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Monday, February 23, 2009

RE: [ALOCHONA] Usurpation of power should be made penal offence

why we have to bring a corrupt, dangerous, crooked, complicated ex-secretary/minister for such an
important interview?

There are many more qualified Bdeshis, who can be interviewed on such important issues.

Is it another step..towards...rehabilitation of crooked politicians in power again?

dr. maqsud omar

===============================================================






> To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> From: turkman@sbcglobal.net
> Date: Tue, 24 Feb 2009 01:02:37 +0000
> Subject: [ALOCHONA] Usurpation of power should be made penal offence
>
> Have you guys checked the Constitution?
> I think, Constitution regards that as Treason already. If that is not
> Penal Office, what is?
>
> --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Isha Khan <bd_mailer@...> wrote:
> >
> > Usurpation of power should be made penal offence
> >  
> > Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, AL presidium member and lawmaker, tells New
> Age.
> >  
> >  
> >
> >  
> >
> > Do you find the two-year emergency rule legitimate â€" politically
> and constitutionally?
> >
> >    In my careful assessment, the two-year rule of the Fakhruddin
> government was illegal in as much as they did not help the Election
> Commission to hold the elections within 90 days and they violated the
> constitutional provision for not doing anything beyond the routine
> work of administration. They also administered emergency rule beyond
> 120 days which is also illegal.
> >
> >    I also feel the president should have been impeached for
> violating the constitution and putting the government in power. A
> president is a symbol of unity. Before entering the office he takes
> oath to preserve the constitution, to act without fear. It seems that
> not only has he failed to do that, he has also deliberately violated
> the constitution. There were ample grounds for his impeachment. If he
> would have been impeached, it would serve as a caution to act
> prudently in the future, to uphold the constitution and law.
> >
> >    The declaration of emergency itself was illegal. The
> president, only on the advice of the prime minister, can declare
> emergency, according to our constitution. Article 141A of the
> constitution states that he can do so only if an emergency exists in
> which the security or economic life of the country is threatened or
> there is threat of war, external aggression or internal disturbance.
> >
> >    Also, the conduct of the chief adviser was illegal. Article
> 58D of the constitution says the chief advisor should perform routine
> functions of the government, not make any constitutional amendments
> and also to take measures to maintain the law and order situation. He
> had no business to do what he did.
> >
> >    I feel that the caretaker government should not have exceeded
> its 90-day limit. In the first place, the appointment of Iajuddin as
> the chief adviser was illegal. The constitution clearly states that
> if the immediate past chief justice cannot take power than you
> appoint the one before. After all options have been exhausted only
> then can the president take power.
> >    Many people, however, view these events as a failure of the
> caretaker system, I however differ with that.
> >
> >    We, the Awami League, made the demand for a caretaker
> government in the first part of the 1990s. We thought that it was not
> right of a party in power to conduct general elections. True, the
> constitution has been violated this time. However, this does not mean
> that we should get rid of the system for the few people who misused
> it.
> >    The Election Commission has proved that it is capable of
> holding free and fair elections. I think if the practice of the
> caretaker government is kept on for a few more terms we can develop a
> culture for holding free and fair elections provided that the
> commission gets reasonable support to function.
> >    
> >    In what ways have the actions of the regime affected the
> country â€" politically, economically and socially â€" in the short
> and long term?
> >
> >    The previous government was a total failure. There was a
> price hike in all essential commodities in the market and there was
> non implementation of development projects. Not a single megawatt of
> power could they increase. Hawkers were thrown out, shops were
> demolished and it seemed that the interim government was innovated as
> an institution to suppress the poor for the benefit of few. The
> previous government had no right to throw the hawkers out of the city
> and buy luxury cars for themselves. Who authorized them to change the
> tax structure and levy new taxes?
> >
> >    Four lakh people were arrested in the last two years.
> >    The Fakhruddin government involved itself in two things â€"
> the Bangladesh Better Business Forum and the citizens charter.
> Don’t you think a citizen’s charter is a mockery when fundamental
> rights were being violated?
> >
> >    Don’t you think the BBBF was counterproductive when
> businessmen throughout the country were insulted, subjugated,
> persecuted and extorted?
> >    Investment through out the country went down despite rise in
> our household savings and remittances from abroad.
> >
> >    The fiscal policy in the course of the last eight years
> favoured luxury imports at the cost of precious capital goods. Luxury
> cars, liquid milk and fried parathas were given preference over other
> necessary items.
> >
> >    The administration of Fakhruddin government was unproductive,
> reactionary, and oppressive. There is no doubt that they violated the
> people’s fundamental rights â€" they interfered into the
> independent functioning of the judiciary, they failed to do anything
> to contain runaway inflation, they could not increase investment
> within the country.
> >    The Fakhruddin government neglected infrastructure
> development and they could not utilise the increase in export earning
> and remittances to the best advantage of economic and social
> development.
> >
> >    Socially, their work was despicable â€" they wanted to remove
> the poor instead of poverty.
> >    Meanwhile, I have particular reservations about two
> institutions that were used by the interim government to establish
> their authority.
> >
> >    The first is the Anti-Corruption Commission. The Anti-
> Corruption Commission Act of 2004, under which the commission is
> established, is itself not a good law. It defined corruption in terms
> of offences selected from the penal code excluding the main areas of
> corruption in this country.
> >
> >    It gave itself so-called independence over the elected
> executive authority of the government. In a democracy no appointed
> authority, as the Anti-Corruption Commission in this case, can be
> given authority and responsibility higher than that of the elected
> executive order of the state.
> >
> >    The Anti-Corruption Commission was given power to determine
> its own expenditure as if all expenditure incurred by the commission
> was charged expenditure as detailed in the constitution. It was as
> though the government was bound to pay all its costs. They brought
> crores worth of computers without any competitive bidding.
> >
> >    The anti-corruption law did not prescribe any punishment for
> violating their laws by their own personnel. They have spent an
> astounding amount â€" Tk 76 crore â€" for paying their lawyers for
> no good reason. The remuneration for their own lawyers is more than
> that of the chief justice.
> >
> >    In the process of fighting corruption, the Anti-Corruption
> Commission was not given the right to violate the fundamental rights
> of the accused of seeking for a bail. They assumed every accused as
> guilty even before their trial.
> >
> >    Unfortunately, the commission assumed that honesty was a
> military thing. On that judgement, out of 18 directors they appointed
> 14 from the military. In its independence, the commission even
> disregarded its rules with regards appointment of personnel to giving
> preference to hand picked personnel, liked by the chairman and its
> members.
> >    The commission functioned as an arm of a military government
> to limit the political activity of the politicians. They even
> formulated king’s political parties. Their choice of victims was
> highly selective and derogatory. The Anti-Corruption Commission
> exceeded its authority..
> >
> >    Meanwhile, the DGFI has been abused by the powers that be..
> It was politically used by its masters and in the process they lost
> their sanctity and effectiveness. The rulers established DGFI as an
> organisation for the violation of people’s rights and the law
> itself. The DGFI should be made accountable and function within their
> charter or else be disbanded.
> >    
> >    What approach should the parliament take in dealing with the
> decisions and actions of the emergency regime?
> >
> >    The parliament should constitute a special committee to
> investigate the misdeeds of the interim government.The prime minister
> has already announced that the misdeeds of the past governments
> starting 2001, will be inquired into and the criminals will be
> punished.
> >    
> >    What do you think were the forces/factors/events that led to
> the January 11, 2007 intervention?
> >    For me, it was the failure of leadership of the BNP
> government bent on rigging the elections slated for January 22, that
> brought the 1/11 episode.
> >    If the regime led by Khaleda Zia respected democratic
> institutions and norms this episode would not have taken place and
> people would not have suffered from undemocratic rule that followed
> thereafter.
> >
> >    That said, the military has no right to intervene in
> politics. The constitution says that this republic was set up so that
> people can prosper in freedom. Military intervention has worsened the
> situation in terms of our progress in building democratic
> institutions, establishing people’s rights and the development
> process.
> >    
> >    How can the recurrence of such undemocratic interventions
> into the political process be deterred â€" politically and legally?
> >    The recurrence of such sad episode must be avoided. For this
> we need a few things:
> >    People’s consciousness for the need and sustenance of
> democratic development need to be increased.
> >
> >    The excesses and corruption committed by the interim
> government should be investigated and persons responsible for such
> corruption should be brought to book.
> >    Usurpation of constitutional rule should be made a penal
> offence like sedition.
> >  
> > http://www.newagebd.com/2009/feb/21/ekushey09/03.html
> >
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
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RE: [ALOCHONA] We have always been under military control

"  Do you think the two-year emergency rule was constitutional?
   The interim government was absolutely unconstitutional and unlawful. How can you continue a state of emergency for two years, keeping suspended the rights and liberties of the people? Do you know how much I personally suffered? My son lost his job; my daughter, who was the deputy attorney general, lost her job just because I was considered by that regime to be too vocal and critical; because I spoke too strongly and loudly.
"...............Mr. asfuddowla, ex-Secretay.


Mr. Dowla, what did you do...for the people of Bangladesh while enjoying prestigious public posts?
How many times you protested..about so many inefficient, corrupt, dangerous ex- CSPs...and other senior
officials, who looted money and later made a second career by sucking the toes of political leaders.

You talk about democracy and human rights. What type and quality of democracy and human rights we practise in
Bdesh?

Is it not time for all the ex-CSPs and other ex- senior officials to spend some time and energy through
community work? And provide opportunities to other younger, brighter, more talented people?

While you were in office, you spent all your time to procure land in the best residential area+ to build
a palace with stolen money.

How many policies you created that had been helpful for community development and healthy economy?
Have you ever said " THANKS"...to ordinary Bdeshis...for enjoying govt. scholarships...that are offered
regularly to Bdeshi public servants by various international organizations?

No, none of you did. You added some degrees to your name from foreign universities, stole money from public funds and sent your children overseas for education.

And we the morons, the general public, have not created a system of accountability from you people, the powerful,
ruthless, ill-mannered govt. officials.


khoda hafez.

dr. maqsud omar


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[ALOCHONA] We have always been under military control

We have always been under military control
 
M Asafuddowla, former secretary and former editor of the Bangladesh Today, tells New Age. Interviewed by Shameran Abed
 
 
 

 
Do you think the two-year emergency rule was constitutional?
   The interim government was absolutely unconstitutional and unlawful. How can you continue a state of emergency for two years, keeping suspended the rights and liberties of the people? Do you know how much I personally suffered? My son lost his job; my daughter, who was the deputy attorney general, lost her job just because I was considered by that regime to be too vocal and critical; because I spoke too strongly and loudly.
   Anyone who was associated with this regime, whether he was president of the republic, chief adviser or an adviser of the government, should be tried before a court of law for being party to this crime. And if that cannot be done, parliament should form a committee and declare that all these people supported an unlawful regime, and they should be censured.
   
   What do you think were the forces/factors/events that led to the January 11, 2007 intervention? Some say it was inevitable, that there was no other alternative at that point. Do you agree?
   Rubbish. The January 11, 2007 intervention was an organised conspiracy. It was stage-managed, I believe, by a military intelligence agency — the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence. They wanted to declare martial law but they did not get the support of the Americans and the Indians. They even tried with the British but the British said that if you impose outright martial law, we will throw you out of the Commonwealth. So the intention was there [for martial law], but they failed to do it because the world would not accept Bangladesh going under full martial law again.

   And now it seems as though the Awami League, which came to power following this two-year emergency, was party to the conspiracy. Otherwise, why has the government not set up a parliamentary committee to look into what has happened in the last two years? How is it that a government official [army chief Moeen U Ahmed] can write a book while still in service without facing any consequences? He should have been dismissed. If I had written such a book as a secretary to the government, my only fate would have been compulsory retirement. But nothing is happening now because they are above the law.
   
   And how has the country been affected by this interregnum?
   Well, we have lost two precious years, and look at what we have now: the same Khaleda, the same Hasina. The last regime told us it would bring democracy. But we are back to square one. Look at what the students are doing now. After the 2001 elections, it was the BNP affiliated students, now it is the Awami League affiliated students. We haven't changed at all. Economically, there was no foreign direct investment in these two years. Prices of essentials went out of the reach of the people. We have just lost two precious years, which were taken from us through a military intervention.
   
   And what do you think will be the long-term impact of the fact that after 15 years of civilian rule, the armed forces were once again in control, albeit indirectly, of state power?
   Well, let me tell you something, in our country we have never had civilian control over the military. In 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the Indian army and the Indian army handed our country over to the Bangladesh army. Where were our civilian political leaders at the surrender on December 16, 1971? How can it be that all of the 7 Bir Shreshthas are all from the armed forces? Are they the only ones who fought with valour? Could they not find even one non-military person — a teacher, a student, a farmer — who is worthy of that honour? When we talk about the war of liberation now, we talk about the sector commanders, the Z-force and that K-force, but not about the government in exile and the role it played. The war of liberation was hijacked by the army. They have taken away all the medals, and we, bloody civilians, have been condemned. We are less than humans because we don't wear uniforms.

   We have always been under military control. Can you remember when we last had a defence minister? The military chiefs will not accept it, they won't report to anyone; so they tell the prime minister not to put anyone over them. In India, the army chief reports to the defence secretary. In our country, the defence secretary is the army chief's subordinate; the army chief summons the defence secretary to the cantonment when there is a meeting. As a matter of fact, we do not have a ministry of defence anymore — all it does is looks after the combined military hospitals and cadet colleges. The military is run by the Armed Forces Division, which is situated at the same campus as the office of the army chief. The division is run by some general who reports to the army chief. There is no civilian political oversight. Does the army chief appear in front of the parliamentary public accounts committee? For 14 years I was a secretary to the government and I became tired of having to answer to the public accounts committee. But has an army chief ever been summoned by the committee and made to account for the Tk 6,300 crore that is allocated for the armed forces, which is more than the budgetary allocation of 22 ministries put together? I have never seen it.

   Our president has a military secretary, who is an agent of the army chief and whose only job is to pass on information to the army chief. Same with the prime minister; I do not know of any other country where an elected chief executive has a military secretary. All he does is pass on information to the army chief about what files are being signed, who the prime minister is talking to, what is being said, what decisions are being taken.
   
   What approach should the current parliament take in dealing with the decisions and actions of the emergency regime?
   Every political government trembles in fear of the army. They all try to keep the armed forces happy; they try to outdo each other in pleasing the armed forces. What is Hasina doing now? Is she allowing any discussion of what happened in the last two years in parliament? She was herself locked up for 11 months, but now she is not allowing her MPs to talk about what happened in the last two years. Those who were taken away blindfolded and tortured, they cannot talk in parliament. Like I said, those who were associated with the last government should be tried, or at least the parliament should set up a committee to look into the constitutional breaches that have taken place and to censure those who were responsible. But nothing of the sort will happen.
   
   How can recurrence of such undemocratic interventions into the political process be deterred?
   There is only one way. A line has to be inserted into the constitution which says that usurpation of state power in violation of a provision of the constitution will be deemed as sedition and punishable by death.. You know, the president, the prime minister, the speaker, the chief justice, the ministers, all take an oath of office. The army chief does not have to take any oath. He should be made to take an oath which says that he will be one of the defenders of the constitution and that if he ever usurps state power, it will amount to sedition and he will be punishable by death. After all, the worst kind of sedition, the worst kind of betrayal, is when the army itself takes over state power. And there is only one punishment for sedition — death.

   Had Ershad been charged of sedition and punished, none of this would have happened. So my suggestion is, revisit the constitution and introduce the strictest punishment for usurpation of state power.. If you do that, then it will stop because no one will dare to do it. Otherwise it won't. An army that has no war to fight will continue to go on these picnics of taking over the Bangabhaban every few years.
   
   You suggested that the emergency was brought about and stage-managed by the DGFI. What do you think ought to be done about the DGFI? Can it be reined in?
   It should be dismantled. I don't understand what we need the DGFI for. As the forces intelligence, this was the agency which was supposed to look out for signs of conspiracies within the armed forces. It was set up to forewarn any rebellion within the forces. But they do everything but that. They do surveillance of civilians. It is as if we are living in a Stalinist state. When it was started, it was housed in 3 rooms in the cantonment. Now it has a modern skyscraper with hundreds of rooms. Does that not bear testimony to the enlargement of its power and influence? The DGFI decides who will come to power and it does what it needs to do to make that happen. That is why they are so loved by the army chief. But let me tell you, I feel persecuted. If I die an unnatural death, there will be only one killer — the DGFI.
 



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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh unscathed?

International Herald Tribune
 
 
 Bangladesh unscathed?
 
 
 How badly is the world financial crisis hurting the world's poorest countries?
The view from Bangladesh, one of the more successful low-income countries, is so far un-alarming. There was little loose foreign capital to flee when the crisis hit, no dodgy derivatives to collapse its banks.
 
However, events are signaling that for the medium- to long-term the nation must look for new motors if it is to maintain its record of 5-to-6 percent annual economic growth, let alone move it to the 8-percent level needed to get into the middle-income ranks within a decade.
 
Bangladesh may be a predominantly agricultural country with attention focused on growing enough food for 150 million people in a country the size of Iowa that is subject to natural disasters. But its growth impetus for the past decade has been its increased integration in the global economy through exports of garments and people. The former now bring in up to $15 billion a year, while remittances from Bangladeshis overseas are worth $9 billion. Taken together, these sources create many of the jobs for a population that is now 40 percent urbanized.
 
Until December, garment exports had been growing at 20 percent, thanks largely to Bangladesh's gains from sharply rising costs in China. The outlook has suddenly deteriorated with exports down 10 percent in December. Even so, this is better than most Asian exporters. Local industry and the World Bank are reasonably confident that with its focus on low-end items, duty-free access to some markets and formidable labor-cost advantages, Bangladesh will come through the recession relatively unscathed.
 
Remittances have so far continued to rise, although that is unlikely to last as tens of thousands of workers on Gulf construction sites look set to lose their jobs as projects stall. Forecasts suggest that for 2009 remittances could fall 10 percent. That would crimp remittance-dependent families but is unlikely to cause a foreign-exchange crisis.
 
In any event, several positive factors have been offsetting these external hits. The fall of the price of oil should cut the oil-import bill in half. Harvests have recovered strongly from the previous year's cyclone and flood damage, slashing grain import needs. Import prices have also fallen sharply from their 2008 peak. Fertilizer prices are lower, too, which should sustain grain output increases. So although overall economic growth is likely to fall from the recent 6 percent level, it is not wishful thinking to imagine that Bangladesh can keep growing at 5 percent through this year.
 
But then what? Bangladesh has clearly become dependent on garment sales to a West where growth will be slow for a sustained period, and on remittances from oil exporters who may have to live with low prices for a long time.
 
The nation's leaders do have options but they have been hostage to domestic politics and to fears of Indian domination. The country has vast gas and coal reserves that cannot be properly exploited if nationalist sentiment continues to prevent sales to India. As it is, power is short and gas supplies for Bangladesh itself inadequate to feed planned power stations.
 
Likewise, Bangladesh can attract multilateral capital for transport systems and ports if it is willing to let India use them for access to its northeastern states.
Bangladesh needs capital and know-how to broaden its industrial base but will not get it while Indian and other foreign investment is impeded by nationalism and layers of government corruption. In turn, India must remove many of its barriers to Bangladeshi imports. In other words, enhanced regional cooperation and resource investments are vital. Better governance is needed for a country where growth has been driven by private and NGO initiatives, and where large sums in project aid remain unused because of official inaction.
 
There are now signs of a more realistic attitude on the part of the government. A Trade and Investment Framework Agreement with the U.S. now in the works should improve sentiment and help, but action is needed soon if growth is to be sustained. Without it there will be insufficient money to sustain food output increases and give new impetus to education and health.
Bangladesh has been very successful by several measures of social progress, such as improving gender equality in education. But much more needs to be done to stabilize the population and raise educational and nutritional levels.
With luck, today's global gloom will spur Bangladesh to seize the opportunities that lie closer to home.
 



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RE: [ALOCHONA] Saudi Arabian scholar Warns: Alcohol in Bio-fuels is sinful

It would have been more appropriate if the citing was about the destruction of human food to produce biofuels in order to feed the vehicles. Where as the world is facing the acute shortage of human foods in many parts of the world, the obligation of the rich countries would have been to preserve more and more human foods, and even if they sell instead of donating, millions of human lives would have been saved. Cellulose biofuel production is alright because in that process human foods are not used; but producing biofuel using human food is extremely unethical.


From: rkhundkar@earthlink.net
Date: Sun, 22 Feb 2009 18:31:55 -0500
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Saudi Arabian scholar Warns: Alcohol in Bio-fuels is sinful

 

Saudi Muslim cleric warns that biofuels could be sinful

By Eoin O'Carroll | 02.20.09

http://features.csmonitor.com/environment/2009/02/20/saudi-muslim-cleric-warns-that-biofuels-could-be-sinful/

A prominent Muslim scholar in Saudi Arabia has warned that those using alcohol-based biofuels in their cars could be committing a sin.
The warning was issued by Sheikh Mohamed Al-Najimi, a member of the Islamic Fiqh Academy, an institute that studies Islamic jurisprudence for the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, an international group with a permanent delegation to the United Nations. According to the Al Arabiya News Channel, an international news outlet is based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, Mr. Najim directed his warning to Saudi youths studying abroad.
Al Arabiya notes that Najimi stressed that this warning was not an official fatwa, or religious edict, just his personal opinion. Najimi added that the issue "needs to be studied by the relevant religious bodies."
Ethanol, a common type of biofuel, is made of the same type of alcohol found in alcoholic beverages, and its production is similar to that of hard liquor. Plant matter is fermented using yeast, and the result is distilled to increase the concentration of alcohol.
Fuels with high concentrations of ethanol – the most common being E85, a gasoline blend with 85 percent ethanol – can be used in flex-fuel vehicles, which make up more than seven million of the roughly 250 million passenger cars and trucks on America's roads. Most gasoline sold in the United States contains about 10 percent ethanol. The fuel is more common in many Latin American countries, particularly Brazil.
In addition to beverages and biofuels, ethanol is a widely used in industry for its properties as a solvent and an antiseptic. It's a common component of perfumes and paints. The chemical is also necessary in the production of vinegar – one of the Prophet Muhammad's favorite seasonings.
The Koran prohibits consumption of alcohol in three separate verses that were written over a period of several years. The first mention occurs in 4:43, in which Muslims are told that they must not pray while intoxicated. A verse written later – 2:219 – says that in wine and gambling "is great sin, and some profit, for men; but the sin is greater than the profit." Finally, in 5:90-91, intoxicants and gambling are called "an abomination" and "Satan's handiwork":
Satan's plan is (but) to excite enmity and hatred between you, with intoxicants and gambling, and hinder you from the remembrance of Allah, and from prayer: will ye not then abstain?
This admonition is waived in the hereafter, apparently: Many passages in the Islamic holy book describe heaven as having rivers of wine.
Ironically, it was Muslim chemists who introduced distillation to the West. The process of distilling pure ethanol from wine was perfected by 8th- and 9th-century Persian chemists, who used it to create perfumes and eyeliner. Their writings were translated by European scholars in the 12th century, and the process was used to make potable spirits. The word "alcohol" is itself of Arabic origin.



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[ALOCHONA] Usurpation of power should be made penal offence

Have you guys checked the Constitution?
I think, Constitution regards that as Treason already. If that is not
Penal Office, what is?

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Isha Khan <bd_mailer@...> wrote:
>
> Usurpation of power should be made penal offence
>  
> Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, AL presidium member and lawmaker, tells New
Age.
>  
>  
>
>  
>
> Do you find the two-year emergency rule legitimate â€" politically
and constitutionally?
>
>    In my careful assessment, the two-year rule of the Fakhruddin
government was illegal in as much as they did not help the Election
Commission to hold the elections within 90 days and they violated the
constitutional provision for not doing anything beyond the routine
work of administration. They also administered emergency rule beyond
120 days which is also illegal.
>
>    I also feel the president should have been impeached for
violating the constitution and putting the government in power. A
president is a symbol of unity. Before entering the office he takes
oath to preserve the constitution, to act without fear. It seems that
not only has he failed to do that, he has also deliberately violated
the constitution. There were ample grounds for his impeachment. If he
would have been impeached, it would serve as a caution to act
prudently in the future, to uphold the constitution and law.
>
>    The declaration of emergency itself was illegal. The
president, only on the advice of the prime minister, can declare
emergency, according to our constitution. Article 141A of the
constitution states that he can do so only if an emergency exists in
which the security or economic life of the country is threatened or
there is threat of war, external aggression or internal disturbance.
>
>    Also, the conduct of the chief adviser was illegal. Article
58D of the constitution says the chief advisor should perform routine
functions of the government, not make any constitutional amendments
and also to take measures to maintain the law and order situation. He
had no business to do what he did.
>
>    I feel that the caretaker government should not have exceeded
its 90-day limit. In the first place, the appointment of Iajuddin as
the chief adviser was illegal. The constitution clearly states that
if the immediate past chief justice cannot take power than you
appoint the one before. After all options have been exhausted only
then can the president take power.
>    Many people, however, view these events as a failure of the
caretaker system, I however differ with that.
>
>    We, the Awami League, made the demand for a caretaker
government in the first part of the 1990s. We thought that it was not
right of a party in power to conduct general elections. True, the
constitution has been violated this time. However, this does not mean
that we should get rid of the system for the few people who misused
it.
>    The Election Commission has proved that it is capable of
holding free and fair elections. I think if the practice of the
caretaker government is kept on for a few more terms we can develop a
culture for holding free and fair elections provided that the
commission gets reasonable support to function.
>    
>    In what ways have the actions of the regime affected the
country â€" politically, economically and socially â€" in the short
and long term?
>
>    The previous government was a total failure. There was a
price hike in all essential commodities in the market and there was
non implementation of development projects. Not a single megawatt of
power could they increase. Hawkers were thrown out, shops were
demolished and it seemed that the interim government was innovated as
an institution to suppress the poor for the benefit of few. The
previous government had no right to throw the hawkers out of the city
and buy luxury cars for themselves. Who authorized them to change the
tax structure and levy new taxes?
>
>    Four lakh people were arrested in the last two years.
>    The Fakhruddin government involved itself in two things â€"
the Bangladesh Better Business Forum and the citizens charter.
Don’t you think a citizen’s charter is a mockery when fundamental
rights were being violated?
>
>    Don’t you think the BBBF was counterproductive when
businessmen throughout the country were insulted, subjugated,
persecuted and extorted?
>    Investment through out the country went down despite rise in
our household savings and remittances from abroad.
>
>    The fiscal policy in the course of the last eight years
favoured luxury imports at the cost of precious capital goods. Luxury
cars, liquid milk and fried parathas were given preference over other
necessary items.
>
>    The administration of Fakhruddin government was unproductive,
reactionary, and oppressive. There is no doubt that they violated the
people’s fundamental rights â€" they interfered into the
independent functioning of the judiciary, they failed to do anything
to contain runaway inflation, they could not increase investment
within the country.
>    The Fakhruddin government neglected infrastructure
development and they could not utilise the increase in export earning
and remittances to the best advantage of economic and social
development.
>
>    Socially, their work was despicable â€" they wanted to remove
the poor instead of poverty.
>    Meanwhile, I have particular reservations about two
institutions that were used by the interim government to establish
their authority.
>
>    The first is the Anti-Corruption Commission. The Anti-
Corruption Commission Act of 2004, under which the commission is
established, is itself not a good law. It defined corruption in terms
of offences selected from the penal code excluding the main areas of
corruption in this country.
>
>    It gave itself so-called independence over the elected
executive authority of the government. In a democracy no appointed
authority, as the Anti-Corruption Commission in this case, can be
given authority and responsibility higher than that of the elected
executive order of the state.
>
>    The Anti-Corruption Commission was given power to determine
its own expenditure as if all expenditure incurred by the commission
was charged expenditure as detailed in the constitution. It was as
though the government was bound to pay all its costs. They brought
crores worth of computers without any competitive bidding.
>
>    The anti-corruption law did not prescribe any punishment for
violating their laws by their own personnel. They have spent an
astounding amount â€" Tk 76 crore â€" for paying their lawyers for
no good reason. The remuneration for their own lawyers is more than
that of the chief justice.
>
>    In the process of fighting corruption, the Anti-Corruption
Commission was not given the right to violate the fundamental rights
of the accused of seeking for a bail. They assumed every accused as
guilty even before their trial.
>
>    Unfortunately, the commission assumed that honesty was a
military thing. On that judgement, out of 18 directors they appointed
14 from the military. In its independence, the commission even
disregarded its rules with regards appointment of personnel to giving
preference to hand picked personnel, liked by the chairman and its
members.
>    The commission functioned as an arm of a military government
to limit the political activity of the politicians. They even
formulated king’s political parties. Their choice of victims was
highly selective and derogatory. The Anti-Corruption Commission
exceeded its authority..
>
>    Meanwhile, the DGFI has been abused by the powers that be..
It was politically used by its masters and in the process they lost
their sanctity and effectiveness. The rulers established DGFI as an
organisation for the violation of people’s rights and the law
itself. The DGFI should be made accountable and function within their
charter or else be disbanded.
>    
>    What approach should the parliament take in dealing with the
decisions and actions of the emergency regime?
>
>    The parliament should constitute a special committee to
investigate the misdeeds of the interim government.The prime minister
has already announced that the misdeeds of the past governments
starting 2001, will be inquired into and the criminals will be
punished.
>    
>    What do you think were the forces/factors/events that led to
the January 11, 2007 intervention?
>    For me, it was the failure of leadership of the BNP
government bent on rigging the elections slated for January 22, that
brought the 1/11 episode.
>    If the regime led by Khaleda Zia respected democratic
institutions and norms this episode would not have taken place and
people would not have suffered from undemocratic rule that followed
thereafter.
>
>    That said, the military has no right to intervene in
politics. The constitution says that this republic was set up so that
people can prosper in freedom. Military intervention has worsened the
situation in terms of our progress in building democratic
institutions, establishing people’s rights and the development
process.
>    
>    How can the recurrence of such undemocratic interventions
into the political process be deterred â€" politically and legally?
>    The recurrence of such sad episode must be avoided. For this
we need a few things:
>    People’s consciousness for the need and sustenance of
democratic development need to be increased.
>
>    The excesses and corruption committed by the interim
government should be investigated and persons responsible for such
corruption should be brought to book.
>    Usurpation of constitutional rule should be made a penal
offence like sedition.
>  
> http://www.newagebd.com/2009/feb/21/ekushey09/03.html
>


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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh Govt needs to pick business minded Consulars at their Embassies

Dear All,
 
I believe that current Govt has ampule opportunity to bring Bangladesh closer to the world stage.  Every time new govt is elected,  they replace old consulars with new ones which is normal norm for any country.  And this provides an extra ordinary opportunity to put new consulars who are business minded and has few expertise to bring more business or investment in Bangladesh with good networking with respectable host countries. 
 
Embassy should not be used only for issuing visa and passport.  This is a old way of thinking,  we live in 21st century and we need to be creative to bring most bucks from our resources/investment in various countries Embassies.
 
I know there are lots of lobbying to get a post in USA, Canada, London and Australia Embassies, and AL Govt needs to pay attention how they can put more eligible people in those position who will have expertise and experiences to handle Bangladesh image and networking for more business and investment.  I also like to urge AL Govt to put few NRBs in those positions if can be approved per Bangladesh Govt Protocol.
 
This will be a win-win situation for both Bangladesh Govt and NRBs, since they will have more expertise and experiences about the host countries and how to develop image and approach big investment from their host countries.  But these personnel (NRBs) have to go through tough vetting process, so Bangladesh interest can be uphold and respected.
 
I like to urge AL Govt to reconsider this proposal for their and Bangladesh benefit to be effective and vibrant in the world economy.
 
God Bless Bangladesh!
 
Note:  My suggestion does not mean current consulates are not up to their jobs but they may not be right fit to 21st Century challenges for Bangladesh.
 
Regards,
M. M. Chowdhury (Mithu), USA
Director, Political and Economical Development in Bangladesh
Change Bangladesh Organization, USA


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[ALOCHONA] Information Secretary A T M Fazlul Karim lost his job

Information Secretary A T M Fazlul Karim lost his job
 
Information Secretary A T M Fazlul Karim lost his job Monday, a day after he was sued for allegedly defaming the independence leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, through his poetry. A government announcement on Monday afternoon said Karim would go into retirement immediately.

Known as Abu Karim among poets, the civil servant, who was given the crucial job on Jan 19, was sued by the Awami Ulema League president Mohammad Ilyas Hossain bin Helali on Sunday.

The government gave no reason for his dismissal, but invoked a rule that gave the authorities unlimited powers to terminate civil servants on completion of 25 years in service.

The announcement just said he was being retired since he had 'completed 25 years of service' and "since the government considers it necessary to retire him in the public interest".

A newspaper published excerpts from his allegorical writing in which he allegedly depicted the leader of Bangladesh's independence war and his three sons in a manner deemed defamatory by the religious front of the ruling Awami League.

One of the witnesses named by bin Helali is Amader Shomoy editor Naimul Islam Khan. The paper published the excerpts on Friday. The issue has since caused quite an uproar, and the youth activists of the ruling party have warned of dire consequences if no action is taken against the civil servant.

The publisher of the book has already closed its outlet at the annual Ekushey Book Fair on the Bangla Academy premises in Dhaka.

bdnews24.com/mk/gna/su/wz/1522h
 



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[ALOCHONA] Fw: RE: Usurpation of power should be made penal offence



--- On Mon, 2/23/09, Zoglul Husain <zoglul@hotmail.co.uk> wrote:
Dr Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir has now been saying quite a few things similar to what we have been saying all along, except that this infamous lackey of the evil US-Israel-India axis has not said a word about the long conspiracy of the evil axis to topple the political set-up and bring in the present government with the aim of subjugating Bangladesh.
 
Is it not him, along with many other government officers as pawns of foreign powers in 1996, who totally illegally for government officers, built the notorious 'Janatar Mancha' in front of the National Press Club to bring down a government? And later, is it not himself, who was rewarded for it as a state minister? Again, between 28 October 2006 and 11 January 2007, by being instigated by foreign powers, is it not they, who organised 'janatar' murderous blockades and demos? Is it not they, who facilitated the takeover of power by the military controlled interim government?
 
It is indeed they, who worked in partnership with the totally illegal interim government in all their illegal demolition of the political process and of the economic life of the nation, in order to handover the control of the country to outside powers. It is they who in partnership with outside powers and the interim government, organised the totally rigged national- and sub-district elections in order to give BAL three-fourths majority in the national assembly and two-thirds majority in the local elections, as per their blueprints, so that the BAL government can easily sell the national interests to foreign powers and pass laws according to their wishes.
 
So, what is it that he is complaining about? Is it because the stone, which he lifted, dropped on his own feet? Is it because he lost his sleep and is burning in the fire of frustration and jealousy, as he could not become a minister this time and, also during the interim government's rule, which was their own making, that he had to suffer imprisonment, torture and conviction, which was beyond his worst of apprehensions and his wildest of nightmares? Is it OK then, when these are applied to others? Is it OK when, under the patronage of his own government, arch criminals like Zainal Hazari create havoc in the lives of other innocent citizens and the police under his government torture other people in custody?    

It is not uncommon that a Frankenstein's life is wrecked, and sometimes lost, because of the hideous monster they themselves create!!
 

Date: Sun, 22 Feb 2009 20:44:07 -0800
From: bd_mailer@yahoo.com
Subject: Usurpation of power should be made penal offence
To: shahin72@gmail..com; janashah_1@yahoo.com; alfazanambd@yahoo.com; adelm@uapb.edu; hossain.khilji@yahoo.com; zoglul@hotmail.co.uk; mbimunshi@gmail.com; rehman.mohammad@gmail.com; mahmudurart@yahoo.com; farhadmazhar@hotmail.com; kmamalik@aol.com; premlaliguras@hotmail.com; dhakamails@yahoogroups.com; khabor@yahoogroups.com; alochona@yahoogroups.com; bdresearchers@yahoogroups.com; bangla-vision@yahoogroups.com; mouchakaydheel@yahoo.com; jason@prio.no; odhora@yahoogroups.com; ayeshakabir@yahoo.com; sayantha15@yahoo.com; ghazala.khi@gmail.com; minarrashid@yahoo.com; history_islam@yahoogroups.com; jangoonetilleke@aol.com; editorazad@gmail.com; newtimes47@gmail.com; lankaguardian2007@gmail.com

Usurpation of power should be made penal offence
 
Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, AL presidium member and lawmaker, tells New Age.
 
 
 

Do you find the two-year emergency rule legitimate – politically and constitutionally?

   In my careful assessment, the two-year rule of the Fakhruddin government was illegal in as much as they did not help the Election Commission to hold the elections within 90 days and they violated the constitutional provision for not doing anything beyond the routine work of administration. They also administered emergency rule beyond 120 days which is also illegal.

   I also feel the president should have been impeached for violating the constitution and putting the government in power. A president is a symbol of unity. Before entering the office he takes oath to preserve the constitution, to act without fear. It seems that not only has he failed to do that, he has also deliberately violated the constitution. There were ample grounds for his impeachment. If he would have been impeached, it would serve as a caution to act prudently in the future, to uphold the constitution and law.

   The declaration of emergency itself was illegal. The president, only on the advice of the prime minister, can declare emergency, according to our constitution. Article 141A of the constitution states that he can do so only if an emergency exists in which the security or economic life of the country is threatened or there is threat of war, external aggression or internal disturbance.

   Also, the conduct of the chief adviser was illegal. Article 58D of the constitution says the chief advisor should perform routine functions of the government, not make any constitutional amendments and also to take measures to maintain the law and order situation. He had no business to do what he did.

   I feel that the caretaker government should not have exceeded its 90-day limit. In the first place, the appointment of Iajuddin as the chief adviser was illegal. The constitution clearly states that if the immediate past chief justice cannot take power than you appoint the one before. After all options have been exhausted only then can the president take power.
   Many people, however, view these events as a failure of the caretaker system, I however differ with that.

   We, the Awami League, made the demand for a caretaker government in the first part of the 1990s. We thought that it was not right of a party in power to conduct general elections. True, the constitution has been violated this time. However, this does not mean that we should get rid of the system for the few people who misused it.
   The Election Commission has proved that it is capable of holding free and fair elections. I think if the practice of the caretaker government is kept on for a few more terms we can develop a culture for holding free and fair elections provided that the commission gets reasonable support to function.
   
   In what ways have the actions of the regime affected the country – politically, economically and socially – in the short and long term?

   The previous government was a total failure. There was a price hike in all essential commodities in the market and there was non implementation of development projects. Not a single megawatt of power could they increase. Hawkers were thrown out, shops were demolished and it seemed that the interim government was innovated as an institution to suppress the poor for the benefit of few. The previous government had no right to throw the hawkers out of the city and buy luxury cars for themselves. Who authorized them to change the tax structure and levy new taxes?

   Four lakh people were arrested in the last two years.
   The Fakhruddin government involved itself in two things — the Bangladesh Better Business Forum and the citizens charter. Don't you think a citizen's charter is a mockery when fundamental rights were being violated?

   Don't you think the BBBF was counterproductive when businessmen throughout the country were insulted, subjugated, persecuted and extorted?
   Investment through out the country went down despite rise in our household savings and remittances from abroad.

   The fiscal policy in the course of the last eight years favoured luxury imports at the cost of precious capital goods. Luxury cars, liquid milk and fried parathas were given preference over other necessary items.

   The administration of Fakhruddin government was unproductive, reactionary, and oppressive. There is no doubt that they violated the people's fundamental rights – they interfered into the independent functioning of the judiciary, they failed to do anything to contain runaway inflation, they could not increase investment within the country.
   The Fakhruddin government neglected infrastructure development and they could not utilise the increase in export earning and remittances to the best advantage of economic and social development.

   Socially, their work was despicable – they wanted to remove the poor instead of poverty.
   Meanwhile, I have particular reservations about two institutions that were used by the interim government to establish their authority.

   The first is the Anti-Corruption Commission. The Anti-Corruption Commission Act of 2004, under which the commission is established, is itself not a good law. It defined corruption in terms of offences selected from the penal code excluding the main areas of corruption in this country.

   It gave itself so-called independence over the elected executive authority of the government. In a democracy no appointed authority, as the Anti-Corruption Commission in this case, can be given authority and responsibility higher than that of the elected executive order of the state.

   The Anti-Corruption Commission was given power to determine its own expenditure as if all expenditure incurred by the commission was charged expenditure as detailed in the constitution. It was as though the government was bound to pay all its costs. They brought crores worth of computers without any competitive bidding.

   The anti-corruption law did not prescribe any punishment for violating their laws by their own personnel. They have spent an astounding amount – Tk 76 crore – for paying their lawyers for no good reason. The remuneration for their own lawyers is more than that of the chief justice.

   In the process of fighting corruption, the Anti-Corruption Commission was not given the right to violate the fundamental rights of the accused of seeking for a bail. They assumed every accused as guilty even before their trial.

   Unfortunately, the commission assumed that honesty was a military thing. On that judgement, out of 18 directors they appointed 14 from the military. In its independence, the commission even disregarded its rules with regards appointment of personnel to giving preference to hand picked personnel, liked by the chairman and its members.
   The commission functioned as an arm of a military government to limit the political activity of the politicians. They even formulated king's political parties. Their choice of victims was highly selective and derogatory. The Anti-Corruption Commission exceeded its authority.

   Meanwhile, the DGFI has been abused by the powers that be. It was politically used by its masters and in the process they lost their sanctity and effectiveness. The rulers established DGFI as an organisation for the violation of people's rights and the law itself. The DGFI should be made accountable and function within their charter or else be disbanded.
   
   What approach should the parliament take in dealing with the decisions and actions of the emergency regime?

   The parliament should constitute a special committee to investigate the misdeeds of the interim government.The prime minister has already announced that the misdeeds of the past governments starting 2001, will be inquired into and the criminals will be punished.
   
   What do you think were the forces/factors/events that led to the January 11, 2007 intervention?
   For me, it was the failure of leadership of the BNP government bent on rigging the elections slated for January 22, that brought the 1/11 episode.
   If the regime led by Khaleda Zia respected democratic institutions and norms this episode would not have taken place and people would not have suffered from undemocratic rule that followed thereafter.

   That said, the military has no right to intervene in politics. The constitution says that this republic was set up so that people can prosper in freedom. Military intervention has worsened the situation in terms of our progress in building democratic institutions, establishing people's rights and the development process.
   
   How can the recurrence of such undemocratic interventions into the political process be deterred – politically and legally?
   The recurrence of such sad episode must be avoided. For this we need a few things:
   People's consciousness for the need and sustenance of democratic development need to be increased.

   The excesses and corruption committed by the interim government should be investigated and persons responsible for such corruption should be brought to book.
   Usurpation of constitutional rule should be made a penal offence like sedition.
 



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RE: [ALOCHONA] Usurpation of power should be made penal offence


" Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, AL presidium member and lawmaker " .....was one of the earliest civil servant, who got involved in politics...a dirty one, while he was a govt. secretary.
Do we remember that clearly?
Can some readers throw more lights on that.
he is one of those, like Mujib's brother-in-law Saeed Hossain, who destryed the fabric of govt. machineries
and introdued dirty, messy politics in the secreteriate.

Any AL chamcha wants to contradict my comment?
Please let us know...what you know about this bunch of ex-CSP's, who enjoyed life while working....then
started another wonderful, VIP life...after retiring.

Khoda hafez.

dr. maqsud omar







To: shahin72@gmail.com; janashah_1@yahoo.com; alfazanambd@yahoo.com; adelm@uapb.edu; hossain.khilji@yahoo.com; zoglul@hotmail.co.uk; mbimunshi@gmail.com; rehman.mohammad@gmail.com; mahmudurart@yahoo.com; farhadmazhar@hotmail.com; kmamalik@aol.com; premlaliguras@hotmail.com; dhakamails@yahoogroups.com; khabor@yahoogroups.com; alochona@yahoogroups.com; bdresearchers@yahoogroups.com; bangla-vision@yahoogroups.com; mouchakaydheel@yahoo.com; jason@prio.no; odhora@yahoogroups.com; ayeshakabir@yahoo.com; sayantha15@yahoo.com; ghazala.khi@gmail.com; minarrashid@yahoo.com; history_islam@yahoogroups.com; jangoonetilleke@aol.com; editorazad@gmail.com; newtimes47@gmail.com; lankaguardian2007@gmail.com
From: bd_mailer@yahoo.com
Date: Sun, 22 Feb 2009 20:44:07 -0800
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Usurpation of power should be made penal offence

Usurpation of power should be made penal offence
 
Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, AL presidium member and lawmaker, tells New Age.
 
 
 

Do you find the two-year emergency rule legitimate – politically and constitutionally?

   In my careful assessment, the two-year rule of the Fakhruddin government was illegal in as much as they did not help the Election Commission to hold the elections within 90 days and they violated the constitutional provision for not doing anything beyond the routine work of administration. They also administered emergency rule beyond 120 days which is also illegal.

   I also feel the president should have been impeached for violating the constitution and putting the government in power. A president is a symbol of unity. Before entering the office he takes oath to preserve the constitution, to act without fear. It seems that not only has he failed to do that, he has also deliberately violated the constitution. There were ample grounds for his impeachment. If he would have been impeached, it would serve as a caution to act prudently in the future, to uphold the constitution and law.

   The declaration of emergency itself was illegal. The president, only on the advice of the prime minister, can declare emergency, according to our constitution. Article 141A of the constitution states that he can do so only if an emergency exists in which the security or economic life of the country is threatened or there is threat of war, external aggression or internal disturbance.

   Also, the conduct of the chief adviser was illegal. Article 58D of the constitution says the chief advisor should perform routine functions of the government, not make any constitutional amendments and also to take measures to maintain the law and order situation. He had no business to do what he did.

   I feel that the caretaker government should not have exceeded its 90-day limit. In the first place, the appointment of Iajuddin as the chief adviser was illegal. The constitution clearly states that if the immediate past chief justice cannot take power than you appoint the one before. After all options have been exhausted only then can the president take power.
   Many people, however, view these events as a failure of the caretaker system, I however differ with that.

   We, the Awami League, made the demand for a caretaker government in the first part of the 1990s. We thought that it was not right of a party in power to conduct general elections. True, the constitution has been violated this time. However, this does not mean that we should get rid of the system for the few people who misused it.
   The Election Commission has proved that it is capable of holding free and fair elections. I think if the practice of the caretaker government is kept on for a few more terms we can develop a culture for holding free and fair elections provided that the commission gets reasonable support to function.
   
   In what ways have the actions of the regime affected the country – politically, economically and socially – in the short and long term?

   The previous government was a total failure. There was a price hike in all essential commodities in the market and there was non implementation of development projects. Not a single megawatt of power could they increase. Hawkers were thrown out, shops were demolished and it seemed that the interim government was innovated as an institution to suppress the poor for the benefit of few. The previous government had no right to throw the hawkers out of the city and buy luxury cars for themselves. Who authorized them to change the tax structure and levy new taxes?

   Four lakh people were arrested in the last two years.
   The Fakhruddin government involved itself in two things — the Bangladesh Better Business Forum and the citizens charter. Don't you think a citizen's charter is a mockery when fundamental rights were being violated?

   Don't you think the BBBF was counterproductive when businessmen throughout the country were insulted, subjugated, persecuted and extorted?
   Investment through out the country went down despite rise in our household savings and remittances from abroad.

   The fiscal policy in the course of the last eight years favoured luxury imports at the cost of precious capital goods. Luxury cars, liquid milk and fried parathas were given preference over other necessary items.

   The administration of Fakhruddin government was unproductive, reactionary, and oppressive. There is no doubt that they violated the people's fundamental rights – they interfered into the independent functioning of the judiciary, they failed to do anything to contain runaway inflation, they could not increase investment within the country.
   The Fakhruddin government neglected infrastructure development and they could not utilise the increase in export earning and remittances to the best advantage of economic and social development.

   Socially, their work was despicable – they wanted to remove the poor instead of poverty.
   Meanwhile, I have particular reservations about two institutions that were used by the interim government to establish their authority.

   The first is the Anti-Corruption Commission. The Anti-Corruption Commission Act of 2004, under which the commission is established, is itself not a good law. It defined corruption in terms of offences selected from the penal code excluding the main areas of corruption in this country.

   It gave itself so-called independence over the elected executive authority of the government. In a democracy no appointed authority, as the Anti-Corruption Commission in this case, can be given authority and responsibility higher than that of the elected executive order of the state.

   The Anti-Corruption Commission was given power to determine its own expenditure as if all expenditure incurred by the commission was charged expenditure as detailed in the constitution. It was as though the government was bound to pay all its costs. They brought crores worth of computers without any competitive bidding.

   The anti-corruption law did not prescribe any punishment for violating their laws by their own personnel. They have spent an astounding amount – Tk 76 crore – for paying their lawyers for no good reason. The remuneration for their own lawyers is more than that of the chief justice.

   In the process of fighting corruption, the Anti-Corruption Commission was not given the right to violate the fundamental rights of the accused of seeking for a bail. They assumed every accused as guilty even before their trial.

   Unfortunately, the commission assumed that honesty was a military thing. On that judgement, out of 18 directors they appointed 14 from the military. In its independence, the commission even disregarded its rules with regards appointment of personnel to giving preference to hand picked personnel, liked by the chairman and its members.
   The commission functioned as an arm of a military government to limit the political activity of the politicians. They even formulated king's political parties. Their choice of victims was highly selective and derogatory. The Anti-Corruption Commission exceeded its authority.

   Meanwhile, the DGFI has been abused by the powers that be. It was politically used by its masters and in the process they lost their sanctity and effectiveness. The rulers established DGFI as an organisation for the violation of people's rights and the law itself. The DGFI should be made accountable and function within their charter or else be disbanded.
   
   What approach should the parliament take in dealing with the decisions and actions of the emergency regime?

   The parliament should constitute a special committee to investigate the misdeeds of the interim government.The prime minister has already announced that the misdeeds of the past governments starting 2001, will be inquired into and the criminals will be punished.
   
   What do you think were the forces/factors/events that led to the January 11, 2007 intervention?
   For me, it was the failure of leadership of the BNP government bent on rigging the elections slated for January 22, that brought the 1/11 episode.
   If the regime led by Khaleda Zia respected democratic institutions and norms this episode would not have taken place and people would not have suffered from undemocratic rule that followed thereafter.

   That said, the military has no right to intervene in politics. The constitution says that this republic was set up so that people can prosper in freedom. Military intervention has worsened the situation in terms of our progress in building democratic institutions, establishing people's rights and the development process.
   
   How can the recurrence of such undemocratic interventions into the political process be deterred – politically and legally?
   The recurrence of such sad episode must be avoided. For this we need a few things:
   People's consciousness for the need and sustenance of democratic development need to be increased.

   The excesses and corruption committed by the interim government should be investigated and persons responsible for such corruption should be brought to book.
   Usurpation of constitutional rule should be made a penal offence like sedition.
 





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