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Thursday, December 16, 2010

[ALOCHONA] India accused of systematic use of torture in Kashmir



WikiLeaks: India accused of systematic use of torture in Kashmir

Beatings and electric shocks inflicted on hundreds of civilians detained in Kashmir, US diplomats in Delhi told by ICRC

Kashmir
Unrest in Kashmir, where a leaked cable said the Indian government 'condoned torture'. Photograph: Tauseef Mustafa/AFP/Getty Images

US officials had evidence of widespread torture by Indian police and security forces and were secretly briefed by Red Cross staff about the systematic abuse of detainees in Kashmir, according to leaked diplomatic cables released tonight.

 

The dispatches, obtained by website WikiLeaks, reveal that US diplomats in Delhi were briefed in 2005 by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) about the use of electrocution, beatings and sexual humiliation against hundreds of detainees.

 

Other cables show that as recently as 2007 American diplomats were concerned about widespread human rights abuses by Indian security forces, who they said relied on torture for confessions.

 

The revelations will be intensely embarrassing for Delhi, which takes pride in its status as the world's biggest democracy, and come at a time of heightened sensitivity in Kashmir after renewed protests and violence this year. Other cables released tonight reveal that:

• The Dalai Lama has told US officials that combating climate change is more urgent than finding a political solution in Tibet, which "can wait five to 10 years".

• Rahul Gandhi, the crown prince of Indian politics, believes Hindu extremists pose a greater threat to his country than Muslim militants, according to the American ambassador to India.

• Five doctors were coerced by the Sri Lankan government to recant on casualty figures they gave to journalists in the last months of island's brutal civil war.

 

The most highly charged dispatch is likely to be an April 2005 cable from the US embassy in Delhi which reports that the ICRC had become frustrated with the Indian government which, they said, had not acted to halt the "continued ill-treatment of detainees".

 

The embassy reported the ICRC concluded that India "condones torture" and that the torture victims were civilians as militants were routinely killed.

The ICRC has a long-standing policy of engaging directly with governments and avoiding the media, so the briefing remained secret.

 

An insurgency pitting separatist and Islamist militants – many supported by Pakistan – against security services raged in Kashmir throughout the 1990s and into the early years of this decade.

 

It claimed tens of thousands of lives, including large numbers of civilians who were targeted by both militants and security forces.The ICRC staff told the US diplomats they had made 177 visits to detention centres in Jammu and Kashmir and elsewhere in India between 2002 and 2004, and had met 1,491 detainees. They had been able to interview 1,296 privately.

 

In 852 cases, the detainees reported ill-treatment, the ICRC said. A total of 171 described being beaten and 681 said they had been subjected to one or more of six forms of torture.

 

These included 498 on which electricity had been used, 381 who had been suspended from the ceiling, 294 who had muscles crushed in their legs by prison personnel sitting on a bar placed across their thighs, 181 whose legs had been stretched by being "split 180 degrees", 234 tortured with water and 302 "sexual" cases, the ICRC were reported to have told the Americans.

"Numbers add up to more than 681, as many detainees were subjected to more than one form of IT [ill-treatment]," the cable said.

 

The ICRC said all branches of the Indian security forces used these forms of ill-treatment and torture, adding: "The abuse always takes place in the presence of officers and ... detainees were rarely militants (they are routinely killed), but persons connected to or believed to have information about the insurgency".

 

The cable said the situation in Kashmir was "much better" as security forces no longer roused entire villages in the middle of the night and detained inhabitants indiscriminately, and there was "more openness from medical doctors and the police."

 

Ten years ago, the ICRC said there were some 300 detention centres, but there are now "a lot fewer". The organisation had never however gained access to the "Cargo Building", the most notorious detention centre, in Srinagar.

 

The abuse continued, they said, because "security forces need promotions," while for militants, "the insurgency has become a business".In the same cable, American diplomats approvingly quoted media reports that India's army chief, Lieutenant-General Joginder Jaswant Singh, had "put human rights issues at the centre of an [recent] conference of army commanders".

 

The ICRC said a "bright spot" was that it had been able to conduct 300 sessions sensitising junior officers from the security forces to human rights.

The cables reveal a careful US policy of pressure in Kashmir, while maintaining a strictly neutral stance.

 

Two years after the cable on torture was sent, US diplomats in India argued strongly against granting a visa request from the government of India on behalf of a member of the Jammu and Kashmir state assembly who was invited to a conference organised by a think-tank in America.

 

Usman Abdul Majid, a cable marked secret said, "is a leader of the pro-GOI [government of India] Ikhwan-ul-Musilmeen paramilitary group, which ... is notorious for its use of torture, extra-judicial killing, rape, and extortion of Kashmiri civilians suspected of harbouring or facilitating terrorists."

 

The diplomats admitted that denying Majid's application might have some repercussions with Indian officials, "especially those from India's Intelligence Bureau who have been close to his case" but said it was essential to preserve a balanced approach to the Kashmir issue following the prior refusal of a visa to the leading separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani.

 

The cable notes that officials are "unable to verify with evidence the claims against Majid".US diplomats repeatedly refer to human rights abuses by security and law enforcement agencies within India. In a cable from February 2006, officials reported that "terrorism investigations and court cases tend to rely upon confessions, many of which are obtained under duress if not beatings, threats, or, in some cases, torture".

 

A year later a brief for the visiting acting coordinator for counter-terrorism, Frank Urbancic, described India's police and security forces as "overworked and hampered by bad ... practices, including the widespread use of torture in interrogations.".

 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/16/wikileaks-cables-indian-torture-kashmir




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[ALOCHONA] Again, it is the people who freed Padua



Again, it is the people who freed Padua
 

IT IS perhaps befitting that, on a December day, the people once again put up resistance against occupation, albeit on a small scale, of their land, and were successful to force the intruders into beating a retreat. The intruders belonged to a disciplined force and were equipped to the teeth with heavy weaponry, while the people were untrained and unarmed, just as in 1971; in the end, their determination and dedication prevailed. Ironically, the intruders were members of the Border Security of India, a country that extended a helping hand as the people took up arms to liberate Bangladesh from the occupation of the Pakistan army. Ironically still, the government of the Awami League, the party that presided over the independence struggle was unable to clearly stand by the people.


   According to a report front-paged in New Age on Thursday, 300 or so Indian border guards, along with about 200 Indian nationals, crossed the border and took position at about 7:00pm on Tuesday and occupied some 230 acres of land close to the Pratappur camp of the Bangladesh Rifles on the Padua frontier in Sylhet. The intruders had stayed put, despite protest against and, request for withdrawal of, the occupation by the Bangladesh border guards until about 1,000 villagers from surrounding villages came out in protest on Wednesday night.


   While the standoff ended somewhat peacefully, it could have very easily led to loss of lives and limbs, especially given the fact that the BSF has been killing Bangladeshi civilians on flimsiest of excuses and without any provocation. In other words, the inability or unwillingness of the ruling quarters to look their Indian counterparts in the eye and call spade the spade once again put the life of the ordinary people in jeopardy. Fortunately, the better judgement dawned on the BSF personnel. They kept their fingers off the triggers, as did the BDR.


   It will be foolhardy to believe that the chapter is closed, just because the ongoing Bangladesh-India joint land survey of the disputed territory resumed. The BSF, after all, is not known for its compliance with bilateral agreements and international covenants, especially when it concerns Bangladesh. Its personnel have made killing of Bangladesh nationals, intruding into Bangladesh territory and opening fire at BDR outposts a habit of sort.


   Whereas it is inconceivable that the BSF has continued with its highhandedness and atrocities without clearance from some level of the Indian government, the successive governments of Bangladesh have appeared rather feeble in asserting their objection to its unwanted and unwarranted actions. Worse still, the incumbent Awami League-led government has thus far seemed over-eager and over-enthusiastic about the essentially empty assurances of resolving bilateral disputes that its Indian counterparts have dished out from time to time.


   Although the incumbents have trumpeted the visit to New Delhi by the prime minister early this year as the beginning of a new chapter in Bangladesh-India relations, the joint communiqué that came out at the end of her meeting with her Indian counterpart looked heavily tilted in India's favour. Moreover, the so-called 'agreement' between the two countries on their respective border guards 'to exercise restraint' (needless to say, the BDR has done so all along) has not translated into any tangible change in the BSF's attitude or action.


   It is not inconceivable that the AL-led government's characteristic reluctance to speak up against New Delhi has allowed the latter to disdainfully disregard the concern of the people in Bangladesh. The Padua episode could be an indication that people may have started to believe that it is up to them to stand up and resist BSF excesses and that the government will not come to any effective help in any way. If the incumbents do not see in it significant erosion of the people's trust in them, one wonder if they ever will.

 

http://www.newagebd.com/2010/dec/17/edit.html




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[ALOCHONA] Hardly anyone understood the GrameenBank docu



'Hardly anyone understood
what was being said
in the documentary'

Tom Heinemann, an independent investigative journalist based in Denmark, shot to limelight in Bangladesh and across the world last week, when his television documentary on the pitfalls of micro-credit, Fanget I Mikrogjeld (Caught in Micro-debt), was shown on Norwegian National Television on November 30. In the documentary, Heinemann revealed an incident of irregular fund transfer from Grameen Bank to Grameen Kalyan, which received great attention subsequently in the Bangladeshi media. In this interview, Heinemann clarifies the incident to Faisal Rahman as well as discussing the backdrop for the documentary

Nana Reimers
When did you decide to make Fanget I Mikrogjeld? Why?

    In December 2007 - when I was filming and finalising the film, 'A Tower of Promises' - many people and local newspaper articles pointed me to another story, that they said should be investigated further.

   We took a day off, and went to a village some two hours outside Dhaka. Here we met a woman by the name of Jahanara who told us a heart-breaking story about taking six to seven micro loans from various organisations and banks. She told us that she had sold her house to cover the debts and she told us she took new loans to cover the old ones.

   This came as a total surprise to us. In the Western world we had been told about how fantastic micro-credit is to the poor, again and again - and we had seen all the 'smiling faces' on the websites and ads from the MFI's/Micro-credit banks.

   After interviewing Jahanara I personally felt, that we had to investigate this much more. And after meeting other loan takers who had similar problems as Jahanara - I went back to Denmark to finish the critical story on Telenor and Ericsson and how they have their telecom towers made in Bangladesh.

   After initial research, I presented my idea to Norwegian, Swedish and Danish editors at their broadcasting stations.

   And when you ask me why I did the story, the answer is both very simple as well as very complex. First of all, we have - as far as I know - only seen documentaries hailing the idea about micro-credit. When I started the research, it was almost impossible to find publications, articles and TVprograms that had a more critical stand, at least not in the mainstream media.

   But Jahanara's story was an untold story that simply had to be verified by others.

   As far as we know, 'A Tower of Promises' made headlines in Norway, but the Bangladeshi media were not able to pick on the issue at that time. Can you tell us something more about 'A Tower of Promises'?

   When I did 'A Tower of Promises', it was one of the harshest criticisms of Telenor ever published in Norway. It came as a shock to the public in Norway that Telenor used contractors working in 100 per cent conflict with the ethical codes of Telenor. Enormous pollution took place at the factories, child workers worked in hazardous conditions, death and accidents occurred at the factories etc.

   The documentary showed how Ericsson and Telenor, for more than a decade, had neglected to live up to their own code of conduct. Fatal accidents, child labour, hazardous working conditions and environmental disasters are everyday occurrences in their factories in Bangladesh. Thousands of poor workers work for subcontractors to Ericsson and Telenor (two of the largest telecommunication companies in the world). These multinational companies guarantee to the public and their shareholders that the employees and suppliers have to live up to the most basic human rights and environmental standards. 'A Tower Of Promises' documents how these guarantees are nothing more than empty words.

   Let us get back to the discussion on Caught in Micro-debt. What did you find out about the poor and micro-credit at the end of filming? Can micro-credit programmes be accused of nurturing poverty in the country?

    A very complex question. However, I do believe that there is another side of coin when it comes to micro-credit and poor people's access to credit. When I look at the United Nations so-called 'Human Development Reports' from e.g. 1990, more than 84 per cent of the population of Bangladesh was below the official poverty line. In 2009, UNDP wrote in a new 'Human Development Report', that the figure was over 80 per cent.

   I'm asking - after 35 years of micro credit in Bangladesh and with around a 1,000 organisations and banks offering micro loans, there seems to be a discrepancy between the 'smiling faces' and the reality in the many, many villages we visited.

   The complex thing in the initial research was - and is: poor people also have rights to access to money. Poor people must also get a chance to get out of poverty. If micro credit can help that, fine with me. There is - of course - a lot of people who have gained success with access to loans.

   However, poor people are also consumers, but they do not enjoy the same rights as most other consumers do. Why shall poor people pay 30-200 per cent in annual interest rate when we can get loans in Denmark down to two to three per cent. Why shall poor people have their tin-sheet roofs pulled off by the loan officers? Does the poor not have any human rights?

   To me - those were the questions that had to be addressed and being a critical, investigative journalist, it was just to pursue the research - not only in Bangladesh, but also in India and Mexico, where we have filmed.

   We have been receiving various reactions from the governments of Norway and Bangladesh, Norad, Grameen Bank after the irregularity in handling the fund of Grameen Bank was revealed in your film. What is your feeling about the reactions?

   The release of the many secret documents that we exposed in the film, is just a part of our story. Our story is about the reality of the poor people and how they deal with micro credit - all over the world.

   However, we of course knew that the documents were new to the public, and that they told a story, that never had been told before. When the story came out at NRK (Norwegian National Television) I was almost blown away by the response among my colleagues in Bangladesh. In just one week I have participated in numerous interviews in the Bangladeshi media, I have given my response to worldwide media such as the Wall Street Journal, The BBC, Financal Times, The Times, AFP - not to mention the almost uncountable medias from all over the world who will have my comment.

   To me, it's almost absurd: hardly anyone (sorry Norway) understood what was being said in the documentary. Many have guessed, others have used the situation in a political course.

   That's not my problem. It's theirs. In our programme we have not mentioned one word about 'misuse of money', nor have we used the 'C-word'. We have revealed a stack of documents - kept far away from the public and the politicians. I find this un-democratic and in spite of the fact that these are 12 year old documents, they tell us another story, than we have been told before.

   To conclude - there must have been an enormous interest in trying to see the 'Smiling faces' from their back sides.

   However, when it comes to reacting on the various statements from Norway and Grameen Bank, we have repeatedly asked the same questions again and again. Still - no one has yet answered the fundamental questions:

   Why did both Norad and Yunus decide to keep the transfer of money a secret?

   What happened from the time when Norad/Norway/Bangladesh said that the entire 100 million USD should be transferred back to Grameen Bank? Where was the compromise settled? Why was only a third of the money transferred back to Grameen Bank?

   So far - no one has answered these questions.

   One thing, that has not been mentioned so far, is the fact that we have repeatedly asked and sent Yunus and the Grameen Bank all our questions. We have done this since June/July 2010, and we had sent the documents for comments. We have sent Yunus the written summaries of all the critical voices that were aired by the many, many poor people we met in Bangladesh.

   We went to Spain and followed Yunus for an hour - but without any luck. Yunus decided not to talk to us. That's his decision. I can only regret this.

   Bdnews24.com quoted you on December 10 as saying: 'More than 100 million is not accounted for. We have seen no evidence to show that Grameen Kalyan has returned the rest of the aid funds provided by other countries / institutions, as (Grameen Bank) claim in their statement.' What specific evidence do we lack to find out the whereabouts of the money?

   As I said, there is a fundamental difference in what Norad says in their report and what Grameen Bank says in their report. What we know is that 170 million NKK was transferred back to Grameen Bank after pressure from Norway/Bangladesh/Norad. The rest, around 438 million NKK is still not - to us - accounted for. This is not saying anything about misuse or anything else. We simply haven't got proper answers. In the Grameen Bank statement it's said that all the money was transferred back. The minister of development in Norway, Solheim says that 170 million NKK was transferred back. Sorry to be harsh, but both can't be right.

   At least we have not seen any documents proving this.

   Don't you think it to be unfair of Grameen Kalyan, if they had truly returned the much debated fund to the donors without informing the government of Bangladesh of it, specifically when the allegation of fund diversion involves factors like tax evasion and breach of agreements reached at the national level?

    It was a breach of the agreement. There is no question about that. Both Bangladesh and Norway agreed on this. That's why the parties use the word 'compromise'. And it was a matter of tax (and I'm not saying evasion). Here is what Yunus said himself today, (according to BDNEWS24:) 'If the fund remains in the bank, I'll have to pay a great amount of tax in the future. That's why Grameen Bank informed Norway that the fund had been transferred.'

   When national and international media states that 'Norway gives a clean chit to Grameen Bank' it's a very simplistic and factually not right, because:

   a) Norad tried - and succeeded for 12 years - to cover up their own lack of responsibilities to the tax payers in Norway.

   b) The so-called 'joint evaluation' from 1999 made by the Norwegian Embassy and Grameen Bank did not include one word about the transfer of money. It was - said the head of the evaluation: 'not a part of the Terms of Reference' (TOR).

   c) When two parties enter a 'compromise', it's normally understood, that the two parties agrees on what they don't agree on in the first.
 



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[ALOCHONA] War crimes in Bangladesh



Answering for history:Bangladesh responds to criticism of its plans to try war criminals

Dec 16th 2010 | DHAKA

BANGLADESH'S government had been hoping for swift justice when it set up a war-crimes tribunal in March. Its plan was to put dozens of people on trial for atrocities committed during the country's secession from Pakistan nearly 40 years ago. Now, with nobody even formally charged, it is bowing to criticism that its vision of justice was flawed.

Some opposition politicians have accused the government of waging a vendetta. The government made clear early on that it would not try to prosecute Pakistanis who fought for West Pakistan against the separatists of East Pakistan (as Bangladesh was then known) in 1971. Hundreds of thousands of civilians—officials say as many as 3m—were killed in the nine-month conflict. Instead, it is targeting only Bangladeshi citizens accused of collaborating with the West Pakistanis. Some of the most prominent alleged collaborators happen to be members of Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh's biggest Islamic party and a partner in the main opposition alliance.

In August the tribunal detained five Jamaat-e-Islami leaders to prevent them from "hindering investigations" into war-crimes allegations against them. Their party supported West Pakistan's army in 1971. On December 16th, police arrested a politician of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party on unrelated murder charges. He has also been accused of war crimes. Opposition supporters say the government is flouting justice.

On this point they have growing support. Human Rights Watch, a New York-based lobby group, says that "significant improvements" are needed in Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal Act of 1973, under the terms of which trials are to be held. Critics' concerns include lax rules for the admissibility of evidence and inadequate appeal procedures.

There is little support for these arguments among ordinary Bangladeshis. In a country where trial standards are generally low, most people cannot see why alleged war criminals should be treated any better. Some say the rights of victims are being ignored. "The perpetrators are Bangladeshi, the victims are Bangladeshi, the crimes took place in Bangladesh, the trial will be in Bangladeshi courts under Bangladeshi law. We should set our own standards", says Sharier Kabir, a leading campaigner for the trials. His cousin was one of many intellectuals who were abducted and killed in the war.

But the government appears to recognise that domestic support is not enough and that the trials will need more time. The law minister, Shafique Ahmed, has admitted that they might not be finished until 2014, when the government's term ends. Having long fiercely rejected criticism of the tribunal act, officials are showing signs of softening. They have invited Stephen Rapp, an American diplomat looking into war-crimes issues, to visit Dhaka next month to assess the proceedings himself. Sources say they have also asked the UN for assistance. This is risky for the government, which will be accused of vacillating or even caving in to foreign pressure. But justice needs to be seen to be fair.



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[ALOCHONA] Opposition Leader S.Qader chy tortured by govt forces



Dear all,plz follow the video link bellow & watch:
 
M.A.Mannan AZAD
Editor:paris vision news
Web:http://azad-media.webs.com



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Re: [ALOCHONA] No dams on the Brahmaputra, pleads Northeast



We need a serious look into this water issue. It is much more important than our BAL and BNP politics. If we keep losing water like this, it will be difficult for us to survive as a nation. In this special day (Bijoy Dibosh)  I pray that, God grant us wisdom to set our priorities in order.



-----Original Message-----
From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
Sent: Wed, Dec 15, 2010 7:26 am
Subject: [ALOCHONA] No dams on the Brahmaputra, pleads Northeast

No dams on the Brahmaputra, pleads Northeast

Even as New Delhi downplays fears about China's ambitious plan of
building mega dams on its side of the Brahmaputra, the Northeast
continues to express anxiety. RATNADIP CHOUDHURY finds out why

Earlier this month, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao tried to tone down
concerns over China's aggressive projects of building mega dams on the
Brahmaputra river, known as Yarlung Tsanpo on the Chinese side. "China
has assured us that the projects on Brahmaputra are on the
run-of-the-river projects and are not meant for storing or diverting
water. We look forward to working closely with China in the critical
area of environmental and livelihood security" was how Rao tried to
explain the situation at a seminar. Every time the Centre has been
asked about this sensitive issue, the same record has been played for
the past year or so.

To ease tension further, an internal ministry group has gone on to say
that it has found no evidence yet that China was planning to divert
the waters from Brahmaputra. But it is not clear if New Delhi has any
detailed information on China's plan of action.

With reports that China plans to build at least 21 dams on the Yarlung
Tsanpo and several others on its tributaries, the fear is that Assam
and Arunachal Pradesh would be badly affected. Indian engineers have
raised apprehensions that China might have plans to divert the 78
billion cubic metres (bcm) of water to its arid southern part. This is
the volume of water that the river brings into the Northeast and
further flows down to the vast plains of Bangladesh. This would leave
the Northeast and Bangladesh high and dry. For Bangladesh, Brahmaputra
brings fresh water and fertile silt for farming. Added to it are
issues related to safety of construction of huge dams on an
earthquake-prone zone. A solution being advocated is
institutionalising water-related negotiations with China. While
Arunachal wants speedy establishment of user rights on the rivers,
Assam wants concrete step – a water-sharing treaty between the two
countries. Experts point out that the river balances the entire
ecological landscape of the region. It's not only China that plans to
dam the river, India is also aggressive on harnessing the hydropower
generation capacity of the river and its tributaries. Since there is
no water-sharing treaty, it is bound to come up as a major
trans-boundary issue between New Delhi and Beijing.

The UN Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational uses of
International Watercourses was adopted in 1997 and is still to be
ratified. China has opposed the convention during voting and India
chose to abstain. "This just goes to show how much level of legality
both the countries give to international guidelines on water sharing,"
says noted environmental activist Neeraj Vagholikar. "Moreover, the UN
convention will only be a soft law, it will not be enforceable either
in courts or tribunals. The best way out possibly is to engage China
in a dialogue on the Brahmaputra."

What India has had in its kitty since 2007 is an Expert Level
Mechanism (ELM) to share data and discuss trans-boundary issues. There
is a strong political demand of establishing our user rights by
building dams on the Siang river in Arunachal. But in doing so, New
Delhi will also have to address to the massive protest voiced by the
people of Assam and Arunachal to the mega dams that India wants to
build on the Brahmaputra and its tributaries. While eyebrows have been
raised at Beijing's plan to construct the mother of all dams at the
great bend just before the river enters India, New Delhi has to ensure
that power generation does not destabilise the ecologic balance. Thus
voices against damming the Brahmaputra are growing.

"People from all over India have joined hands to raise concerns on
this issue. We will now possibly look forward to people-to-people
exchanges with China. We are sure there are people in the neighboring
countries who are opposed to such projects that also threat the
ecosystem" says KJ Roy of the Pune-based Society for Promoting
Participative Ecosystem Management.

Any adverse impact of the Chinese dam would be beyond ecology and
livelihood: the river has nurtured a whole civilisation. "Dams have
several impacts on people's lives. The dams will not only change the
character of the river, the social impact of the projects are huge,
particularly in the catchments area," was the insight offered by
former water resources secretary Ramaswamy R Iyer at a seminar held in
Guwahati on the issue. Reports from Beijing suggest that the Zangmu
dam project is one of the costliest in the world at $1.2 billion. The
other dam, the Jiacha project, is in its initial phase. A consortium
of five large Chinese power companies are involved in damming the
Yarlung Tsangpo. If China later plans to divert water, its flow would
be depleted by nearly 85 percent during spring and winter and the
aftereffects might turn disastrous.

What New Delhi has to realise that even a run-of-the-river project
like Zangmu can lead to severe downstream effect. Issues like
possibility of alteration in the natural flow of the river, total
quantity of flow after the construction of the dams needs to be
clarified with the Chinese. For winning the contest over Brahmaputra
waters, India will perhaps need to pull the ace out of the pack very
fast.

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main48.asp?filename=Ws141210No_dams.asp


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[mukto-mona] বাংলাদেশের মানুষ গাড়ি-বাড়ির মালিক হয়েছে। এতে চোখ টাটানোর কারণ দেখি না। স্বাভাবিক প্রক্রিয়ায় অর্থবিত্তের মালিক হতে দোষ কী? বিজয়ী জাতি পরাজয় মেনে নেবে না...



http://wp.me/smQoi-bijoy

বাংলাদেশের মানুষ গাড়ি-বাড়ির মালিক হয়েছে। এতে চোখ টাটানোর কারণ দেখি না। স্বাভাবিক প্রক্রিয়ায় অর্থবিত্তের মালিক হতে দোষ কী?
বিজয়ী জাতি পরাজয় মেনে নেবে না...বিস্তারিত
১৬ ডিসেম্বর। আমাদের বিজয় দিবস। স্বাধীনতা ও মানচিত্র অর্জনের দিন। এমন দিনে অতীত স্মৃতি আপ্লুত করে। বর্তমানের সাথে অতীত মিলিয়ে ভাবতে উদ্বুদ্ধ করে। ভবিষ্যৎ ভাবনাও ঘিরে ধরে। প্রত্যাশা-প্রাপ্তির অঙ্ক মেলাতে গিয়ে অনেকেরই দুঃখ বাড়ে। অজানা কোনো শঙ্কা এসে মনের ওপর ভর করে। স্বাধীনতা প্রাপ্তির চেয়ে রক্ষার দায়বোধ বেশি­ এ কথা স্মরণ করিয়ে দিয়ে অজানা শঙ্কা জাগিয়ে দেয়। এক বছর পর আমাদের বিজয়ের চার দশক পূর্ণ হবে। একটি জাতিরাষ্ট্র ও সার্বভৌম দেশের জন্য এ সময়টুকু নেহাত কম নয়। অর্জনের তালিকা বানাতে গিয়ে যারা দুঃখবোধতাড়িত হন, তারা প্রত্যাশার ব্যাপারে অনেক বেশি আশা করেন এমন নয়, বরং আশাহত হওয়ার মতো অনেক ঘটনাই দুঃখবোধ বাড়ায়। অনেক দেশের তুলনায় আমাদের পিছিয়ে থাকার জন্য রাজনৈতিক নেতৃত্বের প্রবঞ্চনার বিষয়টি তারা মেনে নিতে কষ্ট পান। এই কষ্ট ও দুঃখবোধ থাকাটাই উচিত। দুই কারণে এটি থাকা প্রয়োজন। প্রথমত, তুষ্টিবোধ কিংবা পরিতৃপ্তি মানুষকে ভবিষ্যৎ ভাবনায় বেশি উৎসাহী করে না। অতৃপ্তি ও দুঃখবোধ হতাশার নামান্তর না হলে সামনে চলার জন্য এটি প্রয়োজনও। অপর দিকে অন্যান্য দেশের তুলনায় আমাদের পিছিয়ে পড়ার দৃশ্য ও অদৃশ্য কারণ অনুসন্ধান করাটাও জরুরি। রোগ চিহ্নিত করা সম্ভব না হলে চিকিৎসা বিফলে যায়। আমাদের সমস্যা হচ্ছে, নীতিনির্ধারকদের কারো মনে জাতিকে ঐক্যবদ্ধ করে সামনে চলার ভিশন নেই। মিশনও নেই। এমন কোনো ধারণাও কেউ লালন করেন না। তারা বাবার তালুক কিংবা পাঁচসালা লিজের মতো ক্ষমতাচর্চায় ব্যস্ত থাকেন। কোনো মতে জনগণের চোখে ধুলো দিয়ে ভোটের দায় শোধ করতে চেষ্টা করেন। তাও সম্ভব হয় না। অর্থবিত্ত ও ক্ষমতার মোহ তাদের অন্ধ করে দেয়। ফলে দলের ও নিজেদের স্বপ্ন পূরণ হলেও একটি জাতির স্বপ্ন পূরণের বিষয়টি উপেক্ষিত থেকে যায়। সামনে চলার পথটি রুদ্ধ হয়ে যায়। পশ্চাৎপদ চিন্তা গ্রাস করে নেয়। ভবিষ্যৎ ভাবনায় স্বপ্নচারী না হয়ে নেতৃত্ব অতীতচারী হয়ে ওঠে। জাতি বিভক্ত হয়ে পড়ে। বিদেশীরা 'ভাগ করো, শাসন করো' নীতির সুফল ভোগ করে।
বিস্তারিত



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Mukto Mona plans for a Grand Darwin Day Celebration: 
Call For Articles:

http://mukto-mona.com/wordpress/?p=68

http://mukto-mona.com/banga_blog/?p=585

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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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