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Saturday, March 28, 2020

[mukto-mona] Re: Intellectual humility: the importance of knowing you might be wrong




Frank Rich writes:

<< A society reveals a lot about itself, heroic and not, when confronting a plague.

But we didn't need a plague to tell us that Trump places zero value on any life except his own, and it's no surprise that many of his zealots are willing to blindly follow his example. . . . >>>


https://nymag..com/intelligencer/2020/03/frank-rich-what-a-plague-reveals.html







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Subject: {PFC-Friends} Re: Intellectual humility: the importance of knowing you might be wrong
 
Thanks for sharing, Bahar Bhai. Great piece. Something new. Thanks Zoglul Bhai for your analysis. 
I am no immune to it. When I read something better than what I can produce, I see my shortcomings. In schools, academies, workplaces, playgrounds, when I see someone performing better than me, I feel bad. When I see someone taller ( compared to my 5-5), healthier, better looking, richer, I get a complex, at times to the extend of blaming the creator for it. (Of course, immediately remember of the story when a person cried for not having shoes but thanked heaven for having the legs, because he saw one without them). Yet, I am not ungrateful. I thank God for what I have, particularly when I see others without them. 

Yes, owning one's wrongs is great, unless one is a Trump or Hasina, or even Mujib. I do recall the silly mistakes I committed at various stages of life, and think that things could be better if I avoided them. But, again, who is perfect?

Sorry for my boring intervention.  


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Sent: Saturday, March 28, 2020 8:06 AM
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Subject: Re: Intellectual humility: the importance of knowing you might be wrong
 
From: Zoglul Husain (zoglul@hotmail.co.uk) 

Thank you, Abid Bahar Bhai, for sharing the piece on intellectual humility. 

As a great example of intellectual humility, Isaac Newton said: "I do not know what I may appear to the world, but to myself I seem to have been only like a boy playing on the seashore, and diverting myself in now and then finding a smoother pebble or a prettier shell than ordinary, whilst the great ocean of truth lay all undiscovered before me." 

As an example to the opposite of intellectual humility, the writer has quoted Trump: "It was Trump who said on the night of his nomination, "I alone can fix it," with the "it" being our entire political system. It was Trump who once said, "I have one of the great memories of all time." More recently, Trump told the Associated Press, "I have a natural instinct for science," in dodging a question on climate change." (I wrote about Trump: "Trump is a fascist who holds Islamophobic, misogynistic, racist, xenophobic and climate change-denying views. Trump has shattered all norms of decency.") 

The University of Connecticut answers the question: "What is intellectual humility?"as follows: 

"Intellectual humility can be understood as involving the owning of one's cognitive limitations, a healthy recognition of one's intellectual debts to others, and low concern for intellectual domination and certain kinds of social status. It is closely allied with traits such as open-mindedness, a sense of one's fallibility, and being responsive to reasons. Philosophers from Locke to Rawls have seen these traits as being crucial to the kind of meaningful public deliberation that we associate with democracy. Such deliberation is rational: it responds to reasons, not force or manipulation."  For details, please see

 


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Subject: Intellectual humility: the importance of knowing you might be wrong
 
Javier Zarracina/Vox

Intellectual humility: the importance of knowing you might be wrong

Why it's so hard to see our own ignorance, and what to do about it.

Julia Rohrer wants to create a radical new culture for social scientists. A personality psychologist at the Max Planck Institute for Human Development, Rohrer is trying to get her peers to publicly, willingly admit it when they are wrong.

To do this, she, along with some colleagues, started up something called the Loss of Confidence Project. It's designed to be an academic safe space for researchers to declare for all to see that they no longer believe in the accuracy of one of their previous findings. The effort recently yielded a paper that includes six admissions of no confidence. And it's accepting submissions until January 31.

"I do think it's a cultural issue that people are not willing to admit mistakes," Rohrer says. "Our broader goal is to gently nudge the whole scientific system and psychology toward a different culture," where it's okay, normalized, and expected for researchers to admit past mistakes and not get penalized for it.

The project is timely because a large number of scientific findings have been disproven, or become more doubtful, in recent years. One high-profile effort to retest 100 psychological experiments found only 40 percent replicated with more rigorous methods. It's been a painful period for social scientists, who've had to deal with failed replications of classic studies and realize their research practices are often weak.

"NOT KNOWING THE SCOPE OF YOUR OWN IGNORANCE IS PART OF THE HUMAN CONDITION"

It's been fascinating to watch scientists struggle to make their institutions more humble. And I believe there's an important and underappreciated virtue embedded in this process.

For the past few months, I've been talking to many scholars about intellectual humility, the characteristic that allows for admission of wrongness.

I've come to appreciate what a crucial tool it is for learning, especially in an increasingly interconnected and complicated world. As technology makes it easier to lie and spread false information incredibly quickly, we need intellectually humble, curious people.

I've also realized how difficult it is to foster intellectual humility. In my reporting on this, I've learned there are three main challenges on the path to humility:

  1. In order for us to acquire more intellectual humility, we all, even the smartest among us, need to better appreciate our cognitive blind spots. Our minds are more imperfect and imprecise than we'd often like to admit. Our ignorance can be invisible.
  2. Even when we overcome that immense challenge and figure out our errors, we need to remember we won't necessarily be punished for saying, "I was wrong." And we need to be braver about saying it. We need a culture that celebrates those words.
  3. We'll never achieve perfect intellectual humility. So we need to choose our convictions thoughtfully.

This is all to say: Intellectual humility isn't easy. But damn, it's a virtue worth striving for, and failing for, in this new year.

Intellectual humility, explained

Intellectual humility is simply "the recognition that the things you believe in might in fact be wrong," as Mark Leary, a social and personality psychologist at Duke University, tells me.

But don't confuse it with overall humility or bashfulness. It's not about being a pushover; it's not about lacking confidence, or self-esteem. The intellectually humble don't cave every time their thoughts are challenged.

Instead, it's a method of thinking. It's about entertaining the possibility that you may be wrong and being open to learning from the experience of others. Intellectual humility is about being actively curious about your blind spots. One illustration is in the ideal of the scientific method, where a scientist actively works against her own hypothesis, attempting to rule out any other alternative explanations for a phenomenon before settling on a conclusion. It's about asking: What am I missing here?

It doesn't require a high IQ or a particular skill set. It does, however, require making a habit of thinking about your limits, which can be painful.. "It's a process of monitoring your own confidence," Leary says.

WHEN I OPEN MYSELF UP TO THE VASTNESS OF MY OWN IGNORANCE, I CAN'T HELP BUT FEEL A SUDDEN SUFFOCATING FEELING

This idea is older than social psychology. Philosophers from the earliest days have grappled with the limits of human knowledge. Michel de Montaigne, the 16th-century French philosopher credited with inventing the essay, wrote that "the plague of man is boasting of his knowledge."

Social psychologists have learned that humility is associated with other valuable character traits: People who score higher on intellectual humility questionnaires are more open to hearing opposing views. They more readily seek out information that conflicts with their worldview. They pay more attention to evidence and have a stronger self-awareness when they answer a question incorrectly.

When you ask the intellectually arrogant if they've heard of bogus historical events like "Hamrick's Rebellion," they'll say, "Sure." The intellectually humble are less likely to do so. Studies have found that cognitive reflection — i.e., analytic thinking — is correlated with being better able to discern fake news stories from real ones. These studies haven't looked at intellectual humility per se, but it's plausible there's an overlap.

Most important of all, the intellectually humble are more likely to admit it when they are wrong. When we admit we're wrong, we can grow closer to the truth.

One reason I've been thinking about the virtue of humility recently is because our president, Donald Trump, is one of the least humble people on the planet.

It was Trump who said on the night of his nomination, "I alone can fix it," with the "it" being our entire political system. It was Trump who once said, "I have one of the great memories of all time." More recently, Trump told the Associated Press, "I have a natural instinct for science," in dodging a question on climate change.

A frustration I feel about Trump and the era of history he represents is that his pride and his success — he is among the most powerful people on earth — seem to be related. He exemplifies how our society rewards confidence and bluster, not truthfulness.

Yet we've also seen some very high-profile examples lately of how overconfident leadership can be ruinous for companies. Look at what happened to Theranos, a company that promised to change the way blood samples are drawn. It was all hype, all bluster, and it collapsed. Or consider Enron's overconfident executives, who were often hailed for their intellectual brilliance — they ran the company into the ground with risky, suspect financial decisions.

The problem with arrogance is that the truth always catches up. Trump may be president and confident in his denials of climate change, but the changes to our environment will still ruin so many things in the future.

Why it's so hard to see our blind spots: "Our ignorance is invisible to us"

As I've been reading the psychological research on intellectual humility and the character traits it correlates with, I can't help but fume: Why can't more people be like this?

We need more intellectual humility for two reasons. One is that our culture promotes and rewards overconfidence and arrogance (think Trump and Theranos, or the advice your career counselor gave you when going into job interviews). At the same time, when we are wrong — out of ignorance or error — and realize it, our culture doesn't make it easy to admit it. Humbling moments too easily can turn into moments of humiliation.

So how can we promote intellectual humility for both of these conditions?

In asking that question of researchers and scholars, I've learned to appreciate how hard a challenge it is to foster intellectual humility.

First off, I think it's helpful to remember how flawed the human brain can be and how prone we all are to intellectual blind spots. When you learn about how the brain actually works, how it actually perceives the world, it's hard not to be a bit horrified, and a bit humbled.

We often can't see — or even sense — what we don't know. It helps to realize that it's normal and human to be wrong.


It's rare that a viral meme also provides a surprisingly deep lesson on the imperfect nature of the human mind. But believe it or not, the great "Yanny or Laurel" debate of 2018 fits the bill.

For the very few of you who didn't catch it — I hope you're recovering nicely from that coma — here's what happened.

An audio clip (you can hear it below) says the name "Laurel" in a robotic voice. Or does it? Some people hear the clip and immediately hear "Yanny." And both sets of people — Team Yanny and Team Laurel — are indeed hearing the same thing.

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[mukto-mona] Re: Fw: {PFC-Friends} WHY SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN WAS KILLED





[Many parts of the song's text uncannily resembles description of the most foul murder of Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujib on 1975 ]

Bob Dylan surprised fans late Thursday night with the release of the epic "Murder Most Foul," a long, delicate song about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. In a short post on his website, Dylan provided little information about the song's origin, and wished his fans well: "This is an unreleased song we recorded a while back that you might find interesting. Stay safe, stay observant, and may God be with you." The post includes a formal portrait of President Kennedy. Stylistically, it evokes Tempest (2012) or even Modern Times (2006).

The song unfolds slowly over a delicate instrumental backing of violin, piano and hushed percussion. Dylan's vocal is rich and expressive as he veers between describing the assassination, the unfolding of the counterculture, and a roll call of musicians, movie lyrics and other pop culture references.

At almost 17 minutes, "Murder Most Foul" is Dylan's longest song. The lyrics are sometimes playful, especially in its final minutes, but overall this is Dylan at his most incisive and cutting: "What's new pussycat? What'd I say? / I said the soul of a nation been torn away / And it's beginning to go into a slow decay / And that it's 36 hours past Judgment Day." It's worth many repeated listens and will occupy any Dylanologist holed up at home.

https://www.npr.org/2020/03/27/822413049/bob-dylan-releases-epic-new-song-murder-most-foul?utm_source=npr_newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_content=20200327&utm_term=4484868&utm_campaign=news&utm_id=5313958&orgid=309&fbclid=IwAR3Fm9dXoX28w2mASLQG_ClUqbTQewNKLU5FCnTEXCtaS725HhvCcF_ma14




From: DeEldar <shahdeeldar@gmail.com>
Sent: Saturday, March 28, 2020 7:46 PM
To: bangladesh-progressives <bangladesh-progressives@googlegroups..com>
Cc: Dr.Habib Siddiqui <saeva@aol.com>; Siddiqui <mssiddiqui2035@gmail.com>; Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com>; Post Card <abahar.canada@gmail.com>; pfc <pfc-friends@googlegroups.com>; Sitangshu Guha <guhasb@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: Fw: {PFC-Friends} WHY SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN WAS KILLED
 
Munshi should have his concocted opinion about Mujib killing as much he wishes. But that does not change the history. Zia and his Paki gang started with the political murders and subsequently, they too met their heavenly poetic justice with no less cruelty. Political murders cut both ways. As far as I can see, BNP and its Pak oriented Islamic agenda have seen its last days. Hasina has consolidated her position with great economic progress in every sector while BNP has been steadily declining into nothing. Pak politics does not fit for Bangladesh when it is abundantly clear that the policy itself has backfiring for Pakistan since the grand days of 1947. The country has become an epicenter of terrorists and Bangladesh has no desire to follow it after 49 years of independence. So, Munshi can masturbate as much as he wish but his words would have no traction in current Bangladesh. Many Bangladeshi political asylum seekers need to keep beating BNP/Jamat drums because they need janitorial work in the west. I understand that equation. Piss be on you, all!       

On Wed, Mar 25, 2020 at 3:57 PM Farida Majid <farida_majid@hotmail.com> wrote:



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Subject: {PFC-Friends} WHY SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN WAS KILLED
 

Post Card <abahar.canada@gmail.com>

3:14 PM (11 minutes ago)
to me



This article has been written by Bangaldeshi patriot Barrister MBI Munshi who lives in Dhaka Bangladesh. Dr. Munshi has written a seminal book on South Asia called "The India Doctrine". Barrister Munshi is very active on India, Pakistani and Bangladeshi defense forums. He was kind enough to send me his book to review and has promised to use some of our articles in the next edition of his book. Dr. Munshi has a keen sense of history and brings out the forgotten history of 1971 lost in Bollywoods popcorn culture. The new generation of South Asians do not remember the dark times of 1975 when a dark cloud engulfed Bangladesh.



On why Sheikh Mujibur Rahman will not be mourned – From Awami League to BAKSAL

16th December 1971, a new country was born – Bangladesh. As a newborn country, Bangladesh had lots of hopes and aspirations. It was time for the "Father of the Nation" to materialize the dream that he had presented to the people. The liberation war had broken all the class barriers in the society.

A great opportunity was created to forge a national unity leaving aside the age-old class differentiations. The people expected that the leaders would rise above the group and party interest and would unite the people to harness their patriotism and productivities to rebuild the war torn country to fulfill the dream of a 'Golden Bengal'. 100 millions of Bangladeshis would find their rightful place in the world community with dignity and honour.
After failing to take over Bangladesh on Dec 16th 1971, India unleashed the Rakhi Bahni on the Bangladeshis. It then tried to impose a Treaty of Friendship which would have converted into an Indian province. On August 14th 1975 Bangladeshi patriots killed theIndian agent
Shaikh Mujib and liberated Bangladesh from the Indian grip. Today India is forcing a transit policy on defenseless Bangladesh that is fighting for her existence. The Transit facilites that Bharat is asking would clog existing Balgladeshi roads and pose a security threat to Bangladesh. It would also exacerbate the situation in Northeast "India" where the sevean Assamese states want freedom from Delhi. The Transit agreement poses a mortal threat to Bangladesh



Historical heritage, distinct self identity, the vision of the able leadership, right direction, patriotism, sacrifices, hard work and above all united efforts of the nation could achieve cherished goal step by step with the passage of time. Creation of a progressive, happy and prosperous Bangladesh and reaching its fruits at the doorstep of every citizen would have matched with the spirit of the liberation war. The independence would have then become meaningful. But the people had already become apprehensive about the sincerity of the leadership.
Mujib Ur Rehman March 1971: Soon after stepping on the soil of the independent country Awami League came out with the ambiguous slogan of "Mujibbad". After three and half years when "Mujibbad" was proven to be an empty slogan Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like any other power hungry dictator promulgated 4th amendment and took all powers in his own hand by forming one party autocratic regime of BKSAL. This unprecedented constitutional coup de' tat was called his '

Second Revolution
'. As he usurped absolute power apparently things for a while looked calm on the surface but beneath that uneasy calm political and social conditions were fast deteriorating.



Our political leaders had always done much sweet-talking than actual deeds. Promises had been even greater. People have heard such for ages and got used to such empty promises. Who ever had gone to power had always failed the people. They had oppressed the people paying no heed to their demands. The isolation of the leaders from the people and their selfish interest were the main reasons for such betrayals.

Our leaders mostly are alien in their own societies. That is why people are apathetic toward them. Once in power they do everything to meet their own vested interest and later justify their deeds with power and position. The people remain enslaved in the merry go round of betrayal and deception. The politicians always placed their self-interest above the interest of the nation. Even at times the country and the people became sacrificial goats to meet their greed and lust.
Bangladesh 14th August 1975: Bengali patirots killed Shaikh Mujib who was seen as an Indian agent and a sell out to Delhi. Bangaldeshis revolted against the Indian imposed "Rakhi Bahni" (run by a sitting Indian General) and rose against the so called "Treaty of Freindhsip" whose aim was to absorb Bengal into India. Shaikh Mujib's body lay in the streets of days. It was Awami League of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman that mortgaged the national independence and state sovereignty signing the 25 years long-term unequal treaty with India. By creating Rakkhi Bahini, Lal Bahini, Sheccha Shebok Bahini and other private Bahinis AWAMI-BKSALISTS unleashed an unbearable reign of terror killing 40000 nationalists and patriotic people with out any trial.

Soon after stepping on the soil of the independent country Awami League came out with the ambiguous slogan of "Mujibbad". After three and half years when "Mujibbad" was proven to be an empty slogan Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like any other power hungry dictator promulgated 4th amendment and took all powers in his own hand by forming one party autocratic regime of BKSAL. This unprecedented constitutional coup de' tat was called his 'Second Revolution'. As he usurped absolute power apparently things for a while looked calm on the surface but beneath that uneasy calm political and social conditions were fast deteriorating.

The main reason for such deterioration was the presumption of the rulers that by dishing out favours and benefits rule can be perpetuated forever. They depended on this belief because of their lake of understanding of the complexities of the newly independent country. It's problems and solutions were beyond their perception. They lacked any ideology, conviction, experience and vision. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like other third world dictators considered his own ideas and thoughts to be the ultimate. He never cared to take any advice or suggestion from any one, other than his 'kitchen cabinet' comprised of his family members. His all knowing attitudes were to a great extend responsible for his administrative failure.

He also did not have a clear idea about the difference between party and the state. This became clear even in 1956-57 when he deferred with the then Chief Minister Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan. Mr. Khan wanted to keep the administration totally neutral. He knew that if the administration were brought under the party control then it would be difficult to run the administration efficiently. But Sheikh Mujib refuted his contention and said, "The administration has to accept party domination. Not only that administration will just help and assist the party to execute its policies, but the administration will also be helping in increasing its influence among the people". Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan had to surrender to Sheikh Mujib as he was then considered very powerful in the party. Thus during this time Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Minister of Commerce and Industries indulged in rampant corruption, nepotism and misuse of power. He used his power in giving out permits, licenses, bank loans, and sanction to establish industries to people who were loyal to him and his cronies.
Mujib Ur Rehman to be tried. Bangladesh: The general Secretaries nominated were most trusted confidants of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The members of the central committees of these organizations consisted of members taken from CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Jatiyo league of Ataur Rahman Khan.

After taking over the reign of Bangladesh he started ruling the country in the same old style. Some were given money, some undue promotions, appointments as the directors of the abandoned business concerns and industries, license permits, dealerships etc. to buy support and personal loyalty. This is how only within two and half years a total anarchy was created in the economic sector.
Shaikh Mujib Ur Rahman and the CIA seen here in the 60s with the CIA: He had worked closely with the CIA and RAW for self agrandisement as the leader of a new nation.: It was not only his party people who got involved in rampant corruption. His immediate family members were also involved. Gazi Golam Mustfa who was a close confidant of Sheik's family became famous as 'Kamble Chor' in the country for his open misappropriation of relief goods being the Chairman of the Red Cross. The donors and the international relief agencies also came to know about his malpractices.

Many of his confidants were also involved in smuggling in collaboration with the Marwaris. Thus under the patronization of Awami rule a new class of 'novo' rich grew like mushroom. They accumulated from national resources but did not reinvest into the economic cycle. Most of their wealth was spent in non-productive sectors or transferred abroad. With these people Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wanted to establish 'GOLDEN BENGAL' in the country. It was really very hard to understand what he was up to? Was it his ignorance or cunning mechanization? Was it appropriate that he should place his party's interest over the national interest? Did the nation expect that from him?

It was not only his party people who got involved in rampant corruption. His immediate family members were also involved. Gazi Golam Mustfa who was a close confidant of Sheik's family became famous as 'Kamble Chor' in the country for his open misappropriation of relief goods being the Chairman of the Red Cross. The donors and the international relief agencies also came to know about his malpractices.

International press and media became very vocal against this notorious thief. His only brother Sheikh Naser not only garbed the abandoned properties and businesses in Khulna his hometown, but also became one of the ringleaders of the smuggling activities. All his nephews Sheikh Moni, Abul Hasnat, Sheikh Shahidul Islam not only became politically very powerful, they also amassed enormous wealth under the patronization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. His sons, particularly Sheikh Kamal also got involved in amassing fortunes and other unethical activities such as Bank robberies.

Regarding the state of corruption during Mujib's regime, the reputed journalist Lawrence Lift Shulz wrote in the Far Eastern Economic Review on 30th Aug 1974.. "Corruption and malpractices are nothing new. But people of Dhaka thinks the way the corruption and malpractices and plunder of national wealth that had taken place during Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's regime is unprecedented".

It was virtually impossible for the government to gain any economic or political achievements with such loots and plunders in a newly independent war ravaged country. The looters did not plough back their ill-gotten wealth in the national economy; they spent that fortune for their luxuries and comforts. But the government had to pay heavily as its image got tarnished in the eyes of the people and the world.
Mujib declared himself dictator for life: AWAMI-BAKSAL period is the dark chapter in the history of Bangladesh. Volumes would not be enough to write the full history. On Jan. 25, 1975 with a stroke of pen Sheikh Mujibur Rahman killed democracy and imposed on the nation the yoke of one party rule of BAKSAL. He snatched away from the people freedom of press, freedom of expression, fundamental rights along with all political rights. All national dailies and periodicals were banned except 4 government-controlled dailies. Constitutional rights of the judiciary were also high jacked and was brought under the administrative control. Rule of law thus was buried. Sheik Mujib and his government presented the people fascism in the name of democracy, social injustice in the name of socialism, national disunity in the name of Bengali nationalism and communal disharmony in the name of secularism. In this way after subjugating the whole nation in a state of gasping suffocation all the opposition was crushed systematically through state terrorism with a view to close all the constitutional and democratic avenues to bring any change of government. The nation was thrown into an era of total darkness with no hope to breathe afresh.

The government became isolated from the people. Against the promise to turn Bangladesh into 'Golden Bengal' the ruling elites turned Bangladesh into a "bottom less basket". The common people viewed this as a national betrayal. They became dejected with the Awami League leadership. Awami League lost the people's support, which was so vital for any government to govern. Gradually they also lost the support of many powerful quarters within the government itself. Their support within the students, youths and armed forces eroded substantially.

An agricultural country Bangladesh is heavily dependent on the nature. It was a gigantic task to feed 100 millions people in a devastated country. The donors and the international communities came forward generously to help Bangladesh in its reconstruction. Till 30th December 1973 Bangladesh received grants and aid credit amounting 1.4 billion US Dollars. Beside through UNROB huge amount of relief assistance was also provided. In spite of this all the hopes and aspirations of the newly independent nation got lost into the nightmare of AWAMI-BKSAL miss rule.

AWAMI-BAKSAL period is the dark chapter in the history of Bangladesh. Volumes would not be enough to write the full history. On Jan. 25, 1975 with a stroke of pen Sheikh Mujibur Rahman killed democracy and imposed on the nation the yoke of one party rule of BAKSAL. He snatched away from the people freedom of press, freedom of expression, fundamental rights along with all political rights. All national dailies and periodicals were banned except 4 government-controlled dailies. Constitutional rights of the judiciary were also high jacked and was brought under the administrative control. Rule of law thus was buried.

The period of AWAMI-BKSAL rule was full of barbaric atrocities. The history of AWAMI-BKSAL rule was basically history of murder, rape, loot, oppression, plunder, famine, capitulation to the foreign exploiters, white terror and above all betrayal to the spirit of the liberation war. People could never be able to forget those horrifying memories. In the name of socialism they plundered the national wealth, they kept the border open for the smuggling, for their mismanagement of the economy the country got recognized internationally as the 'bottomless basket'. There was no famine in Bangladesh during or just after the war but hundreds and thousands of people had to die out of the man made famine of'74 during the rule of AWAMI-BKSAL..

Sheik Mujib and his government presented the people fascism in the name of democracy, social injustice in the name of socialism, national disunity in the name of Bengali nationalism and communal disharmony in the name of secularism. In this way after subjugating the whole nation in a state of gasping suffocation all the opposition was crushed systematically through state terrorism with a view to close all the constitutional and democratic avenues to bring any change of government. The nation was thrown into an era of total darkness with no hope to breathe afresh.
Treaty of friendship with India March 19 1972: Sheik Mujib and his government presented the people fascism in the name of democracy, social injustice in the name of socialism, national disunity in the name of Bengali nationalism and communal disharmony in the name of secularism. In this way after subjugating the whole nation in a state of gasping suffocation all the opposition was crushed systematically through state terrorism with a view to close all the constitutional and democratic avenues to bring any change of government. The nation was thrown into an era of total darkness with no hope to breathe afresh. It was Awami League of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman that mortgaged the national independence and state sovereignty signing the 25 years long-term unequal treaty with India. By creating Rakkhi Bahini, Lal Bahini, Sheccha Shebok Bahini and other private Bahinis AWAMI-BKSALISTS unleashed an unbearable reign of terror killing 40000 nationalists and patriotic people with out any trial.

It was Awami League of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman that mortgaged the national independence and state sovereignty signing the 25 years long-term unequal treaty with India. By creating Rakkhi Bahini, Lal Bahini, Sheccha Shebok Bahini and other private Bahinis AWAMI-BKSALISTS unleashed an unbearable reign of terror killing 40000 nationalists and patriotic people with out any trial.

RAW-An instrument of Indian imperialism–A Bangladeshi perspective

On 24th Feb 1975 President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through a decree announced formation of the only political party of the country Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League or BKSAL. He also declared himself to be the chairman of BKSAL. In the 3rd article of the announcement it was stated, "Till any further order from the President all the members of the Parliament of the defunct Awami League, all its members, Cabinet Ministers, deputy Ministers, state Ministers will be considered as the members of the BKSAL. Bongo Bir Gen. Osmani and Barrister Mainul Hossain decided to defy this order and not to join BKSAL instead they both resigned from their Parliament membership.

Due to the announcement of the so-called 'national party' all other political parties got abolished. Finally CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Awami League got merged into BKSAL. Out of the 8 opposition members in the Parliament 4 joined BKSAL.

On 6th June 1975 the organizational structure and the constitution of BKSAL was announced. That day names of 115 members central committee were announced. In that 115 members– vice President, Prime Minister, speaker, deputy speaker, Ministers, deputy Ministers, state Ministers, 3 Chiefs of the army, navy and airforce, DG BDR, DG JRB and the secretaries of all the ministries were included.

The Executive Committee of BKSAL

(1) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (2) Sayed Nazrul Islam, (3) Mansoor Ali, (4) Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed, (5) Abdul Hasnat Mohammad Kamruzzaman, (6) Abdul Malek Ukil (7) Prof. Yusuf Ali, (8) Manaranjan Dhar, (9) Mohiuddin Ahmed, (10) Gazi Golam Mustafa, (11) Zillur Rahman, (12) Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moni, (13) Abdur Razzak.

List of the Central Committee of BKSAL

(1) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (2) Sayed Nazrul Islam, (3) Mansoor Ali, (4) Abdul Malik Ukil, (5) Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmad, (6) A.H.M Kamaruzzaman, (7) Mahmudullah, (8) Abdus Samad Azad, (9) Yusuf Ali, (10) Fani Bhushan Majumder, (11) Dr. Kamal Hussain, (12) Sohrab Hussain, (13) Abdul Mannan, (14) Abdur Rab Shernyabat, (15) Manaranjan Dhar, (16) Abdul Matin, (17) Asaduzzanan, (18) Korban Ali, (19) Dr. Azizul Rahman Mallik, (20) Dr. Mozzaffar Ahmad Choudhury, (21) Tofayel Ahmad, (22) Shah Moazzam Hossain, (23) Abdul Momen Talukder, (24) Dewan Farid Ganj, (25) Professor Nurul Islam Choudhry, (26) Taher uddin Thakur, (27) Moslemuddin Khan, (28) MD Nurul Islam Manju, (29) AKM Obaidur Rahman, (30) Dr. Khitish Chandra Mandal. (31) Reazuddin Ahmad, (32) M. Baitullah, (33) Rahul Quddus(Secretary), (34) Zillur Rahman, (35) Mohiuddin Ahmad MP, (36) Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moin, (37) Abdur Razzaq, (38) Sheikh Shahidul Islam, (39) Anwar Choudhry, (40) Sajeda Choudhry, (41) Taslema Abed, (42) Abdur Rahim, (43) Abdul Awal, (44) Lutfur Rahman, (45) A.K. Muzibur Rahman, (46) Dr. Mofiz Choudhry, (47) Dr. Allauddin, (48) Dr. Ahsanul Haq, (49) Raushan Ali, (50) Azizur Rahman Akkas, (51) Sheikh Abdul Aziz, (52) Salahuddin Yusuf, (53) Michale Shushil Adhikari, (54) Kazi Abdul Hakim, (55) Mollah Jalaluddin, (56) Shamsuddin Mollah, (57) Gaur Chandra Bala, (58) Gazi Ghulam Mustafa, (59) Shamsul Haq, (60) Shamsuzzoha, (61) Rafiqueuddin Bhuiya, (62) Syed Ahmad, (63) Shamsur Rahman Khan, (64) Nurul Haq, (65) Kazi Zahurul Qayyum, (66) Capt.(Retd) Sujjat Ali, (67) M.R. Siddiqui, (68) MA Wahab, (69) Chittaranjan Sutar, (70) Sayeda Razia Banu, (71) Ataur Rahman Khan, (72) Khandakar Muhammad Illyas, (73) Mong Pru Saire, (74) Professor Muzzafar Ahmad, (75) Ataur Rahman, (76) Pir Habibur Rahman, (77) Sayeed Altaf Hussain, (78) Muhammad Farhad, (79) Motia Choudhury. (80) Hazi Danesh, (81) Taufiq Inam(Secretary), (82) Nurul Islam(Secretary), (83) Fayezuddin (Secretary), (84) Mahbubur Rahman(Secretary), (85) Abdul Khaleque, (86) Muzibul Haq (Secretary), (87) Abdur Rahim(Secretary), (88) Moinul Islam (Secretary), (89) Sayeeduzzaman(Secretary), (90) Anisuzzaman(Secretary), (91) Dr. A Sattar (Secretary), (92) M.A Samad(Secretary), (93) Abu Tahir (Secretary), (94) Al Hossaini (Secretary), (95) Dr Tajul Hossain(Secretary), (96) Motiur Rahman. Chairman. TCB, (97) Maj. Gen K.M. Safiullah, (98) Air Vice Marshal Khandakar, (99) Comodore M.H.Khan, (100) Maj Gen. Khalilur Rahman, (101) A.K. Naziruddin, (102) Dr. Abdul Matin Choudhury, (103) Dr.Mazharul Islam, (104) Dr.Sramul Haq, (105) ATM Syed Hossain, (106) Nurul Islam, (107) Dr. Nilima Ibrahim, (108) Dr. Nurul Islam PG Hospital, (109) Obaidul Haq Eiditor Observer, (110) Anwar Hossain Manju Editor Ittefaq, (111) Mizanur Rahman BPI, (112) Manawarul Islam, (113) Brig. A.M.S. Nuruzzaman DG Jatiyo Rakki Bahini, (114) Kamruzzaman teachers Association, (115) Dr. Mazhar Ali Kadri.
In the same declaration 5 sister organisation of BKSAL were also formed:-
General Secretaries
Jatiyo Krishak league Fani Bhushan Majumdar
Jatiyo Sramik league Professor. Yousuf Ali
Jatiyo Mahila league Sajeda Choudhury
Jatiyo Jubo league Tofayel Ahmed
Jatiyo Chattra league Sheikh Shahidul Islam.

The general Secretaries nominated were most trusted confidants of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The members of the central committees of these organizations consisted of members taken from CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Jatiyo league of Ataur Rahman Khan.

In accordance with forming of BKSAL on 16th June 1975, News Paper Cancellation Act was promulgated. Under this Act only four nationalized dailies were allowed to be published along with a few weeklies. Rests were all banned. Thus after complete burial of democracy the whole country was subjugated under unprecedented reign of white terror.. Being denied of personal security the people was suffocated and became hostages in their own homeland under the tyranny of the autocratic BKSAL rule.. The political leaders and workers alike miserably failed to grasp the famous doctrine, "Of the people, by the people and for the people." Thus people could not achieve their cherished dream in spite of their glorious straggle and sacrifice. All their efforts had got lost once again in the blind alley because of the betrayal of the leadership. Sunday, August 10, 2008 On why Sheikh Mujibur Rahman will not be mourned – 

From Awami League to BAKSAL Azizul Karim, Canada
  

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