at the ports of Arakan and India. Referring to 17th century historians G.E. Harvey writes as follows:-

"… With the Arakanese they (Portuguese pirates) made a dire combination, holding Sandwip island, Noahkali and Backergunge districts, and the Sunderbands delta south of Calcutta, and raiding up to Dacca and even Murshidabad, while Tippura sent them propitiatory tribute. After they had sacked Dacca, his capital, in 1625 AD the Moghul governor felt so unsafe that for a time he lived further inland. For generations an iron chain was stretched across the Hoogly River between Calcutta and Sibpur to prevent their entrance. In a single month, February 1727 AD, they carried off 1,800 captives from the southern parts of Bengal; the king chose the artisans, about one-fourth, to be his slaves, and the rest were sold at prices varying from Rs. 20 to Rs. 70 a head and set to work on the land as slaves. This continued throughout the eighteenth century, decreasing when the English began to police the coast. But even in 1795 AD they were plundering the king of Burma's boats off Arakan, laden with his customs dues of 10 per cent in kind. Rennell's map of Bengal, published in 1794 AD marks the area south of Backergunge 'deserted on account of the ravages of the Muggs (Arakanese)'. They had forts at Jagdia and Alamgirnagar in the mouth of the Meghna River, and here and there a few of them settled in the delta. They had also a little colony of 1,500, speaking Burmese and wearing Burmese dress, still survive on four or five islands in the extreme southeast of Backergunge district. They did not occupy the country administratively, they held it to blackmail."

" The Arakan pirates, both Magh and feringhi, used constantly to come by the water-route and plunder Bengal. They carried off the Hindus and Mahomedans that they could seize, pierced the palms of their hands, passed thin strips of cane through the holes and threw them huddled together under the decks of their ships. Every morning they flung down some uncooked rice to the captives from above, as we fling grain to fowl. On reaching home the pirates employed some of the hardy men that survived such treatment in tillage and other degrading pursuits. The others were sold to the Dutch, English, and French merchants at the ports of the Deccan. Sometimes they brought their captives to ….. Orissa; anchoring a short distance from the coast they sent a man ashore with the news. The local officers, in fear of the pirates committing any depredation or kidnapping there, stood on the shore with a number of followers, and sent a man with money on board. If the terms were satisfactory, the pirates took the ransom and set the captives free with the man. Only the feringhis sold their prisoners. But the Maghs employed all whom they had carried off in agriculture and other services. Many highborn persons and Saiyads, many Saiyad - born pure women, were compelled to undergo the disgrace of slavery or concubinage to these wicked men. Mahomedans underwent such oppression as they had not to suffer in Europe. As they continually practised raids for a long time, Bengal daily became more and more desolate and less and less able to resist them. Not a house was left inhabited on their side of the rivers lying on their track from Chittagong to Dacca. The district of Bakla [Backergunge and part of Dacca], which formerly abounded in houses and cultivated fields and yield a large revenue as duty on betel-nuts, was swept so clean with their broom of plunder and abduction that none was left to tenant any house or kindle a light in that region. …… The governor of Dacca had to confine his energies to the defence of that city only and to the prevention of the coming of the pirate fleet to Dacca; he stretched iron chains across the stream …… The sailors of the Bengal flotilla were inspired with such fear of the pirates that whenever a hundred war-boats of the former sighted only four of the latter, the Bengal crew thought themselves lucky if they could save their lives by flights; and when the distance was too short to permit escape, they – rowers, sepoys, and gunners alike – threw themselves overboard, preferring drowning to captivity. Many feringhis living at Chittagong used to visit the imperial dominions for plunder and abduction. Half their booty they gave to the raja of Arakan and other half they kept. They were known as the Hermad [Armada] and owned a hundred swift jalia boats full of war material … Latterly the raja of Arakan did not send his own fleet to plunder the Moghul territory, as he considered the feringhi pirates in the light of his servants and shared their booty. When Shayista Khan asked the feringhi deserters, what salary the Magh king had assigned to them, they replied "Our salary was the Moghul Empire. We considered the whole of Bengal as our fief. We had not to bother revenue surveyors and ourselves about court clerks but levied our rent all the year round without difficulty. We have kept the papers of the division of the booty for the last forty years." (Year 1670 circ., Shihabuddin Talish, soldier and historian, see Jadunath Sarkar "History of Aurangzib" III. 224 and JAS Bengal 1907 his "The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon" 422)

Some Muslim Prime Ministers, Defense Ministers and Ministers in the Royal Court of Arakan

King Meng Khamaung was succeeded by his son Thiri Thudama as King Salim Shah II (1622-1638 AD) in 1622 AD. According to the history, the coronation of Thiri Thudama was deferred for twelve years, in pursuance of an astrological prediction that the king would die within a year of his coronation. The great king knowing that his life would come to an end transferred the rule of the kingdom to the hand of his Chief and Defence Minister Sri Ashraf Khan. According to the Muslim Poet Daulat Kazi's book known as Sati Mayna-O-Lora Candrani, the king made Ashraf Khan his Chief Minister and the Commander of his army. He sat in court, and look after the day to day affairs of the kingdom. When the king felt that his end was drawing near, he celebrated the coronation ceremony and entrusted Ashraf Khan with the responsibility of governing the country.54 Portuguese traveller Sebastien Manrique also refers to Lashkar Wazir when he says that the Lashker Wazir led the Muslim contingent of army in the coronation procession of the king Thiri Thudama in 1635 AD.55 His son Min Sani in 1638 AD succeeded King Thiri Thudama, the unfortunate prince ruled for a brief period of 28-days. Narapadigyi, the dowager queen's lover, who occupied the throne of Arakan, murdered Min Sani.

According to Muslim Poet Shah Alawal of Arakan court, Narapdigyi (1638-1645 AD.) was king of Arakan after the death of King Thiri Thudama's son Min Sani. He was a paramour of Natshinme, the chief queen of Thiri Thudama and was great grand son of King Thatasa who ruled Arakan 1525-31 AD.57 King Narapadigyi's War Minister or Lashkar Wazir was Siri Bara Thakur. After the death of Bara Thakur his illustrious son Magen Thakur became the Lashkar Wazir or War Minister of king Narapadigyi. According to Poet Shah Alawal, Magen Thakur was born of Siddique family or descendants of the Muslim first Caliph Hazarat Abu Bakar (RA). He was not only a high born but also a learned man and he respected the learned people. He gathered the learned people of the country by his side and showed them much respect. King Narapdigyi had no son, but only a daughter. When the king became old, he appointed Magen Thakur, who was a minister, guardian of his daughter. After the king's death she was married to Thado Mintar, nephew of the king. Thado Mintar (1645-1652 AD) became king in 1645 AD and the king's daughter became chief queen of the kingdom. During the reign of Thado Mintar and his queen, Magen Thakur was promoted to the Chief or Prime Minister of Arakan.58 Poet Shah Alawal composed his famous poetical works Padmavati under the order of Prime Minister Magen Thakur and completed in 1651 AD during the reign of Thado Mintar. The king died in 1652 AD and was succeeded by his minor son Sanda Thudhamma (1652-1684 AD). As the king was minor, the dowager queen (Thado's queen and Narapadigyi's daughter) ruled the country as regent. She gave her guardian Magen Thakur the authority to rule the country on her and her son's behalf. Magen Thakur's power and influence was further enhanced. Prime Minister Magen Thakur later ordered Shah Alawal to compose Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal. Before the completing the book Magen Thakur died. Shah Alawal completed the book in 1658 or 1659 AD under the patronage of another Arakanese Prime Minister Sayeed Musa. It is thought that Magen Thakur died before 1660 AD.

After the death of Prime Minister Magen Thakur, Sayeed Musa was appointed the Prime Minister of Arakanese king Sanda Thudamma. Prime Minister Sayeed Musa was a great man and he used to patronise learned man and seeker of knowledge. He was a friend of Prime Minister Magen Thakur and was a minister under him.

Poet Shah Alawal composed Satimaing-Lor Chandrani in 1658 AD under the patronage of Minister Sulaiman of King Sanda Thudamma of Arakan. In 1660 AD under the order of minister Sayyid Mohammed Khan of king Sanda Thudamma Poet Shah Alawal composed the book Half-Paikar.

"Shah Shuja in Arakan"

Prince Shah Shuja, brother of the Moghul Emperor Aurangzib of India, being defeated in his struggle for the throne was forced to seek shelter with the king of Arakan. The Arakan King Sandathudamma (1652-84) consented, and Shah Shuja with his family and followers were brought to Mrauk-U, the capital city of Arakan, in Portuguese gallases from Teknaf. He arrived in Mrauk-U, the capital of Arakan on 26th August 1660 AD and was favourably received by the king who assigned him a residence near the city.62 According to G..E. Harvey's Outline of Burmese History, "Shah Shuja came to Arakan as the king promised to provide him with some of his famous ships to take him on the way to Macca; he wished to die in retirement at that holy spot. But when he arrived in Arakan with beautiful daughters and half a dozen camel loads of gold and jewels, the temptation was too great for King Sanda Thudamma. Such wealth had never seen in Arakan before. The king in order to seize all Shah Shuja's treasure had to find out a lame excuse. So, king Sanda Thudamma asked the hand of Shah Shuja's daughter Ameena, though he knew very well that Sultan Shah Shuja would never consent. As Shah Shuja refused the suit, the king ordered him to leave his country within three days. So, on 7th February 1661 AD, Shah Shuja fled to forest with some of his followers. The Maghs chased them like famishing wild wolves. Ultimately the Maghs caught Sultan Shah Shuja and chopped him into pieces. The king seized all his treasure, took his daughters into the harem, and imprisoned the rest of the family. Everyday the gold and silver, which the Arakanese have taken, are brought into the King's treasury to be melted down. A year later he executed them all for so called plotting, including the unhappy princess."

Sirimanta Sulaiman was Finance Minister of King Sanda Thudamma. At his request Shah Alawal composed Tufa (1662-64 AD) and completed the unfinished Satimaina Lor Chandrani. The first book was a book on Fiqh, while Qazi Daulat wrote the second at the request of Lashker Wazir Ashraf Khan. Before completing the book the poet died and the book remain incomplete. Shah Alawal completed the last part of the book. According to Shah Alawal's Tufa: "Roshang is a blessed country. There is no sin there and Sri Sanda Thudhamma is the king there. So his minister Sri-Yut Sulaiman is a man of heavenly knowledge. God created him at an auspicious hour. He is kind, he is lucky and joyous. He is a singer and plays instrumental and works for other's benefit, giving up his own works ——–. The poet says that Srimanta Sulaiman loved learned people so much so that he used to provide them food, clothes and shelter, particularly the foreigners on coming to Arakan received help and patronage from him.

According to Shah Alawal's Sikander Nama, Srimata Majlis became a Mahamatya or Chief or Prime Minister of Roshang after getting Nabaraj: seems therefore that his name was Srimata Majlis. Nabaraj was his official title. It is possible that after the death of Prime Minister Sayyid Musa, Nabaraj Majlis obtained the job. It seems further that Shah Alawal was not acquainted with Nabaraj Majlis before; hearing the name and fame of Alawal, Nabaraj Mujlis called the poet to his court and gave him much support, so much so that Shah Alawal was able to clear the state dues. Once Prime Minister sat in the assembly of learned men, arranged foods and drinks for the guests. Those present in the assembly praised the Prime Minister for his good works, particularly the construction of Mosques and excavation of tanks. In reply Nabaraj Majlis said that mosques and tanks were not permanent. In old days great men did these beneficial works, but they did not last. Only books have lasted, books pleased the readers, books imparts education. Illiterate people became learned by reading books; books and poets are honoured not only in their own country but also out side, and books last until the day of resurrection. Shah Alawal in 1673 AD completed the book Sikander Nama.

Nabaraj Majlis was not only the Prime Minister of the kingdom; he was so important a personality that he administered the coronation oath to the king Sanda Thudhamma. The king must have his Magh Ministers also, but the Muslim Minister got prominence. Shah Alawal says about this: "The great religious king had a Prime Minister known as Nabaraj Majlis. He was a great minister and chief of all Muslims of Rohang. Now, I will tell something about Majlis. When the king went to the heaven, the crown prince came to sit on the throne. Out side the throne, he stood facing the east. The Majlis wore his dress and standing before the prince advised him in the following words. 'Treat the people as your sons, do not deceive upon the people. According to religious rites, be just in state duties, and see that the strong do not oppress the weak. Be kind, be true to your religion, be kind to good people, and punish the wicked. Try to forgive and do not be impatient, do not punish anybody for the past offence'. The king accepted all this principles, then bade Salam to the Majlis and then all others of the family of his mother." It appears from the coin of the king that the coronation of the king was held for the second time in 1672 AD.

"The decline and fall of Arakanese Empire"

In 1665 AD Moghul Empire Aurangzib ordered Shayista Khan, the viceroy of Bengal to build a fleet of boats. In 1666 AD Shayista Khan's force of 6,500 men and 288 boats took Chittagong in 36-hours and occupied Ramu. The fall of Chittagong caused indescribable rejoicing of Bengal. It was a terrible blow to the prosperity of Arakanese and with it their century of greatness came to an end. Sanda Thudhamma's long reign saw the power of his race passes its zenith, and his death is followed by century of chaos.67 In 1685 AD the units of Muslim archers serving the king of Arakan, got upper hand and continually reinforced by new forces from upper India. From 1685 to 1710 AD (for 25-years) the political rule of Arakan was completely in the hand of Muslims.68 Between the fall of Chittagong (1666 AD) and Sanda Wizaya (1710 AD) there were 10-kings averaging two and half years each. Three reigned only one year and two did not reign one month.69 Sanda Wizaya died in 1731 AD and was succeeded by ten kings, all of whom except Narabaya had short reign. In 1777 AD one Aung Sun, a native of Rambree Island, dethroned the reigning sovereign king Sanda Wimala Raja and proclaimed himself king and having put down a rebellion which shortly broke-out, was succeeded, in 1783 AD, by his son-in-law Thamada Raja, the last independent king of Arakan.

"Arakan under Burmese occupation"

In 1784 AD Burmese king Boddawphaya sent 30,000 soldiers to conquer Arakan at the request of Rakhine noble Nagasandi and returned in February 1785 AD with the royal family and 20,000 inhabitants as prisoner. Thousand of Arakanese Muslims and Arakanese Buddhists were put to death.71 The Burmese soldiers destroyed mosques, temples, shrines, seminaries and libraries, including the Mrauk-U Royal Library. As for Arakanese Buddhists, their revered Mahamuni Image of Lord Buddha was taken away to Burma. The fall of Mrauk-U Empire was a mortal blow to the Muslims for every thing that was materially and culturally Islamic was razed to the ground.72 During 40-years of Burmese rule (1784-1824 AD) rule two third or two hundred thousands (2,00,000) of the inhabitants (Rohingyas and Rakhines) of Arakan were said to have fled to Bengal (India).73 The then British East India Company Govt. made no objection to the settlement of those people in the Southern parts of Chittagong region. The Mrauk-U City (Patriquilla) left in ruins. Today the indigenous Muslims found in and around Mandalay and Central Burma are descendants of those Rohingyas of Arakan. Similarly ethnic Inthas living in the Inle Lake in Shan Plateau are descendants of the Rakhines. However, before Burmese could consolidate their power over Arakan British occupied the Burma colony in 1824.

"Arakan under British rule"

In 1826 AD Arakan was annexed to the British India and it was almost depopulated. A few months after the conclusion of the treaty of Yandabo Mr. Paton, the Controller of Civil Affairs in Arakan, submitted to the British Govt. a detailed report about the character of the country (Arakan), its extent, history, population, production and manners and customs of the inhabitants. He stated the population of Arakan as 1,00,000 (Maghs - 60,000; Muslims - 30,000; Burmese - 10,000).74 So on the date of conquest of Arakan by English, there had already been living thirty thousands Muslims i.e. 30 percent of the total population of Arakan. Arakanese Muslim who entered and settled in Chittagong region during 1784–1824 AD is known as Roai in Chittagong. When peace arrived in Arakan they started to return to their forefather's homes in Arakan. Actually, Chittagonians dared not to go to Arakan because they knew that Arakan was a "Mugher Mulluk" – the lawless country. The British completed the occupation of whole of Burma in 1885 and made it an administrative part of India.

According to 1911 Census the number of Muslim population in Akyab District is 1,78,647 and 33 percent of total population.75 Taken an over-all view, the increase was not due to the import of the Muslim labours by the British from Chittagong.

There was large-scale conversion of Buddhists to Islam during 15th to 18th centuries. It may be mentioned that when the Dutch industrialists were ordered to quit Arakan they were also not a little worried because their children left in Arakan were brought up to be Muslims.76 Muslim influence was also intensified when Moghul prince Shah Shuja, brother of Aurangzeb, fled to Arakan in 1660. King Sandathudama murdered Shuja, but his followers were retained at the court as archers of the royal guards in which role they frequently intervened as king-makers. The Rohingya population went on increasing from centuries to centuries and they were in clear majority in 1942.

Eventually, during the Second World War an estimated 500,000 Indians and Muslims fled Burma. Some were clearly following in the footsteps of the British government, but others allege that they were brutally chased out by the nationalists of Burma Independence Army or BIA. Thousands are reported to have died of starvation, disease or during sporadic military attacks in one of the darkest but least reported incidents in modern Burmese History. At that time in Arakan, many local Muslims and Buddhists said that, initially there was not really any serious trouble between two religious communities, but that it only flared up when the first BIA units entered the area (Arakan) with the Japanese Imperial Army. The BIA immediately began giving speeches about the on going expulsions of Indians and other alleged British supporters from the central Burma and asked why Rakhine nationalists were not doing the same. As a result, there was an outbreak of the first serious communal clashes from 1942 onwards.

"The Muslim massacre of 1942"

On 8th December 1941, Japan declared war against British Government. On 7th March 1942, the Japanese invading forces occupied Rangoon, the capital city of Burma. On 23rd March 1942 Japan bombed the Akyab City of Arakan. The Japanese fighter planes again bombed Akyab on 24th and 27th March respectively. So, the British administration withdrawn from Akyab by the end of March 1942.78 There was an administration vacuum in Arakan following the withdrawal of British troops from the area. The Rakhine communalists in connivance with Burma Independence Army (BIA) led by Bo Rang Aung brought about a pogrom massacring about 1,00,000 innocent Rohingya Muslims, driving out 80,000 of them across the border to East Bengal, devastating their settlements and depopulating the Muslims in some parts of Arakan.79

According to Mr. Sultan Mahmud, former Health Minister and Member of Parliament from Akyab district stated that, "I refused to accept that there was a communal riot in Arakan in 1942. It was a pre-planned cold-blooded massacre. On March 28, 1942 a group of 37 soldiers who are trekking their way to Burma was intercepted, persuaded and prevail upon attack and loot the Moslem villages. The cold-blooded massacre began with an uncontrollable fury in the Moslem village of Letma on the western bank of the Lemro River in Maybon townships. It spread like a conflagration in all directions and the unsophisticated villagers with the prospect of gain joined with guns, dahs, spears and all other conceivable contrivances of destruction. Some high-minded and far-sighted Arakanese gentlemen intervened at the risk of their lives to prevent the deadly onslaught. But all their pious efforts were in vain. There was absolutely no attempt at retaliation even by way of self-defence by the Moslem and it was simply one-sided affair. Not a single Rakhine suffered even a scratch. Maybon Township in Kyaukpru District and the six townships of Minbya, Myohaung, Pauktaw, Kyauktaw, Ponnagyun and Rathidaung in Akyab district were depleted of Moslem by murder and massacre and those who escaped evacuated through long tortuous and hazardous routes across mountains to Maungdaw. Twenty Two thousand Moslem reached Subirnagar Camp in Rangpur District in India but very large number had stay behind in Maungdaw owing to lack of facilities, disease and destitution. These refugees in Maungdaw who had lost their dearest one and all their property now turned against the Rakhine and fell upon them in retaliation. This is what exactly happened in 1942 and I leave it to your impartial readers to judge whether it could be term as communal riot. There were Moslem too who saved a good number of Arakanese Buddhists from the wrath of the Moslem and brutality of the Japanese but modesty forbids me from mentioning their names. I give below the number of Moslem villages totally destroyed in the various townships in 1942. They are:

(1) Myebon in Kyaukpru District 30 villages;

(2) Minbya in Akyab District 27 villages;

(3) Pauktaw in Akyab District 25 villages;

(4) Myohaung in Akyab District 58 villages;

(5) Kyauktaw in Akyab District 78 villages;

(6) Ponnagyun in Akyab District 5 villages;

(7) Rathedaung in Akyab District 16 villages; and

(8) Buthidaung in Akyab District 55 villages.

Total 294 villages. All the villages in Buthidaung Township were re-occupied and rehabilitated by the original inhabitants and refugees after the War but not a single one in other townships.80 Soon the Rakhine Buddhists were streaming in droves from the north as the Rohingya Muslims were streaming from the south, and Arakan stood divided into two distinct territories, a Muslim north and a Buddhist south one. Since then, the traditional relation between the two sister communities deteriorated.

"Muslim State and Peace Committee"

On 9th June 1942 the Rohingya Muslims of Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung area drove the BIA and Rakhine communalists from north Arakan. On 10th June 1942 the Rohingya Muslims declared North Arakan as Muslim State and Peace Committee was entrusted for administration of the area.82 In December 1942 Brigadier C.E Lucas Phillips of British 14th Army came to Maungdaw to contact the leaders of the Rohingya Muslims. After hard negotiation, the Peace Committee formed by the Rohingya Muslims headed by Mr. Omra Meah and Mr. Zahir Uddin Ahmed allowed the British 14th Army re-entry through the Naf border town of Maungdaw.. As per Public Notice No. 11-OA-CC/42 dated. 31st.. December 1942, the British Military Administration declared the former Muslim State as "Muslim National Area". During the Second World War, Rohingya Muslims helped the Allied Forces against the invading Japanese in Arakan Front. The Rohingya Muslims generally stayed loyal to the British and work with the under ground V-force, most Rakhine nationalists jointed either with the BIA or under ground Communist movement. The Rakhines only turned against the Japanese when the British re-invaded Burma in 1945. On 1st January 1945 Brigadier C.E Lucas Phillips became the Chief Administrator of the area and appointed members of Peace Committee as administrative officers of the area. This represents a landmark in the history of Burmese independence. The British recognised the Rohingya Muslims as a distinct racial group and the British officer-in-command promised the Rohingyas to grant autonomy in North Arakan.

"Arakan after Independent of Burma"

After 40 years of Burmese king Bodaw Phaya's tyrannical rule, the British colonialists annexed Arakan to British India. In 1937 the British separated Burma from India and made Arakan apart of it. A significant measure of "Home Rule" (internal self-administration) was given to her. The territory of Arakan became merely a division of the central government dominated by Burmans in 1948 under a plan pre-arranged before independence between Burman leaders and the opportunists and self-seekers in Arakan. Thus Arakan remained under colonial rule forever, with a change in her masters from the Burman to the British and then again to the Burmans. According to the London Agreement of October 7, 1947 power was handed over to the government of the Union of Burma on 4th January 1948.84 From independence in 1948 Arakan – like many other regions of Burma – was rocked by political violence.. The political demands of both Muslim and Buddhist communities were both over looked by the Burmese central government in Rangoon and Arakan was not even granted ethnic statehood – although, as evidence of strong constituency support, four Muslims did win seats in elections to the new parliament. As a result, while the communists and armed Rakhine nationalists seized control of many of the towns throughout Arakan, hundreds of Rohingya armed supporters flocked to joint the popular Muslim singer, Jafar Hussain (Jafar Kawal), who had formed the first Mujahid Party in Buthidaung township in December 1947 to press for a Muslim Autonomous State in north Arakan. When the Rohingyas armed resistance movement gained momentum in 1950's against the tyranny of the Burmese regime, the Burmese government appeased the Rohingya public by offering some governmental positions and a special district called "Mayu Frontier District".85

On 1st May 1961, the Burmese government created the Mayu Frontier District covering Maungdaw, Buthidaung and the Western part of Rathidaung townships. It was a military administration, not autonomous rule, but as it did not involve subordination to Arakan authorities, the arrangement won the support of the Rohingya leaders, particularly since the new military administration quickly succeeded in restoring order and security to the area. When, early in 1962, the government drafted a bill for Arakan statehood, the Mayu Frontier District was not included in the territory of the projected state. After the military coup of March 1962, the new military regime led by General Ne Win cancelled the plan to grant statehood of Arakan, but the Mayu Forntier District remained under its separate Military Administration.

"Arakan under Military rule"

The military regime called them the Revolutionary Council (RC) and abolished the Constitution and dissolved the Parliament of Burma. All powers of the State – legislative, judiciary and executive – had fallen automatically under the control of RC. In February,1963 the RC regime nationalised entire banks and business enterprises all over the country. In Arakan, most of the major business establishments were in the hands of Muslims. The Rohingya Muslims of Arakan were hardest hit in the economic crackdown by the new military regime. In Arakan even small grocery and rice shops of Muslims were not spared. The RC banned all political parties and floated a new political party known as Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). In Arakan only Rakhine Maghs were inducted to new political party. Notifications were sent by RC to Arakan Division authories to restrict the movement of Rohingya Muslims. On 1st February 1964, the Revolutionary Council of Burmese military regime abolished the Mayu Frontier District and put the area again within the jurisdiction of Akyab District under the Home ministry. All Rohingya welfare and socio-cultural organisations were also banned in 1964.. The military regime cancelled the Rohingya Language Programme broadcasted from Burma Broadcasting Service (BBS), Rangoon in October 1965.In 1974, the BSPP Government convened the first Peoples Congress (Pyithu Hlut Taw) which ratified the constitution drawn by BSPP. The new constitution granted State to Arakan in the Unitary structure. The new name of the state was Rakhine State and was manned by hundred percent Rakhine and Burman Buddhists.

Since 1948, up to 1999, there have been no less than 20 major operations of eviction campaigns against the Rohingyas carried out by the successive Governments of Burma. In pursuance of the 20-year Rohingya Extermination Plan, the Arakan State Council under direct supervision of State Council of Burma carried out a Rohingya drive operation code named Naga Min or King Dragon Operation. It was the largest, the most notorious and probably the best-documented operation of 1978. The operation started on 6th February 1978 from the biggest Muslim village of Sakkipara in Akayab, which sent shock waves over the whole region within a short time. News of mass arrest of Muslims, male and female, young and old, torture, rape and killing in Akyab frustrated Muslims in other towns of North Arakan. In Mrach 1978 the operation reached at Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Hundreds of Muslim men and women were thrown into the jail and many of them were being tortured and killed.. Muslim women were raped freely in the detention centres. Terrified by the ruthlessness of the operation and total uncertainty of their life, property, honour and dignity a large number Rohingya Muslims started to leave their hearths and homes to cross the Burma-Bangladesh border.88 Within 3 months more than 3,00,000 Rohingyas took shelter in makeshift camps erected by Bangladesh Government. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) recognised them as genuine refugees and started relief operations. The presence of large number of Rohingya Muslim refugees attracted the attention of the world, particularly the Muslim countries. Although Burma denied, initially to accept back her people she was bogged down under international pressure. A bilateral agreement was signed on 9th. July 1978 in Dhaka between the two countries paving the way for return of the Rohingya refugees in 1979 after more than 9 months stay on the soil of Bangladesh. About 2,00,000 refugees returned home while 40,000 died in the refugee camps.89 According to Human Rights Watch/Asia reports about 30,000 Rohingya refugees were integrated locally in Bangladesh and the rest left for Middle East countries.

"Arakan under SLORC/SPDC Military rule"

On September 18,1988 in dramatic turn of events a Ne Win orchestrated so-called military coup removed civilian BSPP Govt. President Maung Maung. The military in the name of State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) headed by Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Saw Maung, took over power. The SLORC massacred more than 3000 pro-democracy demonstrators before gaining full control of the situation. Students and political activists were hunted down and either thrown into torture cells or killed. A large number of them fled across the border into neighbouring countries or joined anti-government revolutionary groups based along the border. The Rohingya Muslims of Arakan have to bear the brunt of SLORC's wrath. The SLORC started to take vengeance on the Rohingya Muslims. SLORC held a General Election on May 27, 1990. The opposition NLD won bulk of the seats. So, SLORC refused to recognise the results of the General Election. When the masses are becoming restive as a result of the refusal to hand over power, the SLORC employed the old method of diverting the attention of the masses from the real burning issues by creating a new Rohingya drive campaign.

In 1991-92 a more dreadful Rohingya drive extermination campaign code named "Pyi Thaya", had been launched on 18th July 1991 by deploying thousands of brute troops by SLORC in Arakan. A new wave of violence and persecution fell upon the Rohingyas such as killing, raping of women, destruction of Muslim settlements, holy places of worship, religious institutions, and Muslim relics, confiscation of land, detention, portering and slave labour and various other atrocities rose sharply in early 1991. As a result, again Rohingyas began to leave their homeland in the thousands to seek asylum as refugees in neighbouring Bangladesh. The Rohingya refugee crisis that began in September 1991 with 10,000 refugees entering Bangladesh had reached its peak by mid-1992 when the refugee population rose to more than 2,68,000.. Rohingya Muslims who fled into Bangladesh as refugees were mainly sheltered in 20 camps with a few residing outside the camps. The camps are located mainly on both sides of the Cox's Bazar-Teknaf highway, popularly known as the Arakan road. Despite its meagre resources, Bangladesh provided food and shelter to the Rohingya refugees. This time the refugees came mainly from Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathidaung and Akyab townships of Arakan State.92 International agencies and NGOs later on came to their help. Under Bangladesh-Burma bilateral agreement signed on 29th April 1992 a total of 2,29,877 Rohingya refugees were repatriated to Arakan. More than 20,000 Rohingya refugees are awaiting repatriation with deep frustration because of the slow pace of their repatriation.

The history of Arakan on the whole is not at all a complicated one, but it has been made to be so by some interested intelligentsia in Arakan and Burma proper. Above all, the Burman king Bodawpaya who plundered Mrauk-U in 1784 AD is basically responsible for the destruction of every things that was Islamic in Arakan. He is also responsible of getting the History of Arakan written by U Kala, on the basis of two unauthentic Magh chronicles which were absolutely devoid of everything about the Rohingya Muslims. Universal man cannot forget his history. So, we cannot abandon and cynically consign the past history of Rohingya people to oblivion. Whatever so far has been found written about the Muslims of Arakan are merely collateral and mostly corrupted. Anyway, truth cannot be suppressed for long. It will come to light sooner or later.

----------------------
Nurul Islam
E Mail :
nurul_chittagong@yahoo.com
 

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[mukto-mona] Re: Pakistani journalist speaks with VOA Bangla about situation in their country

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/49990

Once again this above posting shows the problem with the so called
islamist intellectuals/journalists. Instead of delving into the real
problem that is islam, Iqbal beats around the bush and finally succumb
to his silent support of the terrorists, making intrinsic threat:

"Iqbal thinks that if Pakistan is not allowed to interact with the
terrorists, the things may get out of hand." !

He then shows the audacity to suggest that

"the terrorists are essentially fighting against the US, so in his
opinion US government should give a room to Pakistan to negotiate with
the terrorists instead of going for military action."

Pakistan is so much full of terrorists because its intellectuals are
functionally impotent and coward. They never critique the religion that
is so dogmatic and so inhuman. They let the islamic monster grow
unchecked! USA should come to its senses to stop feeding money to these
intellectals. Let them see the destiny they deserve: another
Afganistan. Rejoice Iqbals! Pakistani women will be one shade lighter
under "BORKHA" than their indian counterpart!


Tistarbahe

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[mukto-mona] Frontpage magazine symposium: Confronting Islamization of the West

 

Symposium: Confronting Islamization of the West

By Jamie Glazov
FrontPageMagazine.com | 7/11/2008

How can the West prevail against the Islamist agenda? To discuss this question with us today, Frotnpage Symposium has assembled a distinguished panel. Our guests are:

Abul Kasem, an ex-Muslim who is the author of hundreds of articles and several books on Islam including, Women in Islam. He was a contributor to the book Leaving Islam – Apostates Speak Out as well as to Beyond Jihad: Critical Views From Inside Islam.

Steve Emerson, the executive director of the Investigative Project on Terrorism (www.investigativeproject.org), a non profit Washington DC based research group that investigates militant Islamic activities and networks on American soil and their ties to Islamic extremist groups overseas. He is the author or co-author of 6 books on national security or terrorism, including the bestseller "American Jihad." He and his staff have testified and briefed Congress dozens of times. He has outed numerous Islamic groups (i.e. CAIR, MPAC and MAS) that feign moderation but which, as Emerson has proven, are closet extremists and militants and all tied to the Muslim Brotherhood.

Robert Spencer, a scholar of Islamic history, theology, and law and the director of Jihad Watch. He is the author of seven books, eight monographs, and hundreds of articles about jihad and Islamic terrorism, including the New York Times Bestsellers The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades) and The Truth About Muhammad. His latest book is Religion of Peace?

Ayla Iqbal, a recent graduate from the University of Sussex with a degree in International Relations. She is currently working as a research analyst at the International Center for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) in Singapore.

Rohan Gunaratna, the author of Inside Al Qaeda: Global Network of Terror (Columbia University Press). He is Head of the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore.A former Senior Fellow at the United States Military Academy's Combating Terrorism Centre at West Point, he is currently a Senior Fellow both at Fletcher School for Law and Diplomacy's Jebsen Centre for Counter Terrorism Studies and at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, Oklahoma.

and

Ari Kruglanski, a Distinguished University Professor at the University of Maryland, College Park. He has recently served as member of the National Academy of Science panels on counterterrorism, and educational paradigms in homeland security, and is serving on the NAS Board for Cognitive, Social and Sensory Processes. Kruglanski also serves as a co- PI at START (National Center for the Study of Terrorism and the Response to Terrorism), at the University of Maryland.

FP: Abul Kasem, Steve Emerson, Robert Spencer, Ayla Iqbal, Rohan Gunaratna and Ari Kruglanski, welcome to Frontpage Symposium.

Abul Kasem, let's begin with you. In a recent interview we did together, you shed light on how Muslims exploit our own policy of multiculturalism to destroy our multiculturalism. In other words, they use our tolerance to destroy our tolerance. You call this "Islamic Multiculturalism."

Let's start with these questions: Is there any way we can stop it? And how can we achieve this as a free society?

Kasem: Surprisingly, it will not be that difficult to defeat the agenda of Islamists to plant the root of Islamic Multiculturalism in a free and democratic society. All that is needed is a good (or working) knowledge of Islam, its history of propagation through violence and terror, and its adoption of taqiyya and kitman when the going is tough.

Once non-Islamic the policy makers comprehend what Islam is about, it is quite straight forward to defeat it in its own game. In our interview, as well as in many of my other interviews, I have indicated a few methods to contain the rapid ingress of Islamic Multiculturalism,

Here are a few specific steps that the un-Islamic world might adopt to stop this menace:

[1] Adopt tough policies on the entry of Islamists to non-Islamic countries. However, we must make a distinction between the large number of in-name-only Muslims and the diehard, jihad-infused, conniving, pan-Islamists.

[2] Enforce strict restrictions on the construction of mosques and Islamic seminaries. If this sounds unethical/ and or infringing on the religious rights, please note

the non-existence and disallowance of construction of non-Islamic worshipping centres in Islamic Paradises. We must call spade a spade.

[3] Stop paying jizya to the Islamists. Do not accede to any unreasonable demands solely by the Islamists. Keep other religious people in mind. Why must Islam be treated more favourably than other religions? Ask the Islamists this simple question.

[4] Halt the interfaith dialogue with Islam. Remember, Islam is uncompromising. There is no way Islam will accommodate un-Islam. Please read this sentence one more time and memorize. You will save a lot of time and money wasted to please Islam. We do not have to please Islam.

[5] Assert the un-Islamic (non-Islamic) cultures, traditions, customs and ethos. We must let the Islamic world learn a bit that the world is not prepared to accept its 7th century Arab Bedouin customs and laws.

[6] Reject any demand to impose Sharia in a non-Islamic society; even if it is in the pretence for Muslims only. Remember, Muslims are the first victims of Islam.

[7] Muslims migrating to non-Islamic countries must sign a declaration that they do not believe in pan-Islamism. If found contravening their signed declaration they should be stripped of their citizenship and promptly deported to the Islamic Paradise they had migrated from.

[8] Proselytizing by Islamic dawa must be strictly controlled, and if necessary, banned. If you think I am being unreasonable. Please look at the laws of Islamic Paradises (such as Malaysia, Pakistan, Sudan, Nigeria…) with regard to the propagation of other faith among the Muslims.

Once the civilized world adopts the above measures, we shall see how quickly Islamic Multiculturalism vanishes from the non-Islamic world.

FP: Thank you Abul Kasem.

Rohan Gunaratna, what do you think of Abul Kasem's recommendations of how to save Western society from the Islamist assault?

One of the problems here is how we can do some of these things as a democratic society. For instance, how can a free society carry out his proposals: #2, 7 and 8? This would have to involve actions that are not, arguably, very conducive to a society that respects individual rights and freedom. Or am I wrong? Or is the point that to save itself the West will have no choice but to do these things?

Gunaratna: Multiculturalism and Islamization per se are not the challenges. Although formation of ethnic and religious islands in the West has proven to be problematic, we can still develop programs and initiatives to encourage and if necessary enforce integration and assimilation.

I am not a fan of the European or the Canadian model of mosaic but the US model of the melting pot. Neither is Islamization, a form of religiosity (being religious) a problem. God never wanted to force people to convert or revert. It is man, or some men who are power hungry or ignorant. We can still co-exist provided hatred is not being encouraged.

The challenge is the contemporary radical interpretation of Islam by a small groups of self appointed, taught or half baked clerics. Such a reinterpretation and misinterpretation seeks to create hatred against non-Muslims and Muslims who oppose the extremist views of al Qaeda and like minded groups.

We must be measured in our response. Otherwise we will have no public support to sustain our effort in the long term. We must be strategic in our orientation. Otherwise we will appear to win in the short term but suffer losses in the long term.

To win the fight against al Qaeda and its likeminded groups we must work with the Muslim communities in the West. We must convince them that al Qaeda and its likeminded groups have launched a merciless assault on mainstream Muslims tarnishing their image and the reputation of their faith. We must hold hands and walk with the mainstream Muslims to marginalize the deviant Muslims. We must develop legislation and enforce it to punish ideologues, preachers, and practitioners of hate.

FP: Dr. Gunaratna, you say that we must work with Muslim communities to "convince them that al Qaeda and its likeminded groups have launched a merciless assault on mainstream Muslims tarnishing their image and the reputation of their faith."

This sounds all great and everything and, yes, we have to try to work with Muslim communities. But how do we convince Muslim communities that al Qaeda and other jihadi groups tarnish the reputation of Islam when the imperative to subjugate the world under the rule of Islamic law is deeply embedded within Islamic tradition (Qur'an 9:29, Sahih Muslim 4294, and a host of other evidence from all the Sunni madhahib and Shi'ite sources)?

All the schools of Islamic jurisprudence teach that it is part of the responsibility of the umma to subjugate the non-Muslim world through jihad.

If this is the case, how does telling Muslim communities that jihad against non-Muslims is un-Islamic work exactly?

In any case, Ayla Iqbal, what do you make of Abul Kasem's recommendations? Can we as a democratic society carry out his suggestions? What do you make of proposals #2, 7 and 8? Can you deal with these specifically? Thank you.

Iqbal: If a democratic society decided to administer these recommendations as simply suggested by Mr. Kasem, I feel that it could be construed as a direct contradiction to the meaning of a free and democratic society which the West needs to not just portray but practice. Not only that, it could be taken as spreading intolerance in a supposedly tolerant society. The West cannot be seen to accuse Islam of being an intolerant religion, only to act in the same way. Despite this, with the fear that is spreading in the West about Islam, it would be feasible to successfully carry out suggestions such as 2, 7 or 8 in
the name of security.

However, the problem should not focus on whether or not a democratic society can actually implement these recommendations. The issue lies with the implications of enforcing these rules and regulations on Muslims in the West. Perhaps one outcome could be Mr. Kasem's belief that Islamic Multiculturalism will quickly vanish from a non-Islamic world. Unfortunately, I do not see this as a likely outcome for multiple reasons.

First of, if a group is adamant in spreading Islamization in the West, implementing proposal #2, which entails enforcing strict restrictions on the construction of mosques will not change people's ideology. In fact, this act of repression can create the possibility of angering even the moderate Muslims. Even the least religious of Muslims will feel as if their religion is being attacked, which will just add more fuel to the fire. The minority of Muslims who are extremists will then easily feed off this anger and can easily find other ways to spread their propaganda, for example, through the internet.

This also relates to recommendation #8, the strict control of proselytizing by Islamic "dawa." Once again, this would be illegal in a democratic society and if there would be strict control on Muslims, the same should apply to other religions. Besides this, there is the issue of how this would actually be controlled. It is possible to monitor Islamic seminaries and mosques, but there are many other avenues that a person can take to preach Islam. In the globalized world of today, a person does not have to be present in a Western society to obtain contact with those who do live in the West. In fact, many teenagers are using the internet as a means of finding information on radical Islam rather than going to the nearest mosque.

The reason some Muslims in the West are being radicalized is their sense of suffering from certain real or perceived grievances and finding it difficult to properly fit into conventional society. As Dr. Rohan Gunaratna stated, it is necessary to establish programs that enforce assimilation. It is important to focus on spreading the right message of Islam, instead of pointing out the differences and problems. The majority of Muslims in the West are moderate and it is vital to work with them instead of enforcing policies that will alienate them further.

FP: I always get confused when people say that the "majority" of Muslims in the West are "moderate." What does this mean exactly? Does it mean that they reject their religion's teachings that Islam must subjugate the world under the rule of Islamic law? Does it mean they reject the fundamental Islamic tenet that it is the responsibility of the umma to subjugate the non-Muslim world through jihad? Does it mean they believe that a Muslim woman has the right to self-determination, even in the sexual realm, and that she will not face a death sentence no matter what her choices are?

Steve Emerson go ahead.

Emerson: Here we have the classic debate that surrounds the western conundrum in dealing with radical Islam. The solutions above range from an enforced abridgement of free speech (justified presumably by the comparable dangers of yelling fire in a crowded theatre) to the notion that the relatively small allure of Al Qaeda is the problem rather than the larger problem of militant Islam (justification of violence, belief in the imposition of the Sharia, support for radical Islamic groups such as Hamas and Hizbollah or plain old cultural jihadists) to the idea (fanciful in my opinion) that somehow the US model of how Muslims have assimilated should serve as the paradigm for how Muslims in Europe should also be treated and finally to the rather absurd notion (offered by Islamists in the West themselves) that radical Muslims in the West are merely acting out their "frustrations" out of "grievances."

Let's step back for a second and analyze the fundamental issues at hand without getting mired in the quicksand of sentimentality or the rhetorical bromides that make us feel good but are about as effective in fighting the Islamists as kumbaya sessions were in fighting the Ku Klux Klan.

Firstly, there are three types of jihadists or Islamists (a term that the Washington Post apparently feels might hurt the sensitivities of the jihadists): the military type (which we all recognize by the violence they inflict); the cultural jihadists—the ones that don't pull the trigger but applaud those who do; and the political jihadists, who seek to change the balance of power by using Dawa, the ballot box and the tools of democracy. There is no one size fits all: Each one requires a nuanced response that ultimately seeks the same goal: defeating and delegitimizing the jihadists, first in the West, and then in the Middle East and Asia. Finally, there must be a recognition that virtually all Islamist movements in the world including the West originate in the Muslim Brotherhood, parent of Al Qaeda, Hamas, Islamic Jihad and virtually every Sunni terrorist group in the world. The permutations of groups such as the Council on American Islamic Relations, the Muslim Public Affairs Committee, and the Islamic Society of North America all originate in the Muslim Brotherhood, a fact recently proven by the release of internal MB documents in the trial of the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development, a non profit shut down in December 2001 for serving as a front for Hamas.

So now having alienated all my fellow panelists, let me suggest that programs calling for "assimilation" of Muslims will NOT work:

The separate or parallel societies of Muslims in Europe and yes in the United States as well stem from internally generated efforts NOT to assimilate, not the product of the state's failure to integrate. While of course racism and exclusivity play part roles in the lack of integration, the chief factor, as the Dutch intelligence concluded in their seminal annual reports, is that Islamic associations, mosques, and Islamic leaders assiduously work at ensuring the loyalty of Muslims not to the indigenous state but the "ummah", indeed creating an anomie towards the host state and turning the population away from any belief in local nationalism.

We are perpetuating a state of denial if we think that the "US model" is the paradigm. While admittedly there have been less successful violent plots to carry out jihad than in Europe, the fact remains that virtually the entire "mainstream" leadership and institutional center of gravity in the US, as in Europe, lies with organizations that are derived from the Muslim Brotherhood or their successor organizations, such as Hamas.

Should we not be as concerned with those that say they "condemn 9-11" as those that approve of it? Well, not so fast. The chief reason why various Muslim leaders around the world "condemned" 9-11 was because it was "counterproductive" not "immoral." Why, even CAIR and MPAC point out that the leaders of Hizbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood like Shiek Yousef Al Qardawi stood in a long impressive line of Islamic leaders that renounced 9-11 all the while as Hizbollah leaders were leading "Death to America" rallies while Qardawi was issuing fatwas to kill Jews and Americans.

The bottom line is that the problem of militant Islam is much larger than Al Qaeda and that militant Islam covers a large swath of the Muslim landscape, no matter where it is. I concur wholeheartedly that Kasem in his recognition that Dawa is just as dangerous as jihad but differ in the means to control it. Having worked for nearly 14 years to deligitimatize radical Islamic groups hiding under the veneer of being "civil rights" and "humanitarian" monikers in an open society, the freedoms afforded to groups doing nothing more than prior ethnic groups in self-proclaimed but totally disingenuous right of ethnic passage cannot be selectively abridged. There needs to be a concentrated and focused effort to expose these organizations for who they are. This in turn requires a sustained effort by those in government, the public sector and especially other religious groups to subject their co-religionists to a rigorous test to determine the authenticity of the Islamic group's genuine opposition to terrorism.

Kruglanski: The challenge, it seems to me, is to distinguish between those committed jihadists who are bent on attacking the West, and identify with the goal of subjugating the West and large groups of Muslims who seem happy to co-exist with non-Muslims, and to be proper citizens of secular non-Muslim states. As Mr. Emerson has justly pointed out there is no one size that fits all the jihadists, let alone the large masses of non-jihadist Muslims, who seem content to live their individual lives without adoption of the collectivist cause of Islamic conquest of the West.

After all, throughout history there seem to have been periods of peaceful coexistence between Muslims, Christians and Jews, including the caliphs court in Baghdad, mediaeval Spain, even the time of the Crusades (All detailed in Karabell's recent book titled "Peace Be Upon You."

Tough measures of "fighting fire with fire" and adopting the kind of policies implicit in some of Mr. Kasem's proposals, though potentially effective in the short term, could backfire in the long run and allow a portrayal of the West as the exploiter and an enemy of all Muslims. It is important to find ways of fighting tooth and nail the committed Islamists who would not be deterred by other means (e.g. through Mr. Kasem's suggestion number 1), as well as exercising tight control over potential incitement to jihad in some mosques and madrassas without adopting non-discriminant policies likely to fuel the rage of numerous uncommitted Muslims and motivate them to embrace the jihad.

Indeed, the fundamental logic of terrorism (from 19th century Russian anarchists onward) has been one of provoking the adversary to an excessive, disproportionate response to terrorist attacks, that would unmask the hypocricy of governments and turn the masses against them. It is, therefore, important not to fall into that particular trap by adopting suppressive and intolerant policies open to the interpretation of enmity toward Islam as a religion.

It is important to enlist the help of those Muslims who are in favor of Interfaith dialogue and peaceful coexistence to launch massive educational campaigns (e.g. on the internet, in schools, and in prisons) and to highlight those elements of the Qura'n that stress tolerance and co-existence. Concomitantly it is important to avoid policies that would imply an intractable conflict to exist between Islam and other religions and put in place programs and policies that would promote the values of friendship and partnership across the lines of religious divides.

FP: I guess the problem is: who exactly are these Muslims who are in favor of "Interfaith dialogue" and "peaceful coexistence"? And what does their form of Islam mean if they are rejecting the teaching of all the schools of Islamic jurisprudence that teach that it is part of the responsibility of the umma to subjugate the non-Muslim world through jihad.

In other words, for a Muslim to be in favour of "interfaith dialogue" means nothing if he does not reject the central Islamic tenet that it is the responsibility of the umma to subjugate the non-Muslim world through jihad. And if he does reject it, then this must be made clear and the implications have to be made clear as well.

Therefore, if "it is important to avoid policies that would imply an intractable conflict to exist between Islam and other religions" then that means that the international community has an obligation to repudiate the central foundation of Islam, which separates the Islamic and non-Islamic world and mandates war until the whole world is Muslim.

Robert Spencer, go ahead.

Spencer: The difficulty we're having in this Symposium stems from sharply differing assumptions about the nature of Islam and the sentiments of the great majority of Muslims. Abul Kasem wants "Muslims migrating to non-Islamic countries" to "sign a declaration that they do not believe in pan-Islamism," and calls upon Western governments to "reject any demand to impose Sharia in a non-Islamic society." Rohan Gunaratna, however, apparently disagrees, saying that "Islamization, a form of religiosity (being religious)" is not the problem, but merely "the contemporary radical interpretation of Islam by a small groups of self appointed, taught or half baked clerics."

Mr. Gunaratna says that we must "hold hands and walk with the mainstream Muslims to marginalize the deviant Muslims." In dismissing "Islamization" as "a form of religiosity (being religious)," he is evidently indifferent to its political and societal elements – which are, of course, precisely the elements of Islam that Abul Kasem wants to neutralize in the West.

Of course, if these are merely an invention of "small groups of self appointed, taught or half baked clerics," then no such large-scale measures are necessary. All we need do is hold hands with peaceful Muslims, says Dr. Gunaratna, and explain to them how much the jihadists are damaging the image and reputation of Islam – although why they cannot see this for themselves is unclear.

But does the political character of Islam, and its web of divinely-sanctioned laws that mandate and institutionalize discrimination against women and non-Muslims, really have no deeper roots in Islamic tradition than the fevered imaginings of some contemporary "half-baked clerics"? Unfortunately, this is not the case. Dr. Gunaratna seems to have missed entirely the traditionalist character of the jihadist appeal among Muslims: jihadists present themselves as the true and pure Muslims, reviving the authentic practice of Islam where it has fallen by the wayside. By means of this appeal, they have gained recruits among peaceful Muslims, nominal Muslims, new converts to Islam, and others. And no significant movement has arisen among peaceful Muslims opposing in any serious way this use of Islam.

It is difficult, in light of this, to know which Muslim moderates in particular with whom Dr. Gunaratna would bid us hold hands. How does he propose to distinguish those who hold to the jihad ideology of Islamic supremacism from those who don't, when there isn't a clear distinction between the two camps in the Islamic world?

Steve Emerson is absolutely right when he says that "the problem of militant Islam is much larger than Al Qaeda" and that "militant Islam covers a large swath of the Muslim landscape, no matter where it is." He and Abul Kasem are 100% correct that dawa is by no means innocuous religious proselytizing, but is, as Mr. Emerson says, "just as dangerous as jihad." He adds that "there needs to be a concentrated and focused effort to expose these organizations for who they are" and that is precisely what needs to be done, since there have been so many Islamic organizations (such as the Holy Land Foundation) and individuals (such as the former Cleveland Imam Fawaz Damra, who signed the Fiqh Council of North America's Fatwa Against Terrorism while elsewhere affirming on secretly filmed video that "terrorism is the path to liberation") that have fooled many. When Dr. Kruglanski says that "it is important to enlist the help of those Muslims who are in favor of Interfaith dialogue and peaceful coexistence," it is also important to distinguish those who are genuinely in favor of such dialogue from those who are merely using it as a means to gull unsuspecting infidels.

And this requires non-Muslims to be fully informed of the issues involved. Dr. Kruglanski says that we should "launch massive educational campaigns (e.g. on the internet, in schools, and in prisons) and to highlight those elements of the Qura'n [sic] that stress tolerance and co-existence." But the problem is not that Muslims are unaware of those elements of the Qur'an. The problem is that in some strains of mainstream and traditional Islamic theology they're taught that these elements of the Qur'an have been superseded. This is a very ancient Islamic understanding of the Qur'an: in the earliest biography of Muhammad, the eighth-century Muslim chronicler Ibn Ishaq explains the contexts of various verses of the Qur'an by saying that Muhammad received revelations about warfare in three stages: first, tolerance; then, defensive warfare; and finally, offensive warfare in order to convert the unbelievers to Islam or make them pay the jizya, the non-Muslim poll-tax (see Sahih Muslim 4294, etc.). Commentaries on the Qur'an by venerable Islamic authorities including Ibn Kathir, Ibn Juzayy, As-Suyuti and others also emphasize that Surat At-Tawba, the ninth sura of the Qur'an and the one containing the exhortation to make war against and subjugate the People of the Book (9:29) abrogates every peace treaty in the Qur'an.

In the modern age, this idea of stages of development in the Qur'an's teaching on jihad, culminating in offensive warfare to establish the hegemony of Islamic law, has been affirmed by the jihad theorists Sayyid Qutb and Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi; the Pakistani Brigadier S. K. Malik (author of The Qur'anic Concept of War), Saudi Chief Justice Sheikh Abdullah bin Muhammad bin Humaid (in his "Jihad in the Qur'an and Sunnah"), and others. It is, of course, an assertion of no little concern to non-Muslims, since it encapsulates a doctrine of warfare against non-Muslims and their ultimate subjugation under Sharia rules, with all that implies.

Thus it is not enough merely to stress the verses of relative tolerance and co-existence in the Qur'an, but to point out this understanding of the Qur'anic development of the doctrine of jihad, and call upon peaceful Muslims to repudiate it. Indeed, we must speak forthrightly about all the elements of Islam that jihadists use to justify violence, and that have been used historically to justify Islamic supremacism and the subjugation of women and non-Muslims. I am sure that Dr. Kruglanski is aware that during those "periods of peaceful coexistence between Muslims, Christians and Jews, including the caliphs court in Baghdad, mediaeval Spain, even the time of the Crusades" of which he speaks, at no point did Christians and Jews enjoy equality of rights with Muslims in Muslim polities. Instead, they were subjected to the depredations and discriminations of dhimmitude, which enforced their subjugated and subservient status.

Individuals, of course, could find preferment, but even this was fraught with peril: when a Jew in Spain rose in influence and was finally appointed to a position of some power in Granada in 1066, the local Muslims rioted at the outrage of being ruled by a Jew, and 4,000 Jews were killed. This was not unusual in the Muslim Spain that has become a favored historical myth – even Maria Rosa Menocal, one of the chief architects of this myth, acknowledges that non-Muslims in Spain were always subject to the draconian dhimmi laws: "The dhimmi, as these covenanted peoples were called," she says in The Ornament of the World, "were granted religious freedom, not forced to convert to Islam. They could continue to be Jews and Christians, and, as it turned out, they could share in much of Muslim social and economic life. In return for this freedom of religious conscience the Peoples of the Book (pagans had no such privilege) were required to pay a special tax — no Muslims paid taxes and to observe a number of restrictive regulations: Christians and Jews were prohibited from attempting to proselytize Muslims, from building new places of worship, from displaying crosses or ringing bells. In sum, they were forbidden most public displays of their religious rituals."

Historian Kenneth Baxter Wolf observes that when the Muslims conquered Spain, they enacted laws "aimed at limiting those aspects of the Christian cult which seemed to compromise the dominant position of Islam." After enumerating a list of laws much like Menocal's, he adds: "Aside from such cultic restrictions most of the laws were simply designed to underscore the position of the dimmîs as second-class citizens."

So much for Muslim Spain as a proto-multicultural paradise.

In light of all this, I'd say that the first thing we have to do is stop kidding ourselves. We have to stop soothing ourselves with comforting half-truths. Is the jihad ideology and Islamic supremacism a recent invention by heretical clerics? No. Are all Muslims jihadists, or even anything close to a majority? No. But is this fact any reason to assume that the peaceful majority opposes the contemporary global jihad? No. Undoubtedly many do, but the moderates on which Dr. Gunaratna and Dr. Kruglanski and Ayla Iqbal have placed such hopes have not organized themselves, have not acted decisively against the jihadists, and have not delineated an Islamic theological position that rejects jihadism.

Consequently, I believe that depending on them is to lean on a weak reed, and that we need to take strong and decisive steps, such as Abul Kasem outlines, to protect ourselves. Those who have criticized his plan have failed to note that he does not include all Muslims as jihadists within it, but leaves room, in point 7, for Muslims to practice their faith in the West shorn of the political and social elements that would have them attempting ultimately to impose it upon non-Muslims and subjugate them. Since Muslim spokesmen in the West, such as the now-deported Imam Damra and so many others, are so anxious to avow that they intend no such thing, this should be no problem. And since there are such ample precedents for disingenuousness in this regard, authorities should keep their eyes open.

Kasem: About proposal two, Mr. Jamie Glazov is concerned that in a democratic society it will be problematic to contain the rapid growth of mosques. I would like to remind the gullible westerners that Islam has found a great weapon in democracy, as practiced in secular societies, such as the USA, the UK, Australia and so on. The system of democratic governments in these countries have provided Islam in a silver platter all the ammunition needed to destroy the very democracy these countries have nurtured so dearly. All that the Islamists require is to be elected to the seat of power only once, and that is all.

Now, let us reflect on the reality of mosques. Most investigations on Islamist terrorism have unmistakably demonstrated the irrefutable evidences of the local mosques playing the critical role in stimulating, planning, logistics and carrying out the Islamist terrorist attacks. Do we require further proof to confirm that mosques are not merely places of worship? Mosques are the nerve centers for carrying out Islamic wars on infidels. The entire history of Islam clearly demonstrates the nexus between the mujahidin and their spiritual leaders controlling the mosques. One serious mistake the infidels make is to equate mosques with any other places of worship, such as churches, temples, and synagogues. This is a fatal error. Islamic mosques are potential war centers, a place to hide arms, plan, assist and conduct jihad (Islamic warfare) on the un-Islamic world. A mosque is an Islamic fortress, to say it bluntly. Muhammad had always used mosques to train his fighters, plan raids, plunder, and as sanctuary for arms, horses and fighters.

Therefore, it will be absolutely unwise to let the mosques grow uncontrolled. Controlling the growth of mosque is a security issue. It must be treated as urgent. Please note that controlling mosques is not the same as banning them. It is similar to controlling pubs, cinema houses, brothels, and adult entertainment centres.

Failure to control the growth of mosques is bound to let the Islamist jihadists get green signal to plant the seeds of terror in the un-Islamic territory.

I find no problem on implementing proposal number seven. During the cold war all potential migrants to the United States were required to sign a declaration that he/she is not a member of any Communist Parties, and that he/she does not believe in the doctrine of International Communism. The declaration also included the warning that, if ever, the applicant was found to have suppressed the truth, his/her status will be revoked and he /she will be deported from the United States and/or subject to legal action.

This harsh step has protected the United States from the menace of communism.

So should be the case with Islam. Islam wants to take over the rule of the non-Islamic world, including the USA. So why should the un-Islamic world not take precautionary measures to stem the entry of potential jihadists who aim to destroy the democratic system of government?

Proposal number eight calls for the banning/or restricting the dawa. This step is required to protect the gullible non-Muslims who are duped into believing that Islam is a religion of peace. Islam is harmful for humanity, so why must we let the dawa have a freehand in propagating the doctrine of hate, terror, and barbarism? Islam's ultimate goal is to enforce Sharia around the globe. If we hate Sharia, why must we let this doctrine be propagated insidiously, by taking advantage of the secular system of religious freedom? Shall we let the Klu Klux Klan, the Nazis, the Communist terrorists, the cultist of David Koresh, Jim Jones and so on have unlimited proselytizing power? Why must we not treat Islam as a dangerous belief system that wants to subjugate the entire mankind to slavery, barbarism, terror and murder?

Ask any Islamist and he/she will readily admit that Islam's goal is to conquer the world, by any means, as suited, and impose Sharia laws. They will even tell you that Islam is not only a religion; it is a complete code of life. Does the civilized world need to be indoctrinated in such a fascistic idea?

Dr. Gunaratna has a noble mission to hold the hands of Muslims and to demonstrate to them that al-Qaeda is creating hatred against the non-Muslims and the Muslims. He believes that a small group of misguided clerics are responsible for the raging Islamist terrorism.

Dr. Gunaratna is very naïve. He forgets that Islamist terrorism is the direct result of the stipulations of the Koran, Sunna, and Sharia. If he would read the exegeses of the Koran by eminent scholars of Islam, such as ibn Abbas, Jalalyn, ibn Kathir, Tabari, Maulana Maududi, Hilali and Khan, he would have found that none of them differ from the doctrinal bases of al-Qaeda. The reality is: the Koran firmly backs up the terror, murder, loot and barbarism of the jihadists. These jihadists are doing exactly what the Koran asks them to do. No Imam or a scholar of Islam has, so far, issued any fatwa condemning al-Qaeda and/or repudiating its scriptural bases for attacking the un-Islamic world.

Therefore, I must say Dr. Gunaratna is too simplistic in his thought. He is just towing the PC line of today's politicians, being paralyzed with the thought of losing public support. He assumes that somewhere there is 'peaceful' Islam, which the 'moderate' Muslims follow. He relies on this elusive group of Muslims to defeat Islamist terrorism. Unfortunately, there is only Islam—the Islam preached, practiced and enforced by Muhammad. The entire ummah is bound by Islamic law to emulate Muhammad in complete. I would like him to prove me otherwise.

To depend on the 'Moderate' Muslims to isolate the Islamist terrorists is just a wrong step. More than six years have past since the 9/11, and since President Bush's declaration that a small band of foolish Islamists have hijacked the 'peaceful' Islam; most PC governments have adopted the policies that somehow, 'moderate' Muslims will defeat the rage of the jihadists. The result of such wrong approach speaks for itself: Islamist terrorism has multiplied, unabated. What happened to the help of the moderate Muslims? Have these governments been able to identify such moderate Muslims?

It is not the Muslims, the al-Qaeda, the Islamist Terrorists that are the problem, but Islam is. Muslims are the victims of Islam. They are infected with the virus of Islam, a dangerous fascistic doctrine. Terrorism is just a tactic employed, taqiyya and kitman are also other tools used to advance the cause of Islam—the establishment of Islam's supremacy around the globe.

Dr. Gunaratna wrote: We must convince them that al Qaeda and its likeminded groups have launched a merciless assault on mainstream Muslims tarnishing their image and the reputation of their faith.

I am just wondering how he may justify his correctness, when the Koran and all the eminent exegetes of it prove him wrong. How could he prove these Islamist jihadists who willingly sacrifice their lives for the cause of Islam are not motivated by the injunctions of the Koran and Muhammad?

Mr. Iqbal is concerned that enforcing restrictions on mosque construction might anger further the Muslims living in infidel territories. This is precisely why the authorities of non-Islamic nations should be more strident in controlling mosque activities. These Islamists who take full advantage of the secular system of religious freedom, and with the help of oil money plan and construct mosques must be provided with a clear message that using mosques as a camouflage for jihad operations will not be tolerated. If they do not like this provision they are free to return to their Islamic countries from where they could do whatever they want to advance Islam. If they do not like these measures, and they want to propagate jihad missions using mosques in non-Islamic territories, they must be deported. If these Islamists are genuinely interested in the well being of their adopted non-Islamic country, why should they be upset when correct steps are taken to contain Islamist terrorism, to ensure peace, harmony and civil order?

Mr. Iqbal states: This also relates to recommendation #8, the strict control of proselytizing by Islamic "dawa." Once again, this would be illegal in a democratic society and if there would be strict control on Muslims, the same should apply to other religions.

I would ask Mr. Iqbal a simple question: why is it that only Islam has problem with the non-Islamic world? There are millions of Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, Bahais and other religious groups in non-Islamic countries. These groups have successfully adopted the non-Islamic countries as their own and have no problem living in peace and harmony. Why is Islam the exception? Why, wherever there is Islam there is violence, terror, intimidation and non-cooperation? Does not this speak about the inherent problem of Islam—the Koran strictly forbids the Muslims not to be friendly with the infidels. They must not assimilate or integrate, their main task, when they are in infidel territories, is to use all means available to defeat un-Islam, and declare the victory of Islam.

Under this circumstance why should the un-Islamic world treat Islam just as another religion? When Islam's primary goal is to annihilate un-Islam why must we treat Islam as a doctrine of peace? Therefore, it is quite legitimate to strictly control the dawa movement just to protect the un-Islamic society.

Mr. Iqbal wrote: The reason some Muslims in the West are being radicalized is their sense of suffering from certain real or perceived grievances and finding it difficult to properly fit into conventional society.

How funny it is. What are those grievances? If the un-Islamic world is that bad and unfair, why did they come and settle in un-Islamic societies? The Koran and ahadith forbid Muslims not to settle in dar al-Harb. They may visit these countries only for trade/commerce purposes, even then their stay should not exceed more than four months. The exception is only when these Muslims venture to conduct jihad or to engage in war with the infidels. They then may remain in infidel territories until they conquer it and enforce Islam. Should not the un-Islamic world get the appropriate message from this Islamic rule?

It is obvious that those Islamists who whine and raise noise are plain trouble makers. Why is it that we do not hear such grievances from other communities/religious groups? When the Islamists indulge in such calculated move to foment unrest, is not then the duty of a responsible government to get rid of them, to protect the vast majority?

On this issue, I must congratulate Mr. Steve Emerson for elaborating the tactics of the Islamists using the pretexts of 'grievances'. I also agree with his three types of jihadists who work in tandem to destroy un-Islam.

The truth is: there are no legitimate grievances. The Islamists only make alibis to justify their nefarious acts. If they are so concerned about Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Kashmir… why do they not return to their Islamic countries and join the mujahidin? I am certain when there will be no more issues on Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, the Islamists will still have grievances, they will complain even at the drop of hat; for example, when they are not provided with wudu facilities in Universities and/or public places.

Mr. Kruglanski is quite frightened that if some of my proposals are implemented the rage of the Muslims will be uncontrollable. This is just a defeatist attitude. A country must adopt policies to ensure that peace, harmony, and law and order of its citizens are assured. Why must the government please a minuscule minority just because they might be angry for adopting appropriate un-Islamic policies?

Mr. Robert Spencer has succinctly spoken what I wanted to say in rebutting Dr. Gunaratna, Mr. Iqbal, and Mr. Krugnaski. He has correctly identified the root cause of Islamist terrorism. I am glad that he, by and large, agrees with my proposals.

I have to reiterate: Muslims are the victims of Islam. They are infected with a deadly virus—the virus Islamic fascism. Al-Qaeda, terrorism, beheading, Iraq, Palestine, Afghanistan are just peripheral. The problem is Islam—the Koran, the Sunna, the Sira, and Sharia. We need firm and decisive steps to defeat this fascistic doctrine. Similar harsh/strict measures adopted for the defeat of Nazism and Communism has worked very well; it will work to defeat Islam. Be firm against Islam, and see the result.

Gunaratna: Gentlemen: Let me respond point by point to the questions and comments you have raised.

1- In responding to the current wave of Al-Qaeda inspired, instigated or supported terrorism, it is essential to partner with the Muslim community. This is because the ideology of the terrorists has a very close connection to the religion, which is Islam in this case. Bits and pieces of the religious texts and scriptures have been manipulated and misused by the terrorists propagate their ideas, recruit more people to their fold and enhance their agenda. It is a misuse of the religion her, and hence it becomes a Muslim problem. The Muslim themselves need to come forward and respond to the distorted ideas, which in reality contradicts mainstream Islam.

2- Yes, jihad is part of the Islamic teachings. But it is incorrect to say that all schools of Islamic jurisprudence teach that it is part of the responsibility of the umma to sugjugate the non-Muslims world through Jihad. Armed Jihad is just one part of the many kinds of Jihad that exist in Islam. Armed jihad can only be carried out in a legitimate battlefield and must be commanded by a hakim or Muslim leader. Islam does command jihad unless for a defensive cause, not in offense to kill or cause destruction.

3- Majority of the Muslims in the west, or even in the world are moderate. The term moderation has been used in today's context to refer to a Muslim who can live in a globalised world and at the same time become a religious, pious individual who adheres to the command of God. Being a moderate Muslim does mean that he reject the religion's teaching that Islam must subjugate the world under the rule of Islam. Even the Quran mention about moderation (wasatiyyah) commanding every Muslim to practise Islam in a moderate way.

4- Interfaith dialogue is vital and this will create a more peaceful co-existence in the community. In Islamic history, the Prophet himself promoted this concept of interfaith dialogue and he showed good examples by building a good relationship with the Jews and Christians in Medina during his period there. The Quran also highlights these elements of tolerance and co-existence. A Muslim who is in favour of interfaith dialogue rejects the notion that it is responsibility of the umma to subjugate the non-Muslim world through Jihad. This is because the Qutran emphasizes that there is no compulsion in the religion.

5- Islam is a peaceful and moderate religion. This is something that has been widely known and spread across the globe long before 9/11 and since more than 1400 years ago. To bring back the beautiful image of Islam that has been badly tarnished by the terrorists, we need the voices of the Muslims who oppose the Jihadists. These moderate Muslims have the authority and accreditation to speak out against those who have propagated hatred against the non-Muslims and the Muslims. Yes, there is only one Islam, Islam that has been preached by Prophet Muhammad, but not Islam that has been propagated by the Jihadists. These individuals are religiously motivated, but through a corrupt interpretation of the religion.

6- It is totally wrong to say that the jihadists are doing exactly what the Quran says. Eminent scholars of Islam like Al-Jalalain, At-Tabari and Ibn Kathir did not teach about using violence and terror against the non-Muslims and Muslims in their interpretations of the Quran. Even in the contemporary Islamic world, many great ulema and leaders of Islam have actually came out with fatwas condemning Al-Qaeda like Hisham Kabbani, Syeikh Hamzah Yusuf, Abdul Hakim Murad, Syeikh Ali Al-Jiri, Syeikh Al-Azhar and many others. Fatwas on theses condemnation can also be found in Islamonline and fatwa bank.

FP: I guess Islam is a religion of peace because of how Muhammad led by example in his own personal life – like in terms of what he did to the Jewish tribe Banu Qurayza. But I take it we should not take that massacre "out of context."

Ayla Iqbal go ahead.

Iqbal: Let me quickly respond, as many of the same questions and debates have been repeatedly discussed in this symposium. Firstly, it is important to take note of the fact that there are upwards of 20 million Muslims who have peacefully co-existed in the West for several decades. There is, however, a small minority of them who are both very vocal, active and hold extreme views. Using this group to broadly define all Muslims would also be incorrect and is likely to bring about more unnecessary alienation.

By singling out the adherents of one faith, Islam, and imposing constraints on them through, for example, the restriction of mosques and requiring every Muslim to sign declarations before entering the country will create more tension and a clear sense of persecution and discrimination. The solution is not to stereotype every Muslim as an extremist, but to encourage the moderate Muslims to have a stronger voice. As stated before by Mr. Emerson, it is crucial to find those who are in favor of an Interfaith dialogue and are willing to correct the ideology that the radical Islamists are preaching.

One cannot assume that by sending the radicals back to their homeland, the issues of extremism in the West will dissipate. The world is highly interconnected and the relationship between non-Muslim and Muslim countries will continue as it has for centuries based on trade, commerce and other relations. We must work to understand and deal with those who hold extreme views based on the root causes and appropriate policies to marginalize their influence and impact.

FP: I am not so sure that the issue here is how we broadly define all Muslims; the issue is whether we are going to be honest or not about what Islam teaches and how we get Muslims to refute it.

Kruglanski: The lines between the discussants' positions are clearly drawn by now. There seem to exist two general issues about which we have disagreed: (1) Whether Islam is unique in its association with violence and intolerance, and (2) whether restrictions on mosques, or the imposition of specific requirements (the signing of declarations) on Muslim entrants into non-Islamic countries is likely in the long run to improve the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims or to cause them to deteriorate.

Some participants in the symposium (Spencer, Emerson and Kasem) stress the unique aspects of Islam -- including its goal to conquer the world by any means and the imposition of Sharia laws. The same participants are positively inclined with regard to the imposition of special restrictions on Muslims in non-Islamic countries. Other participants (Dr. Gunaratna, Mr. Iqbal and myself) stress the non-uniqueness aspects of Islam, the proven possibility of co-existence between Islam and the modern state, and the psychologically pernicious potential impact of special restrictions on Muslims.

As to the non-uniqueness of Islam, many ideological belief systems can be interpreted by an extremist fringe to contain intolerance, and animosity toward alternative belief systems and the condoning of extreme means as a way of securing and enforcing the domination of one's own belief systems over its perceived competitors. In fact, psychological research suggests that total and complete commitment to a belief system (any belief system) often fosters the acceptance of extreme means, unconstrained by social and humanitarian norms, perceived as the most direct and effective way of propagating the Truth one considers supreme. Whether it is a religious ideology like Christianity (recall the Holy Inquisition, or the Crusades) or a political ideology like Communism, or National Socialism, its extreme adherents have often perpetrated acts of violence and inhumanity toward fellow human beings, all in the name of one's cherished cause.

In the 20th century, for example, the vast majority of victims to ideologically based violence fell to Communism or Fascism and not to Islam.

It is also true that Islam can be interpreted in a moderate manner that allows it to co-exist with secularism and be tolerant to the adherents of other faiths. Thus, in the nineteenth century Muslim scholars made serious efforts to bridge the gap between Islam and the European enlightment. In India, it was scholars like Sayyid Ahmad Khan, and Sayyid Mumtaz Ali, in Egypt, el-Tahtawi, and al Afghani and in Iran, Muhammad Hussein Gharavi Na'ini, whose work aimed at reconciliation between Islam and modernism, including constitutionalism, women's rights, etc.

Finally, as concerns the proposed restrictions on Muslims in non-Islamic countries, the problem is that, twisting Newton's third Law of Motion, every force may elicit an counterforce of equal or greater magnitude. Unjust restrictions imposed on law abiding Muslims may create bitterness, frustration and the sense of injustice that could fuel extremism, hence promoting a self-fulfilling prophecy of those who fear Islamic extremism. For instance, the rise of Islamic fundamentalism can be traced to some extent to the oppression of religion and the anticlericalism exhibited by the liberal nationalism in early 20th century in Egypt and in Iran. Rather than reacting to extremism with extreme measures likely to backfire, it may be more advisable from the social psychological perspective to encourage in Islam forces of moderation peaceful co-existence, tolerance and interfaith dialogue. Such forces have existed in Islam, and it is important to strengthen them in the struggle against extremism and violence.

FP: I am not sure what a compliment it is to Islam that in the 20th century, "the vast majority of victims to ideologically based violence fell to Communism or Fascism and not to Islam." Violence in the name of Islam has caused mass death, misery and suffering in every century. As the scholar Bill Warner has documented, the Holocaust that Islam has waged against non-Muslims for 1400 years has cost the lives of 270 million kafirs. The key point is that when Muslims do not have power, their ability to pursue jihad is limited. When they have power, it becomes easier (i.e. the mullahs in Iran, the Taliban in Afghanistan, etc.) So if Islamists capture power in many nations in this century, as they hope to do, the victims that will fall to Islam may very easily surpass the victims that fell to communism and Fascism.

Spencer: Rohan Gunaratna is a Member of the Steering Committee of George Washington University's Homeland Security Policy Institute, and is a Senior Fellow at Fletcher School for Law and Diplomacy's Jebsen Centre for Counter Terrorism Studies and Oklahoma's Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism. He is a litigation consultant to the U.S. Department of Justice. He is a former Senior Fellow at the United States Military Academy's Combating Terrorism Centre at West Point. He has testified before the 9/11 Commission, has debriefed high-level Al-Qaeda detainees, and has served as a counter terrorism instructor for all sorts of organizations, including the US Navy Seals, the Swiss Federal Police, the New York Police Department, and the Australian Federal Police. He is coauthor of a book entitled Countering Terrorism: Can We Meet the Threat of Global Violence?.

Given all this remarkable accomplishment, it is unfortunate and curious that there are so many lacunae in Gunaratna's analysis about the Islamic ideology that forms the theoretical foundation and lays out the goals of today's global jihad.

1. Mr. Gunaratna asserts that "it is incorrect to say that all schools of Islamic jurisprudence teach that it is part of the responsibility of the umma to sugjugate [sic] the non-Muslims world through Jihad. Armed Jihad is just one part of the many kinds of Jihad that exist in Islam. Armed jihad can only be carried out in a legitimate battlefield and must be commanded by a hakim or Muslim leader. Islam does command jihad unless for a defensive cause, not in offense to kill or cause destruction."

Mr. Gunaratna is correct: armed jihad is only one of many kinds of jihad. But to assert this does nothing whatsoever to refute the assertion that all the schools of Islamic jurisprudence teach that the infidels must be subjugated through jihad. That subjugation need not be accomplished by force of arms. If it can be affected through stealthy, non-violent means, as is being attempted on a large scale in the West today, so much the better.

And all the schools of Islamic jurisprudence do teach this subjugation:

Shafi'i school: A Shafi'i manual of Islamic law that was certified in 1991 by the clerics at Al-Azhar University, one of the leading authorities in the Islamic world, as a reliable guide to Sunni orthodoxy, stipulates that "the caliph makes war upon Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians...until they become Muslim or pay the non-Muslim poll tax." It adds a comment by Sheikh Nuh 'Ali Salman, a Jordanian expert on Islamic jurisprudence: the caliph wages this war only "provided that he has first invited [Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians] to enter Islam in faith and practice, and if they will not, then invited them to enter the social order of Islam by paying the non-Muslim poll tax (jizya)...while remaining in their ancestral religions." ('Umdat al-Salik, o9.8).

Of course, there is no caliph today, and upon this fact hinges the oft-repeated claim that Osama et al are waging jihad illegitimately, as no state authority has authorized their jihad. But they explain their actions in terms of defensive jihad, which needs no state authority to call it, and becomes "obligatory for everyone" ('Umdat al-Salik, o9.3) if a Muslim land is attacked. The end of the defensive jihad, however, is not peaceful coexistence with non-Muslims as equals: 'Umdat al-Salik specifies that the warfare against non-Muslims must continue until "the final descent of Jesus." After that, "nothing but Islam will be accepted from them, for taking the poll tax is only effective until Jesus' descent" (o9.8).

Hanafi school: A Hanafi manual of Islamic law repeats the same injunctions. It insists that people must be called to embrace Islam before being fought, "because the Prophet so instructed his commanders, directing them to call the infidels to the faith." It emphasizes that jihad must not be waged for economic gain, but solely for religious reasons: from the call to Islam "the people will hence perceive that they are attacked for the sake of religion, and not for the sake of taking their property, or making slaves of their children, and on this consideration it is possible that they may be induced to agree to the call, in order to save themselves from the troubles of war."

However, "if the infidels, upon receiving the call, neither consent to it nor agree to pay capitation tax [jizya], it is then incumbent on the Muslims to call upon God for assistance, and to make war upon them, because God is the assistant of those who serve Him, and the destroyer of His enemies, the infidels, and it is necessary to implore His aid upon every occasion; the Prophet, moreover, commands us so to do." (Al-Hidayah, II.140)

Maliki school: Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), a pioneering historian and philosopher, was also a Maliki legal theorist. In his renowned Muqaddimah, the first work of historical theory, he notes that "in the Muslim community, the holy war is a religious duty, because of the universalism of the Muslim mission and (the obligation to) convert everybody to Islam either by persuasion or by force." In Islam, the person in charge of religious affairs is concerned with "power politics," because Islam is "under obligation to gain power over other nations."

Hanbali school: The great medieval theorist of what is commonly known today as radical or fundamentalist Islam, Ibn Taymiyya (Taqi al-Din Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya, 1263-1328), was a Hanbali jurist. He directed that "since lawful warfare is essentially jihad and since its aim is that the religion is God's entirely and God's word is uppermost, therefore according to all Muslims, those who stand in the way of this aim must be fought."

Of course, these are all extremely old authorities -- such that one might reasonably assume that whatever they say couldn't possibly still be the consensus of the Islamic mainstream. The laws of the United States have evolved considerably since the adoption of the Constitution, which itself has been amended. So why shouldn't this be true of Islamic law as well? Many observers assume that it must be, and that contemporary jihadists' departure from mainstream Islam must be located in its preference for the writings of ancient jurists rather than modern ones. But in this, unfortunately, they fail to reckon with the implications of the closing of the gate of ijtihad.

Ijtihad is the process of arriving at a decision on a point of Islamic law through study of the Qur'an and Sunnah. From the beginning of Islam, the authoritative study of such sources was reserved to a select number of scholars who fulfilled certain qualifications, including a comprehensive knowledge of the Qur'an and Sunnah, as well as knowledge of the principle of analogical reasoning (qiyas) by which legal decisions are made; knowledge of the consensus (ijma) on any given question of Muhammad, his closest companions, and the scholars of the past; and more, including living a blameless life. The founders of the schools of Islamic jurisprudence are among the small number of scholars -- mujtahedin -- thus qualified to perform ijithad. But they all lived very long ago; for many centuries, independent study of the Qur'an and Sunnah has been discouraged among Muslims, who are instead expected to adhere to the rulings of one of those established schools. Since the death of Ahmed ibn Hanbal, from whom the Hanbali school takes its name, in 855 A.D., no one has been recognized by the Sunni Muslim community as a mujtahid of the first class -- that is, someone who is qualified to originate legislation of his own, based on the Qur'an and Sunnah but not upon the findings of earlier mujtahedin.

Islamic scholar Cyril Glasse notes that "'the door of ijtihad is closed' as of some nine hundred years, and since then the tendency of jurisprudence (fiqh) has been to produce only commentaries upon commentaries and marginalia."

Meanwhile, in saying that "armed jihad can only be carried out in a legitimate battlefield and must be commanded by a hakim or Muslim leader," and that "Islam does command jihad unless for a defensive cause, not in offense to kill or cause destruction," Mr. Gunaratna is confusing several distinctions that are made in the Islamic theology of jihad. It is true that offensive jihad – which he denies even exists – can only be called by the caliph as leader of the Muslims, but defensive jihad, as we have seen, becomes fard ayn, or personally incumbent upon every individual Muslim to participate in somehow, when a Muslim land is attacked.

As for Mr. Gunaratna's claim that jihad can only be defensive, it is contradicted by numerous Islamic authorities. I already explained above that in his eighth-century biography of Muhammad, the earliest such biography, Ibn Ishaq explains that Muhammad received revelations about warfare in three stages: first, tolerance; then, defensive warfare; and finally, offensive warfare in order to convert the unbelievers to Islam or make them pay the jizya – the tax specified in Qur'an 9:29 for Jews, Christians, and other "People of the Book." Mainstream Islamic commentators on the Qur'an including Ibn Kathir, Ibn Juzayy, As-Suyuti and others also emphasize that the teachings on offensive jihad abrogate every peace treaty in the Qur'an. For Mr. Gunaratna simply to assert in the face of this evidence that jihad can only be defensive is not persuasive.

2. Mr. Gunaratna asserts that "eminent scholars of Islam like Al-Jalalain, At-Tabari and Ibn Kathir did not teach about using violence and terror against the non-Muslims and Muslims in their interpretations of the Quran." Unfortunately, this is flatly false:

The Tafsir al-Jalalayn, a highly influential commentary on the Qur'an, says in its exposition of Qur'an 9:29 that Muslims must fight against those who "follow not the Religion of Truth," for Islam "is firm and abrogates other deens [religions]."

Ibn Kathir explains about the same verse: "This honorable Ayah [verse] was revealed with the order to fight the People of the Book…Allah commanded His Messenger to fight the People of the Scriptures, Jews and Christians, on the ninth year of Hijrah, and he prepared his army to fight the Romans and called the people to Jihad announcing his intent and destination." As the Romans had not attacked the Muslims, apparently Muhammad himself did not believe that jihad was solely defensive.

And Tabari? He quotes an early Muslim: "We fight people until they believe in Allah. He who believes in Allah and His Messenger has protected his life and possessions from us. As for one who disbelieves, we will fight him forever in the Cause of Allah. Killing him is a small matter to us." He registers no disapproval of these ideas.

3. Mr. Gunaratna claims that the "majority of the Muslims in the west, or even in the world are moderate….Being a moderate Muslim does mean that he reject the religion's teaching that Islam must subjugate the world under the rule of Islam."

While it is obvious that there are millions of Muslims who are not fighting jihad in any way today, there is no evidence that they actually reject the supremacist teachings of Islam – and tellingly, Mr. Gunaratna offers no evidence to support his claim.

4. There is a bitter irony to Mr. Gunaratna's claim that Muhammad "promoted this concept of interfaith dialogue and he showed good examples by building a good relationship with the Jews and Christians in Medina during his period there." In reality, according to the earliest Islamic sources he exiled two of the three Jewish tribes of Medina and massacred the third. Here again, Mr. Gunaratna offers no evidence at all for his claim that "a Muslim who is in favour of interfaith dialogue rejects the notion that it is responsibility of the umma to subjugate the non-Muslim world through Jihad," and invokes the fact that "the Qutran [sic] emphasizes that there is no compulsion in the religion" as if this lone Qur'anic phrase itself abrogated the book's many exhortations of hatred for and warfare against unbelievers. Unfortunately, that has never been the position of any school of Islamic jurisprudence.

The problem is not, as Ayla Iqbal claims, that anyone is in danger of "broadly defin[ing] all Muslims." No one is doing that except in the febrile imaginations of Western apologists for jihad and their useful idiots. Much more present is the danger that we will ignore or downplay the jihad threat out of wishful thinking and ignorance, and deceiving ourselves into believing that we are facing a tiny minority that has twisted and hijacked Islam while the broad majority of Muslims support Western pluralism and the idea of peaceful coexistence with unbelievers as equals on an indefinite basis. While all Muslims are indeed not involved with the jihad, the problem is much more deeply rooted and broader in scope than Mr. Gunaratna apparently realizes; I earnestly hope that he will study these matters closely and begin to provide to his many high-placed and influential students a more realistic and comprehensive picture of what is popularly known as the terror threat.

As for Mr. Kruglanski, it is unfortunate that he, like so many others, invokes the Crusades and Inquisitions, as if the existence of these historical facts somehow mitigates the reality of Islamic jihad activity today, or frees us from the responsibility of confronting its religious aspects. The reality is that the jihadists are recruiting and justifying their actions by reference to core tenets of Islamic theology and law. The longer we ignore this or pretend that it is not happening or is unimportant, the longer this recruitment will continue without any kind of response being mounted against it at all.

FP: Abul Kasem, Steve Emerson, Robert Spencer, Ayla Iqbal, Rohan Gunaratna and Ari Kruglanski, thank you for joining Frontpage Symposium.


Jamie Glazov is Frontpage Magazine's managing editor. He holds a Ph.D. in History with a specialty in U.S. and Canadian foreign policy. He edited and wrote the introduction to David Horowitz's Left Illusions. He is also the co-editor (with David Horowitz) of The Hate America Left and the author of Canadian Policy Toward Khrushchev's Soviet Union (McGill-Queens University Press, 2002) and 15 Tips on How to be a Good Leftist. To see his previous symposiums, interviews and articles Click Here. Email him at jglazov@rogers.com.
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