Banner Advertiser

Thursday, January 13, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Cost of living soared 44%



Cost of living soared 44%
 



__._,_.___


[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.com




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[ALOCHONA] Businesses express concern over robbery, theft, snatching, hijacking



Businesses express concern over robbery, theft, snatching, hijacking

Dhaka, Jan 13 (UNB) - Robbery, theft, snatching and vehicle hijacking at different points of Dhaka-Chittagong highway and in Chittagong seaport and airports have increased alarmingly causing immense sufferings and financial loss to traders, businesspeople claimed on Thursday.
 

They said the exporters are facing image crisis to their foreign buyers due to such undesirable incidents which sometimes cause delay in shipments.

The sufferers sought proper steps from the law enforcing agencies to curb such crimes and to bring the criminals to book.

The businesspeople made the allegations at a discussion on current law and order situation, which was organized by Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FBCCI) at its conference room.

State Minister for Home Affairs Shamsul Haque Tuku attended the discussion as chief guest with FBCCI president AK Azad in the chair.

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Hasan Mahmud Khandker, Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Benazir Ahmed, additional Home Secretary Iqbal Khan Chowdhury, FBCCI first vice president M Jasim Uddin, vice president Mostafa Azad Chowdhury Babu and FBCCI directors including different business body leaders took part in the discussion.

"Such incidents are taking place routinely on Dhaka-Chittagong highway and in Chittagong port areas. Our goods-laden covered vans are facing robbery and snatching. Our imported raw-materials are being stolen. These are the acts of organized groups," BGMEA director M Nasir said.

He said the law-enforcing agencies should take necessary steps without any delay to stop such criminal activities. "We're losing our image to our buyers. We're facing huge financial loss."

President of Bangladesh Auto Re-rolling Association Masudul Alam Masud alleged that MS rods are stolen at different points on Dhaka-Chittagong highway. "Sometimes rod-laden trucks also go missing. No step has been taken to identify the organized criminals," he said.

Masud said they would not be able to survive in business if such crimes are allowed to continue and demanded immediate steps to improve the security measures on the highway.

Money Exchange Association leader Mostafa Kamal questioned the role of police in ensuring security to life and property. He urged the police personnel to work sincerely and impartially to bring the criminals to book.

Bangladesh Shop Owners Association president Amir Hossain said they are finding it difficult to stay in business due to the extortionists.

He said: "Extortion is taking place even in districts and upazilas. We're small shop owners… Ensure our safety."

Bangladesh Courier Service Association President Abu Naser expressed dissatisfaction over the law and order situation and alleged that police routinely harass them in the name of security while carrying out checks at different points.

He said he does not think that overall law and order situation has changed. "I don't even think that mentality of police has changed."

BKMEA vice president AHM Salam Sani urged the authorities to make all police stations in industrial areas well-equipped to ensure highest security.

State Minister for Home Affairs adv Shamsul Haque Tuku, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Hasan Mahmud Khandker and DMP commissioner Benazir Ahmed assured the businesspeople of taking necessary steps to resolve their problems.

http://www.unbconnect.com/component/news/task-show/id-39295
 



__._,_.___


[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.com




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[ALOCHONA] LRB - Salman Taseer Remembered by

Salman Taseer Remembered
Tariq Ali
London Review of Books
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n02/tariq-ali/salman-taseer-remembered?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=3302

Mumtaz Hussain Qadri smiled as he surrendered to his colleagues after shooting Salman Taseer, the governor of the Punjab, dead. Many in Pakistan seemed to support his actions; others wondered how he'd managed to get a job as a state bodyguard in the carefully screened Elite Force. Geo TV, the country's most popular channel, reported, and the report has since been confirmed, that 'Qadri had been kicked out of Special Branch after being declared a security risk,' that he 'had requested that he not be fired on but arrested alive if he managed to kill Taseer' and that 'many in Elite Force knew of his plans to kill Salman Taseer.'

Qadri is on his way to becoming a national hero. On his first appearance in court, he was showered with flowers by admiring Islamabad lawyers who have offered to defend him free of charge. On his way back to prison, the police allowed him to address his supporters and wave to the TV cameras. The funeral of his victim was sparsely attended: a couple of thousand mourners at most. A frightened President Zardari and numerous other politicians didn't show up. A group of mullahs had declared that anyone attending the funeral would be regarded as guilty of blasphemy. No mullah (that includes those on the state payroll) was prepared to lead the funeral prayers. The federal minister for the interior, Rehman Malik, a creature of Zardari's, has declared that anyone trying to tamper with or amend the blasphemy laws will be dealt with severely. In the New York Times version he said he would shoot any blasphemer himself.

Taseer's spirited defence of Asiya Bibi, a 45-year-old Punjabi Christian peasant, falsely charged with blasphemy after an argument with two women who accused her of polluting their water by drinking out of the same receptacle, provoked an angry response from religious groups. Many in his own party felt that Taseer's initiative was mistimed, but in Pakistan the time is never right for such campaigns. Bibi had already spent 18 months in jail. Her plight had been highlighted by the media, women had taken to the streets to defend her and Taseer and another senior politician from the Pakistan Peoples Party, Sherry Rehman, had demanded amendments to the blasphemy laws. Thirty-eight other women have been imprisoned under the same law in recent years and soon after a friendly meeting between Yousaf Gillani, the prime minister, and the leader of the supposedly moderate Jamaat-e-Islami, a member of the latter offered a reward of ten thousand dollars to whoever manages to kill Bibi.

Taseer's decision to take up Bibi's case was not made on a whim. He had cleared the campaign with Zardari, much to the annoyance of the law minister, Babar Awan, a televangelist and former militant of the Jamaat-e-Islami. He told journalists he didn't want the socio-cultural agenda to be hijacked by 'lunatic mullahs', raged against governments that had refused to take on fanaticism, and brushed aside threats to his life with disdain. He visited the prison where Bibi was detained – the first time in the history of the Punjab that a governor has gone inside a district jail – and at a press conference declared his solidarity with her. 'She is a woman who has been incarcerated for a year and a half on a charge trumped up against her five days after an incident where people who gave evidence against her were not even present,' he told an interviewer. He wanted, he said, 'to take a mercy petition to the president, and he agreed, saying he would pardon Asiya Bibi if there had indeed been a miscarriage of justice'.

Two weeks after this visit Taseer was dead. I never much cared for his business practices or his political affiliations and had not spoken to him for 20 years, but he was one of my closest friends at school and university and the two of us and the late Shahid Rehman – a gifted and witty lawyer who drank himself to death many moons ago – were inseparable. Some joyful memories came back when I saw his face on TV.

It's 1960. The country is under a pro-US military dictatorship. All opposition is banned. My parents are away. The three of us – we are 17 years old – are at my place and we decide that something has to be done. We buy some red paint and at about 2 a.m. drive to the Cantonment bridge and carefully paint 'Yankee Go Home' on the beautiful whitewashed wall. The next morning we scrub the car clean of all traces of paint. For the next few weeks the city is agog. The story doesn't appear in the press but everyone is talking about it. In Karachi and Dhaka, where they regard Lahore as politically dead, our city's stock rises. At college our fellow students discuss nothing else. The police are busy searching for the culprits. We smile and enjoy the fun. Finally they track us down, but as Taseer notes with an edge of bitterness, Shahid's father is a Supreme Court judge and one of my aunts is married to a general who's also the minister of the interior, so naturally we all get off with a warning. At the time I almost felt that physical torture might be preferable to being greeted regularly by the general with 'Hello, Mr Yankee Go Home.'

Two years previously (before the dictatorship) the three of us had organised a demonstration at the US Consulate after reading that an African-American called Jimmy Wilson had been sentenced to death for stealing a dollar. On that occasion Salman, seeing that not many people had turned up, found some street urchins to swell our ranks. We had to stop and explain to them why their chant of 'Death to Jimmy Wilson' was wrong. Money changed hands before they were brought into line. Years later, on a London to Lahore flight, I met Taseer by chance and we discussed both these events. He reminded me that the stern US consul had told us he would have us expelled, but his ultra-Lutheranism offended the Catholic Brothers who ran our school and again we escaped punishment. On that flight, more than 20 years ago, I asked him why he had decided to go into politics. Wasn't being a businessman bad enough? 'You'll never understand,' he said. 'If I'm a politician as well I can save money because I don't have to pay myself bribes.' He was cynical in the extreme, but he could laugh at himself. He died tragically, but for a good cause. His party and colleagues, instead of indulging in manufactured grief, would be better off taking the opportunity to amend the blasphemy laws while there is still some anger at what has taken place. But of course they are doing the exact opposite.

Even before this killing, Pakistan had been on the verge of yet another military takeover. It would make things so much easier if only they could give it another name: military democracy perhaps? General Kayani, whose term as chief of staff was extended last year with strong Pentagon approval, is said to be receiving petitions every day asking him to intervene and 'save the country'. The petitioners are obviously aware that removing Zardari and replacing him with a nominee of the Sharif brothers' Muslim League, the PPP's long-term rivals, is unlikely to improve matters. Petitioning, combined with a complete breakdown of law and order in one or several spheres (suicide terrorism in Peshawar, violent ethnic clashes in Karachi, state violence in Quetta and now Taseer's assassination), is usually followed by the news that a reluctant general has no longer been able to resist 'popular' pressure and with the reluctant agreement of the US Embassy a uniformed president has taken power. We've been here before, on four separate occasions. The military has never succeeded in taking the country forward. All that happens is that, instead of politicians, the officers take the cut. The government obviously thinks the threat is serious: some of Zardari's cronies now speak openly at dinner parties of 'evidence' that proves military involvement in his wife Benazir Bhutto's assassination. If the evidence exists, let's have a look. Another straw in the wind: the political parties close to the ISI, Pakistan's main intelligence agency, have withdrawn from the central government, accusing it of callousness and financial malfeasance. True, but hardly novel.

Another necessary prerequisite for a coup is popular disgust with a corrupt, inept and failing civilian government. This has now reached fever pitch. As well as the natural catastrophes that have afflicted the country there are local wars, disappearances, torture, crime, huge price rises in essential goods, unemployment, a breakdown of basic services – all the major cities go without electricity for hours at a stretch and oil lamps are much in demand in smaller towns, which are often without gas and electricity for up to 12 hours. Thanks to the loan conditions recently imposed by the IMF – part of a gear change in the 'war on terror' – there have been riots against the rise in fuel prices in several cities. Add to this Zardari's uncontrollable greed and the irrepressible desire of his minions to mimic their master. Pakistan today is a kleptocracy. There is much talk in Islamabad of the despised prime minister's neglected wife going on a shopping spree in London last month and finding solace in diamonds, picking up, on her way back home, a VAT rebate in the region of £100,000.

Can it get worse? Yes. And on every front. Take the Af-Pak war. Few now would dispute that its escalation has further destabilised Pakistan, increasing the flow of recruits to suicide bomber command. The CIA's New Year message to Pakistan consisted of three drone attacks in North Waziristan, killing 19 people. There were 116 drone strikes in 2010, double the number ordered in the first year of the Obama presidency. Serious Pakistani newspapers, Dawn and the News, claim that 98 per cent of those killed in the strikes over the last five years – the number of deaths is estimated to be between two and three thousand – were civilians, a percentage endorsed by David Kilcullen, a former senior adviser to General Petraeus. The Brookings Institution gives a grim ratio of one militant killed for every ten civilians. The drones are operated by the CIA, which isn't subject to military rules of engagement, with the result that drones are often used for revenge attacks, notably after the sensational Khost bombing of a CIA post in December 2009.

What stops the military from taking power immediately is that it would then be responsible for stopping the drone attacks and containing the insurgency that has resulted from the extension of the war into Pakistan. This is simply beyond it, which is why the generals would rather just blame the civilian government for everything. But if the situation worsens and growing public anger and economic desperation lead to wider street protests and an urban insurgency the military will be forced to intervene. It will also be forced to act if the Obama administration does as it threatens and sends troops across the Pakistan border on protect-and-destroy missions. Were this to happen a military takeover of the country might be the only way for the army to counter dissent within its ranks by redirecting the flow of black money and bribes (currently a monopoly of politicians) into military coffers. Pakistani officers who complain to Western intelligence operatives and journalists that a new violation of sovereignty might split the army do so largely as a way to exert pressure. There has been no serious breach in the military high command since the dismal failure of the 1951 Rawalpindi Conspiracy, the first and last radical nationalist attempt (backed by Communist intellectuals) to seize power within the army and take the country in an anti-imperialist direction. Since then, malcontents in the armed forces have always been rapidly identified and removed. Military perks and privileges – bonuses, land allocations, a presence in finance and industry – play an increasingly important part in keeping the army under control.

Meanwhile, on a visit to Kabul earlier this month, the US homeland security secretary, Janet Napolitano, announced that 52 'security agents' were being dispatched to the Af-Pak border to give on the spot training to Afghan police and security units. The insurgents will be delighted, especially since some of them serve in these units, just as they do in Pakistan.

------------------------------------

[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.comYahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
alochona-digest@yahoogroups.com
alochona-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
alochona-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

[ALOCHONA] U.S. courts Pakistan's top general, with little result

Its USA's fault that she trusts her own enemies.

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Isha Khan <bdmailer@...> wrote:
>
> *U.S. courts Pakistan's top general, with little result
> *
>
> By Karin Brulliard and Karen DeYoung
> Washington Post Staff Writers
> Saturday, January 1, 2011
>
> ISLAMABAD, PAKISTAN - Countless U.S. officials in recent years have lectured
> and listened to Gen. Ashfaq Kayani, the man many view as the most powerful
> in Pakistan. They have drunk tea and played golf with him, feted him and
> flown with him in helicopters.
>
> But they have yet to persuade him to undertake what the Obama
> administration's recent strategy
> review<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/12/14/AR2010121407420.html>concluded
> is a key to success in the Afghan war - the elimination of havens
> inside Pakistan where the Taliban plots and stages attacks on coalition
> troops in Afghanistan.
>
> Kayani, who as Pakistan's army chief has more direct say over the country's
> security strategy than its president or prime minister, has resisted
> personal appeals from President Obama, U.S. military commanders and senior
> diplomats. Recent U.S. intelligence estimates have concluded that he is
> unlikely to change his mind anytime soon. Despite the entreaties, officials
> say, Kayani doesn't trust U.S. motivations and is hedging his bets in case the
> American strategy for Afghanistan
> fails<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/11/23/AR2010112307089.html>.
>
>
> In many ways, Kayani is the personification of the vexing problem posed by
> Pakistan. Like the influential military establishment he represents, he
> views Afghanistan on a timeline stretching far beyond the U.S. withdrawal,
> which is slated to begin this summer. While the Obama administration sees
> the insurgents as an enemy force to be defeated as quickly and directly as
> possible, Pakistan has long regarded them as useful proxies in protecting
> its western flank from inroads by India, its historical adversary.
>
> "Kayani wants to talk about the end state in South Asia," said one of
> several Obama administration officials who spoke on the condition of
> anonymity about the sensitive relationship. U.S. generals, the official
> said, "want to talk about the next drone attacks."
>
> The administration has praised Kayani for operations in 2009 and 2010
> against domestic militants in the Swat
> Valley<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/05/30/AR2009053001090.html>and
> in South
> Waziristan<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/17/AR2009101700673.html>,
> and has dramatically increased its military and economic assistance to
> Pakistan. But it has grown frustrated that the general has not launched a
> ground assault against Afghan Taliban and al-Qaeda sanctuaries in North
> Waziristan.
>
> Kayani has promised action when he has enough troops available, although he
> has given no indication of when that might be. Most of Pakistan's
> half-million-man army remains facing east, toward India.
>
> In recent months, Kayani has sometimes become defiant. When U.S.-Pakistani
> tensions spiked in September, after two Pakistani soldiers were killed by an
> Afghanistan-based American helicopter gunship pursuing insurgents on the
> wrong side of the border, he personally ordered the closure of the main
> frontier crossing<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/09/30/AR2010093000491.html>for
> U.S. military supplies into Afghanistan, according to U.S. and
> Pakistani
> officials.
>
> In October, administration officials choreographed a White House meeting for
> Kayani at which Obama could directly deliver his message of urgency. The
> army chief heard him out, then provided a 13-page document updating
> Pakistan's strategic perspective and noting the gap between short-term U.S.
> concerns and Pakistan's long-term interests, according to U.S. officials.
>
> Kayani reportedly was infuriated by the recent WikiLeaks release of U.S.
> diplomatic cables<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/11/30/AR2010113007679.html>,
> some of which depicted him as far chummier with the Americans and more
> deeply involved in Pakistani politics than his carefully crafted domestic
> persona would suggest. In one cable, sent to Washington by the U.S. Embassy
> in Islamabad last year, he was quoted as discussing with U.S. officials a
> possible removal of Pakistan's president and his preferred replacement.
>
> On the eve of the cable's publication in November, the normally aloof and
> soft-spoken general ranted for hours on the subject of irreconcilable
> U.S.-Pakistan differences in a session with a group of Pakistani
> journalists.
>
> The two countries' "frames of reference" regarding regional security "can
> never be the same," he said, according to news accounts. Calling Pakistan
> America's "most bullied ally," Kayani said that the "real aim of U.S.
> strategy is to de-nuclearize Pakistan."
> *The general's suspicions*
>
> Kayani was a star student at the U.S. Army's Command and General Staff
> College at Fort Leavenworth, Kan., in 1988, writing his master's thesis on
> "Strengths and Weaknesses of the Afghan Resistance Movement." He was among
> the last Pakistanis to graduate from the college before the United States
> cut off military assistance to Islamabad in 1990 in response to Pakistan's
> suspected nuclear weapons program. Eight years later, both Pakistan and
> India conducted tests of nuclear devices.
>
> The estrangement lasted until President George W. Bush lifted the sanctions
> in 2001, less than two weeks after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.
>
> Kayani is far from alone in the Pakistani military in suspecting that the
> United States will abandon Pakistan once it has achieved its goals in
> Afghanistan, and that its goal remains to leave Pakistan defenseless against
> nuclear-armed India.
>
> Kayani "is one of the most anti-India chiefs Pakistan has ever had," one
> U.S. official said.
>
> The son of a noncommissioned army officer, Kayani was commissioned as a
> second lieutenant in 1971. He was chief of military operations during the
> 2001-02 Pakistan-India crisis. As head of Pakistan's Inter-Services
> Intelligence agency from 2004 to 2007, he served as a point man for
> back-channel talks with India initiated by then-President Pervez Musharraf.
> When Musharraf resigned<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/08/18/AR2008081800418.html>in
> 2008, the talks abruptly ended.
>
> The Pakistani military has long been involved in politics, but few believe
> that the general seeks to lead the nation. "He has stated from the beginning
> that he has no desire to involve the military in running the country," said
> Shuja Nawaz, director of the South Asia Center at the Atlantic Council. But
> that does not mean Kayani would stand by "if there was a failure of civilian
> institutions," Nawaz said. "The army would step in."
> *'Mind-boggling'*
>
> Even some Pakistanis see Kayani's India-centric view as dated, self-serving
> and potentially disastrous as the insurgents the country has harbored
> increasingly turn on Pakistan itself.
>
> "Nine years into the Afghanistan war, we're fighting various strands of
> militancy, and we still have an army chief who considers India the major
> threat," said Cyril Almeida, an editor and columnist at the English-language
> newspaper Dawn. "That's mind-boggling."
>
> Kayani has cultivated the approval of a strongly anti-American public that
> opinion polls indicate now holds the military in far higher esteem than it
> does the weak civilian government of President Asif Ali Zardari. Pakistani
> officials say the need for public support is a key reason for rebuffing U.S.
> pleas for an offensive in North Waziristan. In addition to necessitating the
> transfer of troops from the Indian border, Pakistani military and
> intelligence officials say such a campaign would incite domestic terrorism
> and uproot local communities. Residents who left their homes during the
> South Waziristan offensive more than a year ago have only recently been
> allowed to begin returning to their villages.
> *The real power broker*
>
> Pakistani democracy activists fault the United States for professing to
> support Pakistan's civilian government while at the same time bolstering
> Kayani with frequent high-level visits and giving him a prominent role in
> strategic talks with Islamabad.
>
> Obama administration officials said in response that while they voice
> support for Pakistan's weak civilian government at every opportunity, the
> reality is that the army chief is the one who can produce results.
>
> "We have this policy objective, so who do we talk to?" one official said.
> "It's increasingly clear that we have to talk to Kayani."
>
> Most of the talking is done by Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint
> Chiefs of Staff. In more than 30 face-to-face meetings with Kayani,
> including 21 visits to Pakistan since late 2007, Mullen has sought to
> reverse what both sides call a "trust deficit" between the two militaries.
>
> But the patience of other U.S. officials has worn thin. Gen. David H.
> Petraeus, the commander of the U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan, has
> adopted a much tougher attitude toward Kayani than his predecessor, Gen.
> Stanley A. McChrystal, had, according to several U.S. officials.
>
> For his part, Kayani complains that he is "always asking Petraeus what is
> the strategic objective" in Afghanistan, according to a friend, retired air
> marshal Shahzad Chaudhry.
>
> As the Obama administration struggles to assess the fruits of its investment
> in Pakistan, some officials said the United States now accepts that pleas
> and military assistance will not change Kayani's thinking. Mullen and
> Richard C. Holbrooke, who served as the administration's special
> representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan until his death last
> month,<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/12/13/AR2010121306799.html>thought
> that "getting Kayani to trust us enough" to be honest constituted
> progress, one official said.
>
> But what Kayani has honestly told them, the official said, is: "I don't
> trust you."
> brulliardk@... deyoungk@...
>
> http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/12/31/AR2010123103993_pf.html
>


------------------------------------

[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.comYahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
alochona-digest@yahoogroups.com
alochona-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
alochona-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

Re: [ALOCHONA] Dr. Fazlur Rahaman Khan a great Man in Tall Building StructureDesign

It was unwise to publish this article.

It may now spawn a jealous attack on FR Khan by the PM and her sycophants, given his international recognition and reputation not to mention the actual buildings he has left behind him.

After all, his accomplishments clearly pale in comparison to the PM.

------Original Message------
From: Mohammed Ramjan
Sender: alochona@yahoogroups.com
ReplyTo: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Dr. Fazlur Rahaman Khan a great Man in Tall Building StructureDesign
Sent: 13 Jan 2011 06:30

    Dear All   Assalamu alaikum   We may read about some great people who has contributed a lot in Tall Building Structures                   Fazlur Rahman Khan (Bengali: ফজলুর রহমান খ়ান Fozlur Rôhman Khan) (April 3, 1929 - March 27, 1982), born in Dhaka, Bangladesh, was a Bangladeshi-American architect and structural engineer. He is a central figure behind the "Second Chicago School" of architecture,[1] and is regarded as the "father of tubular design for high-rises".[2] Khan, "more than any other individual, ushered in a renaissance in skyscraper construction during the second half of the twentieth century."[3] He is also considered to be the "Einstein of structural engineering" and "the greatest structural engineer of the second half of the 20th century" for his innovative use of structural systems that remain fundamental to modern skyscraper construction.[4] His most famous buildings are the John Hancock Center and the Willis Tower (formerly Sears Tower), which was the world's tallest building for several decades.       Biography   Fazlur Rahman Khan is from Bangladesh, village of Bhandarikandi in Shibchar Upazila, Madaripur District, Dhaka Division. He was born on 3 April 1929, in Dhaka. His father, Khan Bahadur Abdur Rahman Khan, BES was ADPI of Bengal and after retirement served as Principal of Jagannath College, Dhaka.   Education Khan completed his undergraduate coursework at Bengal Engineering College (Now Bengal Engineering & Science University, Shibpur). He received his bachelor's degree from the Engineering Faculty of University of Dhaka (Now BUET) in 1951 while placing first in his class. A Fulbright Scholarship and a Pakistani government scholarship (as Bangladesh was East Pakistan then) enabled him to travel to the United States in 1952 where he pursued advanced studies at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. In three years Khan earned two Master's degrees — one in structural engineering and one in theoretical and applied mechanics — and a PhD in structural engineering. Career In 1955,
Emanur Rahman | m. +447734567561 | e. emanur@rahman.com

------------------------------------

[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.comYahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
alochona-digest@yahoogroups.com
alochona-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
alochona-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

Re: [ALOCHONA] bangladesh history



Though, to me the paramount important matter is food and justice for our people today- that is the fundamental human needs. Squabbling on historical events and the positining of the vellains and heroes yet those interested can read 'shotabdi periey' by Hyder A K Rono who is not an AL or BNP supporter, on the 6points movements and how it evolved and culminated to our freedom fight. 

--- On Wed, 5/1/11, maxx ombba <maqsudo@hotmail.com> wrote:

From: maxx ombba <maqsudo@hotmail.com>
Subject: [ALOCHONA] bangladesh history
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Date: Wednesday, 5 January, 2011, 12:11 AM

 
Attn: Dr. Manik
------------------

will you have time to write more about how:

1. AL leaders pushed ill-prepared, ill-informed Bangladeshis infront of Pakistani machine guns,
while they were having fun in Kolkata.
2. The betrayal of Sk. Mujib ......look at what he promised before 1971.
3. History of Bangladesh ....1972 - 1975, a playgorund of AL thugs, politicians.



Re: Creation of Bangladesh

The Significance of the Six-Point Movement and its Impact on Bangladesh's Struggle for Freedom and Self-determination

M. Waheeduzzaman Manik

Introduction:The historic Six-Point movement in 1966 was the turning point in Bangladesh's quest for greater autonomy and self-determination from Pakistan's colonial domination. The six-point demand has been widely credited as the 'charter of freedom' in the history of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence. 

The six-point plan had envisaged, among other things, a full-blown federal form of Government based on the 1940 Lahore Resolution, a parliamentary system of government directly elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise, two separate currencies or two reserve banks for the two wings of Pakistan, and a para-military force for East Pakistan. The spectacular success of the six-point movement in 1966 had prompted the ruling coterie of Pakistan to discredit the organizers of this movement. 

Although Ayub Khan's diabolical regime had used various brutal punitive measures against the proponents, organizers and supporters of the six-point formula, this historic movement had seriously impacted and conditioned the subsequent political development in Pakistan. 

The main purpose of this paper is to assess the significance of the six-point movement and its impact on Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and self-determination. Once the main contents of the six-point plan are summarized, the nature, magnitude, and impact of the six-point movement will be appraised. Aimed at substantiating and validating my own observations about the magnitude and impact of the six-point movement, some scholarly observations will be cited. Finally, some concluding remarks will be made. 

The Six-Point Plan: the Main Elements

Sheikh Mujibur Rhaman, the then General Secretary of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL), had personally submitted the six-point program to the subject-matter committee of the All-Party Meeting of the opposition political parties of the then Pakistan in Lahore on February 5, 1966. Based on his "6-Point Formula: Our Right to Live" [March 23, 1966], the chief demands and themes of the historic six-point plan are being summarized as follows: 

Point 1: "The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the basis of [1940] Lahore Resolution, and Parliamentary form of Government with supremacy of legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise." 

Point 2: The Federal Government of Pakistan "shall deal with only two subjects, viz.: defense and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall vest in the federating states." 

Point 3: "Two separate but freely convertible currencies for two wings [of Pakistan] should be introduced;" or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy to be adopted for East Pakistan. 

Point 4: The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the "federating units and the Federal Centre will have no such power." However, the Federation will be entitled to have a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. "The Consolidated Federal Fund shall come out of a levy of certain percentage of all state taxes." 

Point 5: There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings with clear assurance that "earnings of East Pakistan shall be under the control of East Pakistan Government and that of West Pakistan under the control of West Pakistan Government." And the "foreign exchange requirements of the Federal Government [of Pakistan] should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed. The indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings." The Constitution should "empower the units [provinces] to establish trade and commercial relations with, set up trade missions in and enter into agreements with foreign countries." 

Point 6: East Pakistan should have a separate "militia" or "para-military" force. 

Immediate Reactions of the Pakistani Political Leaders to the Six-Point Plan

Instead of endorsing Sheikh Mujib's legitimate six-point-based demand for "maximum" provincial autonomy, the mainstream leaders of the so-called opposition parties for establishing democracy in Pakistan were not even willing to include his proposal in the official agenda of the conference for initiating discussion on the merits or demerits of the of the proposed six-point demands. In fact, no West Pakistani political leaders (not even Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, the President of the then All-Pakistan Awami League) were willing to lend any support to Sheikh Mujib's clarion call for maximum provincial autonomy based on the proposed six-point program. 

It is also really appalling to recapitulate even after forty long years that the non-Awami League delegates from the then East Pakistan did not endorse the six-point demand. Like their West-Pakistani counterparts, Bengali speaking renegades had also smelled an element of "secession" or "disintegration" of Pakistan in the six-point program. In fact, Sheikh Mujib's six-point demand could not be pried out of the "subject-matter committee" of that so-called All-party conference. Rather, the proposed six-point anchored proposal for maximum provincial autonomy had received frontal attacks from the mainstream ruling elite of Pakistan. The veteran West Pakistani political stalwarts, in conjunction with their cohorts from the then East Pakistan, had started a slanderous propaganda campaign against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman --- - the chief architect and proponent of the six-point charter even though most of those instant criticisms of the proposed six-point program were characterized by blatant falsehoods, conjectures, distortions, and innuendoes. Yet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to be blackmailed or intimidated by those critics. 

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Immediate Response to the Critics

In a press conference at Lahore on February 10, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had pointed out the uselessness and irrelevance of the All-Party Conference. He had clearly articulated that the question of demanding genuine "provincial autonomy" based on the proposed six-point program should not be misconstrued or dismissed as "provincialism." He underscored that the proposed six-point demand was not designed to harm the common people of West Pakistan. 

He had pointed out that the 17-day war between Pakistan and India (1965) made it crystal clear to the "East Pakistanis" that the defense of East Pakistan couldn't be contingent upon the mercy or courtesy of West Pakistan. He reminded the audience that instead of relying on West Pakistan for its own defense-- a distant land located one thousand miles away, East Pakistan should be made self-sufficient for the purpose of defending itself from external aggression. He also made it abundantly clear that his six-point plan for "maximum" provincial autonomy reflected the long-standing demands of the people of East Pakistan. 

On his return from Lahore to Dhaka on February 11, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had provided further clarification on his six-point demands in a press conference. He explained why he had disassociated himself from the All-Party conference in Lahore. He had clearly stated that the delegates from East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) had rejected not only the proposals passed by the All-Party Conference but also severed all ties with the disgruntled leaders of this so-called conference of the opposition parties. He said that it was not at all possible for him or his party to "betray the genuine interests" of the aggrieved and deprived people of East Pakistan. He emphasized that the immediate adoption and implementation of his six-point demand "will be conducive to foster durable relationship between two provinces of Pakistan." 

In a press conference on February 14, 1966, he reiterated that the "the question of autonomy appears to be more important for East Pakistan after the 17-day war between Pakistan and India. The time is ripe for making East Pakistan self-sufficient in all respects." 

Reaction of Ayub Khan's Dictatorial Regime to the Six-Point Plan

Immediately after the provincial autonomy plan based on the six-point formula was unveiled by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the Lahore conference of opposition political parties in early February, 1966, the military autocracy of the self-declared Field Marshal Ayub Khan was quick to denounce it as a separatist or secessionist move. Aimed at browbeating the dedicated champions of greater provincial autonomy, Ayub Khan, the autocratic President of the then Islamic Republic of Pakistan, had started discrediting both the message and the messenger of the six-point program. 

Appearing in the final session of the Pakistan (Convention) Muslim League in Dhaka on March 21,1966 (of course being fully attired in the army General's khaki uniform with full display of all of his regalia and medallions), the self-declared President of the then Pakistan had condemned the six-point based plan for maximum provincial autonomy in the harshest possible terms. Characterizing the six-point formula for provincial autonomy as a demand for "greater sovereign Bengal," Ayub Khan had claimed that such a plan would put the "Bengali Muslims" under the permanent domination of the "caste Hindus" of neighboring West Bengal. 

Comparing the "prevailing situation" in Pakistan [as of March, 1966] with the volatile situation that had existed in the USA before the outbreak of a prolonged Civil War in early 1860s, the self-serving President of Pakistan also arrogated himself by saying that the nation might have to face a "civil war" if such were forced upon "him" by the "secessionists." He had even threatened the "autonomists" and "secessionists" with "dire consequences" if they failed to shun the idea of six-point based movement for provincial autonomy. He had also the audacity to underscore that the "language of weapons" would be ruthlessly employed for exterminating the "secessionist elements from Pakistan." 

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the flamboyant Foreign Minister of Pakistan, had openly challenged Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to a public debate on the strengths and weaknesses of the proposed six-point plan at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka. To the chagrin of the Ayub regime, Tajuddin Ahmed, number 2 person in the then Awami League, took up the challenge on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Unfortunately, it was Z.A. Bhutto who did not show up for debate! Abdul Monem Khan, the then infamous Governor of East Pakistan, had publicly stated that "as long as I remain Governor of this province (East Pakistan), I would see to it that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remains in jail."

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Launches the Six-Point Movement

In response to such false accusations and vile threats, a fearless Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was quick to respond. In a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan, he thundered: "No amount of naked threats can deviate the deprived Bangalees from their demand for provincial autonomy based on their six-point demands." The greatest champion of Bangalees' rights for self-determination, along with top leaders of the Awami League, kept on addressing numerous public meetings in the nooks and corners of the then East Pakistan. Without wasting a moment, the entire Awami League and the East Pakistan Students' League (EPSL), its student front, were geared toward mobilizing and motivating the general masses in favor of demanding self-government and autonomy based on the six-point program. 

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had presented not only the bold proposal for "maximum provincial autonomy" but he also launched a viable mass movement (which he himself led till he was put in jail on May 9, 1966) for popularizing and mobilizing support for the six-point program. After proposing his historic six-point program, he had actually invested all of his energies and resources in disseminating the fundamental message of "maximum autonomy" for East Pakistan. He started articulating both the rationale and justification for proposing "maximum provincial autonomy" based on his six-point plan. However, before launching a full-fledged mass movement for realizing his six-point demands, Sheikh Mujib had initiated some strategic intra-party measures. The Council Session of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) met on March 18, 19, 20, 1966, and that council session had also restructured the working Committee of the party. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmed were unanimously elected the President and General Secretary respectively of the newly revamped Awami League. The proposed six-point program was also unanimously endorsed by that historic council session for realizing maximum provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan. 

To the dismay of Pakistan's ruling coterie, the six-point program had generated a great deal of enthusiasm among the people of the then East Pakistan. As noted by Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman: "To say that this [six-point] programme evoked tremendous enthusiasm among the people of East Bengal would be an understatement. Encouraged by overwhelming popular support, Sheikh Mujib convened a meeting of the EPAL Council [March 18-20, 1966] at which his [Six-Point] programme was unanimously approved and he was elected President of the [Awami League] party. With a phalanx of organizers from the Student's League, Sheikh Mujib then launched a vigorous campaign. For about three months (from mid-February to mid-May), the urban centers of East Bengal seemed to be in the grip of a 'mass revolution,' prompting the Central Government to arrest Sheikh Mujib and his chief lieutenants (Tajuddin Ahmed, Khandokar Mustaq Ahmed, Mansoor Ali, Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury, and others) under the [infamous] Defense of Pakistan Rules and put down a complete general strike in Dacca (June 7, 1966) by killing 13 participating strikers" [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988. P. 25]. 

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's demand for "maximum autonomy" based on his six-point formula seems to have shaken the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The six-point plan had exposed the fact that the real intention of Pakistan's ruling elite was to "strengthen" the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Central Government. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman repeatedly said in several public meetings that that the people of Pakistan had always desired a "strong Pakistan," not a "strong Central Government." The entire ruling establishment of Pakistan was alarmed, and obviously, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the chief proponent of the six-point program, had become the main target of negative publicity. He had to endure various virulent forms of harassment, intimidation, and fraudulent cases. 

Instead of fairly addressing the legitimate grievances and demands of the neglected eastern province of Pakistan, the power elite took a deliberate decision to suppress the quest for maximum provincial autonomy through the use of colonial types of repressive methods and procedures. The ruling coterie of Pakistan was not at all interested in dealing or negotiating with the Awami League on the issue of provincial autonomy even though Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had publicly stated that he was willing to negotiate his six-point plan with anyone in good faith provided a meaningful autonomy was ensured for East Pakistan. Yet the oligarchy of Pakistan started using repressive tactics to suppress the six-point movement. As noted by Dr. Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, "the Ayub regime's policy towards the six-point demand of the AL was one of total suppression. It showed once again that the [Ayub] regime failed to respond to the political demand" [Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, Emergence of Bangladesh & Role of Awami League, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1982, p. 104]. 

Indeed, the six-point movement had generated spontaneous mass enthusiasm throughout East Pakistan. The entire nation was galvanized throughout February-March-April-May-June, 1966. In retaliation, the Government had intensified its policy of repression and persecution against Sheikh Mujib and his followers. For example, while Sheikh Mujib was touring various districts in April 1966 to enlist mass support in favor of his six-point program, he was arrested in almost all important places on flimsy and fraudulent charges. Dr. Anisuzzaman, a distinguished literary figure of Bangladesh, has summarized the nature of the repressive measures which Sheikh Mujib had to confront and endure for launching the historic six-point plan at a critical juncture of our history: "During that period [from the middle of February through May 9, 1966], there was hardly any place where Sheikh Mujib was not arrested [on false charges] for addressing public meetings. Today in Jessore, tomorrow in Khulna, day after tomorrow in Rajshahi. And on the following days in Sylhet, Mymensingh, and Chittagong. Once he was released on bail in one place, he rushed to another place. He had no time to waste. The only time wasted was in the process of posting bail for his release. Arrested once again. Being released once again, and then immediately move to another place (to address the public meetings)." (Freehand translation is mine). [Anisuzzaman, "Bangabandhu in the Context of History," in Mreetoonjoyee Mujib (Immortal Mujib), Dhaka; Bangabandhu Parishad, 1995, pp.11-12]. 

Throughout the month of May 1966, the Central Government of Pakistan, of course in full collaboration with Abdul Monem Khan, Ayub Khan's handpicked Governor of East Pakistan had enthusiastically cracked down on all senior most leaders of the Awami League. The arrestees under the Defence of Pakistan Rules included, among others, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam, Khondokar Moshtaque Ahmed, M. Mansoor Ali, and AHM Kamruzzaman. However, the governmental crackdown on the top leaders of the Awami League couldn't dampen the spirit of the organizers and supporters of the six-point movement. 

It was on June 7, 1966 when a full-blown hartal was observed in support of the six-point program throughout the urban centers of the then East Pakistan. In defiance of various oppressive and repressive measures of the autocratic Government of Pakistan, people from walks of life had lent their spontaneous support to this hartal. Obviously, it was a mass response to governmental repressive measures and state sponsored violence since the middle of February 1966 when the historic six-point movement was launched. . Several dozen men were shot dead during hartal on June 7, 1966. Hundreds of participants of the movement were injured. Thousands of Awami League leaders. (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the most volatile and articulate champion of "maximum autonomy" for the then East Pakistan was already put in jail on May 9, 1966) and student workers were put behind bars without any trial. Hulias (warrants of arrest) were issued on hundreds of Awami League workers and student leaders. The Daily Ittefaq, the most popular Bangla newspaper of the then eastern province of Pakistan, was shut down, its press was confiscated, and its editor, Tofazzal Hossain (Manik Mia), was put in jail. Yet the repressive police forces could not halt the march of the six-point anchored provincial autonomy movement. It was significant that the secondary leaders of the Awami League had organized a very successful general strike on June 7, 1966 all over the province. The mass participation in the general strike on June 7 in support of the six-point plan for provincial autonomy was a clear indication of a perceptible shift in the Bengali mood.

Impact and Implications of the Six-Point Movement

The imprisonment of Sheikh Mujib and other top Awami Leaguers in 1966 could not diminish the mass support for the six-point demand. In fact, Pakistan's ruling elite's policy of suppression of all forms of political freedoms and dissents had miserably failed to halt the march of the six-point movement. Rather, the use of police violence against the organizers and participants of the six-point movement had prompted and motivated the general population of the then East Pakistan to render their full support for the demand of maximum provincial autonomy. Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman, one of the distinguished political scientists of Bangladesh, has noted the immediate impact of the governmental repressive measures during the six-point movement on Sheikh Mujib's popularity in the following words: "As one might have expected, Sheikh Mujib's arrest in 1966 only served to enhance his popularity, to the point where he became the veritable symbol of Bengali nationalism" [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988, p. 23].

In his seminal assessment of the role of the Awami League in the political development of Pakistan, Dr. M. Rashiduzzaman succinctly summarized the significance and impact of the six-point movement: "The impact of the six-point demand of the Awami League was felt far and wide. The central government [of Pakistan] dubbed it as a demand for the separation of the Eastern Wing from the rest of the country, and launched a propaganda campaign, which called for a strong central government and decried the autonomists. On June 7, 1966, there was a province-wide hartal (strike) in East Pakistan sponsored by the Awami League to press the demands embodied in the six-point program. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with several lieutenants, were again put into the prison. [Sheikh Mujib was put in jail in early May, 1966]. The government also blamed 'foreign interests' in the agitation led by the six-pointers.. ----- After about a year, several East Pakistani civil servants and military officers were arrested on the charge that they had conspired to separate the East Wing by violent means in collusion with India. Eventually, the so-called 'Agartala Conspiracy case' was initiated against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 31 others for alleged high treason." (M. Rashiduzzaman,"The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan," Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, JULY, 1970; pp. 574-587]. In the same article, Dr. Rashiduzzaman also observed about the impact of the six-point movement on the 11-point charter of the 1969 student-mass movement: "For all practical purposes, the eleven-point student program was an expanded version of the Awami League's six- point demand for autonomy." 

It is evident from the preceding quotations that the six-point movement had a far reaching effects on the subsequent political development in the then Pakistan. It is widely acknowledged that the six point movement was a catalyst to the fomenting of a sustainable movement against President Ayub Khan and his regime in early 1969. In fact, the origins of both the Agartala Conspiracy Case and the anti-Ayub student-mass movement in 1969 can be traced back to the six-point movement. Aimed at destroying Bangalees' quest for full-blown autonomy and self-determination once and for all, a vile conspiracy was hatched out against Mujibur Rahman, the most articulate champion of greater provincial autonomy. At the behest of Ayub Khan, the Punjabi-Muhajir dominated Central Government of Pakistan had implicated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the fraudulent Agartala Conspiracy Case. The real agenda of Pakistan's ruling elite was to hang him as a "traitor." In other words, the Government of Pakistan wanted to eliminate Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the ardent defender of the legitimate rights of his people, for maintaining a status quo in the form of colonial rule in East Pakistan. However, an anti-Ayub student-mass movement in late 1968 and early 1969 led to the withdrawal of the so-called Agartala Conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from imprisonment. 

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was at best regarded as the top leader of the Awami League when he had launched the six-point movement in early 1966. He was not yet regarded as the "undisputed leader" of all Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan. Nor was he called 'Bangabandhu' in 1966. He was not the only political leader of the then East Pakistan who had championed the cause of full provincial autonomy. In fact, there were other top political leaders even within his party with impressive credentials and tested commitment to the pursuit of full autonomy for East Pakistan. There were also more senior political leaders in other political parties, including Maulana Bhasani, who were quite vocal for greater provincial autonomy for East Pakistan. Being disgusted with the colonial brand of exploitation of East Pakistan by West Pakistani ruling coterie, Maulana Bhasani had uttered "goodbye" to West Pakistan more than once --- at least a decade earlier than the historic six-point movement. In fact, Maulana Bhasani was never willing to compromise on the issue of full provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan. 

Yet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's fearlessness and relentlessness gave birth to the six-point movement for realizing full provincial autonomy in the early months of 1966. There is no doubt that his relentlessness in starting and sustaining a pragmatic Bengali nationalistic movement that was deliberately geared toward achieving maximum autonomy had clearly distinguished him from other contemporary champions of provincial autonomy. His "fearlessness" also made him the most volatile champion of "full provincial autonomy." Only a courageous leader of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's stature could come up with the six-point plan for accruing full autonomy for East Pakistan at a time when Ayub Khan's brute regime was at its pinnacle after consolidating its grip over the entire power structure of the country. 

The six-point movement had direct bearing on the following momentous events: the making of the infamous Agartala conspiracy case against Shekh Mujib, the volatile student-mass movement of 1969, the withdrawal of the concocted Agartala conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from imprisonment on February 22, 1969, the removal of the infamous provincial Governor Monaem Khan, the sudden collapse of Ayub Khan's dictatorship and the rise of Yahya Khan's diabolical regime, the General Elections in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise, the landslide victory of the Awami League in the general elections and the spectacular rise of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the sole spokesperson of the Bengali speaking people of the then Pakistan, the nine-month long liberation war in 1971, and finally the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation-state on December 16, 1971. Doubtless, these tumultuous events were milestones in the history of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence. Notwithstanding three decades of rampant distortions of Bangladesh's political history, it is fair to suggest that the six-point movement was the precursor of these momentous events, and the name of the common thread that had firmly connected these milestones was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. 

Concluding Remarks

There is no doubt that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would have remained a top Awami League leader even in the absence of a bold provincial autonomy plan in the form of the six-point program. Yet had there been no six-point movement in 1966, there is every doubt if the Agartala Conspiracy Case would have been hatched out against him at that particular time. Had there been no Agartala Conspiracy Case, the student-mass movement of 1969 would not have exclusively focused on his unconditional release from imprisonment. Thus the six-point movement, the Agartala conspiracy case, and the 1969 student-mass movement had provided the much-needed context and momentum for the his emergence as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. From that juncture of our history, he did not have to look backward. The whopping majority of Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan had vested their full trust in their Bangabandhu in the general elections of 1970. Therefore, his spectacular success in the historic general elections of 1970 and his emergence as the legitimate sole spokesperson and undisputed leader of his people owe a great deal to his success in the historic six-point movement in 1966. 

The six-point plan had also reflected the legitimate grievances and genuine demands of the people of the then East Pakistan. There is little wonder why the historic six-point movement had garnered so much spontaneous mass support throughout the province. The timing, first for presenting, and then starting a sustainable Bengali nationalist movement for realizing the professed goals of six-point demand was crucially important. The economic and political demands, as stipulated and enumerated under the six-point program, were the frontal assault on the foundation of Pakistan's colonial exploitation and authoritarian modes of governance. 

Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman (Manik) writes from Clarksville, Tennessee, USA where he is a Professor and the Chair of the Department of Public Management at Austin Peay State University. His e-mail address ismwzaman@aol.com or zamanw@apsu.edu

http://bangladesh-web.com/view.php?h...00000000111223





__._,_.___


[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.com




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[ALOCHONA] Another New York Bangla Immigrant Story - A Winning Combination

January 7, 2011
A Winning Combination
By CONSTANCE ROSENBLUM
New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/09/realestate/09habi.html?ref=realestate&src=me&pagewanted=print

AFZAL HOSSAIN, a 34-year-old artist and architect who grew up in Bangladesh, has vivid childhood memories of women making kanthas, handmade quilts constructed of layers of fabrics from worn garments and lavishly encrusted with colorful embroidery.

"Women sometimes spend up to a year making a single quilt," said Mr. Hossain, who immigrated to New York in 1996 and now lives with his wife and family in Jackson Heights, Queens. "It's a wonderfully social part of their culture because the women sit together and talk as they sew."

Mr. Hossain considers himself fortunate to have a kantha of his own. The fluffy white coverlet that dominates the master bedroom features doll-like figures wearing traditional costumes and posed beneath canopies of flowering trees.

And it is not the only such reminder of his homeland in the apartment that he shares with Julie Nymann, 37; the couple's 3-year-old daughter, Audra Shehnai; and Ms. Nymann's mother, Janet Nymann.

In certain respects, Jackson Heights couldn't be more different from Bangladesh. The historic district, the heart of the community, is defined by clusters of red-brick garden apartments that date back to the early 20th century. But the neighborhood is also a magnet for families from South Asia. When Mr. Hossain came to New York with his mother and a brother, Jackson Heights was a logical destination.

By the time Mr. Hossain graduated from Pratt Institute with a degree in architecture in 2004, he had fallen in love with Ms. Nymann, an architect from Tennessee he had met at a downtown bar frequented by young architects and designers. Once the two were engaged, they started looking for an apartment in his neighborhood. From that point on, things happened fast.

In July 2005, the couple bought a one-bedroom on the second floor of the Arlington, a garden apartment complex on 35th Avenue, for $165,000. Two months later they were married. The following year Mr. Hossain started a design firm called Bang/Architecture and Design (the echo of the word Bangladesh was intentional).

And as if the couple didn't already have enough going on, they also decided to open a cafe that would do double duty as an art gallery. By early 2007, as plans for the cafe moved forward, they learned they were expecting a child.

"So we were working on two big projects at the same time," said Ms. Nymann, who has vivid and not entirely pleasant memories of helping transform a onetime Indian clothing store into a center for coffee and art while eight months pregnant.

Their daughter was born in September 2007. Three months later the couple opened Espresso 77, a few blocks from their apartment.

Ms. Nymann's mother came the week after the baby was born. "And basically," her daughter said, "she never left."

All the pieces seemed to fall into place. Ms. Nymann's father had died a decade earlier. Her mother had been living alone in the family house. Ms. Nymann, who at the time was employed by Robert A. M. Stern Architects, went back to work four months after Audra was born. Mr. Hossain was busy getting the cafe up and running.

For some families, so many people under the same small roof would have been a recipe for disaster. For this one, it proved ideal.

"We couldn't have opened the cafe without her," said Ms. Nymann, who is now a deputy director of architecture for the New York City Department of Parks and Recreation. "We couldn't have done anything without her."

Her husband concurs: "I was the one who urged her to stay," Mr. Hossain said. "Truly, we get along wonderfully."

Along with the benefit of an extra pair of hands, Ms. Nymann saw a less tangible but equally powerful benefit to her mother's presence.

"When I was growing up, my grandparents lived so far away, I really didn't get to know them," she said. "I feel lucky that my daughter will know what it means to have a grandparent nearby."

But a one-bedroom for four people was feasible only for so long. So in July 2009, when a pair of adjacent one-bedrooms became available on the building's fifth floor, the couple bought the apartments for $485,000. Last February, after the spaces were combined and reconfigured — an undertaking that cost $100,000 — the family moved in.

Many of the furnishings came from the usual places — the living room chandelier from West Elm, the entire kitchen from the Lowe's in Brooklyn, the shelves from Ikea, the wooden bench from Two Jakes in Williamsburg, the rugs from Target.

"The building has a rule that 80 percent of the floor has to be carpeted," Ms. Nymann said, "and with a toddler, we figured that would be a good idea. So one night we just went to Target and bought a whole bunch of rugs."

One item that has a more distinguished provenance is the teak and wool armchair made by Finn Juhl, the Danish furniture designer.

"My parents had bought it at Neiman Marcus in Dallas in the 1960s for $500," Ms. Nymann recalled. "Now it's probably worth $5,000."

Audra's room is pale green — "she chose the color herself," he father reported proudly — and from her window she can see leafy treetops and the moon. But everyone agrees that the best view is from the elder Ms. Nymann's bedroom.

"You can see practically to LaGuardia," her daughter said. "At night Audra and my mother sit there and watch the planes, and talk about where they're going and where they've come from. It's so calming, it helps her fall asleep."

Just as the colorful kantha recalls Mr. Hossain's homeland, so does his painting titled "Stealing Mangoes," which hangs in the dining area. The image, a swirl of blues and oranges, depicts a woman dressed in white who seems to be taking possession of an entire tree with her outstretched arms.

The painting was inspired by his own days of mango rustling.

"Back when I was growing up," Mr. Hossain recalled, "we used to do that at night, so no one would see us. We were always convinced that other people's mangoes were much better than ours."

E-mail: habitats@nytimes.com

------------------------------------

[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.comYahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
alochona-digest@yahoogroups.com
alochona-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
alochona-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

[ALOCHONA] Worth a read : New York Bangla Immigrants: TEST FUELS ANXIETY—AND AN INDUSTRY

TEST FUELS ANXIETY—AND AN INDUSTRY
Farah Akbar
City Limits* News
http://www.citylimits.org/news/article_print.cfm?article_id=3943

In Jackson Heights, the city's high school entrance exam means high pressure for immigrant students, and business for private test-prep centers.

* City Limits is a project of the Community Service Society of New York

Jackson Heights - In six months Moontasin Rahman, a seventh-grader at I.S. 230, will take a test required for admission to one of New York City's elite public high schools. It's offered to the city's eighth- and ninth-graders once a year in October. In addition to studying seven hours a week on her own for the test, she also attends a four-hour class once a week at a test-prep school in Jackson Heights, her Queens neighborhood.

Moontasin's parents have taught her to believe that graduating from one of the city's elite high schools will determine her fate as an adult. "If you get into one of these schools, you're set for college, you're set for life," Moontasin says. She's used to declining friends' invitations to hang out, preferring instead her books and practice exams. "Forget your social life and just study for the test!" Moontasin's parents say to her.

The Specialized High School Admissions Test, given free of charge by the New York City Department of Education, is the key to getting into the city's top three public high schools—Stuyvesant High School, Bronx High School of Science, Brooklyn Technical High School—and five other selective high schools.

So common is the exam for Bangladeshi adolescents that it's become a rite of passage. And parents' desire to see their children score well on the exam has helped an industry to sprout in the city's Bangladeshi enclaves. Moontasin is among the many Bangladeshi children who are present or former students enrolled in test prep classes run by fellow Bangladeshis.

The challenging test, known as the "Sci-Hi" exam for short, consists of a math and verbal sections. More than 27,000 kids took the test last fall. Only about one in five students wins admission to the specialized high schools. Asians and South Asians were 57 percent of the students who learned in February that they've been admitted to one of the eight competitive specialized high schools.

New York City Bangladeshis, numbering over 28,000, were the fastest growing Asian-American subgroup in the United States during the 1990s—the population grew 471 percent over those years, and New York City is home to the largest group of Bangladeshis in the United States. Ninety-four percent of Bangladeshi school-age kids attend public schools versus 79 percent of all city children.

The city's Department of Education offers free prep classes for economically disadvantaged students. But many immigrant families pay for private test prep classes despite having incomes that in many cases are low: In the case of Bangladeshis, their per capita income in New York City was reported in the last census as $10,479—less than half of the citywide figure of $22,402. Mostly by word of mouth over the years, the Bangladeshi community of New York City picked up on the importance of these schools, valued by previous generations of working class immigrants as a stepping stone to American mainstream.

Moontasin's parents pay $75 for each weekend session to help her prepare for the rigorous exam.

Nahian Jahangir went through the arduous process of preparing for the test three years ago, and says it was all worth it. He was accepted at Bronx Science after studying at tutoring centers to prepare. "I had to get in no matter what," says Nahian. "It would be like an escalator to get into a good college," he says. Nahian would like to attend NYU so he can stay close to home after graduating and is thinking about becoming a doctor.

According to Community Board 3, which covers Jackson Heights, Bangladeshis are about one quarter of the neighborhood's population. Stepping into the bustling enclave of 73rd and 74th Streets between 35th and 37th Avenues in Jackson Heights, one enters a universe of South Asian culture: exotic spicy foods, intricate gold jewelry and Bollywood music. Something else of note is the slew of test-prep businesses that have sprouted. There are at least six such businesses on one block of 73rd Street.

"Bangladeshis like the prestige of these schools," says Santanu Barua. He is the owner of a school nestled in the basement of a shopping complex called "Bangladesh Plaza." Barua, 36, established Core Tutoring Center in 2004. He employs college students to tutor youngsters in all grades, and he teaches Sci-Hi classes. Barua immigrated to the United States in 1994 from Bangladesh and finished his degree in computer science and accounting. He has no background as an educator—he works in a bank in the day—but considers himself qualified enough to teach some classes.

His students are mostly Bangladeshis but he has a few Pakistani, Indian, Filipino and Latino students. On one weekday, seven youngsters fill a tiny classroom and dutifully listen to their instructor, a young woman who will soon take her MCAT exam for medical school.

Iqbal Zaman says that test prep centers are part of Bangladeshi culture. A math lecturer at LaGuardia Community College, Zaman started his tutoring business, Tutorial One, in 2005. The sole instructor at his school, Zaman started the center to help his community but also acknowledges that he intends to benefit financially as business increases. "It's good enough, it could be better," he says of his profits. He has about 10 students in his Sci-Hi prep classes, and charges less than large commercial franchises—$35 for a 2.5 hour group session with him.

The most well known test-prep business in the area is Khan's Tutorial. It was started in 1997 by Mansurul Khan, a former New York City public school teacher and assistant principal who immigrated with his family to the United States in 1985. According to Khan's son, Ivan Khan, himself a graduate of the Bronx High School of Science who also takes part in running Khan's Tutorial, the business has helped over 800 students gain admission into the elite high schools over the years. Khan's Tutorial is more expensive than the competition.

Zulkarium Rahman, 15, Moontasin's brother, is a student at Stuyvesant High School. He remembers giving up video games and having two "boring summers" between 6th and 8th grade because he was studying so much for the exam. "I felt bad, but I knew the end result would be better for me," he says.

In addition to the three top tier schools, the test is crucial to admission at other specialized high schools: Brooklyn Latin School; High School for Mathematics, Science and Engineering at City College; High School of American Studies at Lehman College; Queens High School for the Sciences at York College; and Staten Island Technical High School. One specialized high school not subject to the Sci-Hi exam is Fiorello H. LaGuardia High School of Music & Art and Performing Arts, where getting in is based auditions and the student's academic record.

Stuyvesant has the highest cut off score of the eight schools. For the Fall 2007 exam, students scoring at 561 out of a score that ranged from 200 to 800 made it into the school.

Zaman argues that there is too much emphasis on the top three specialized high schools. He wants Bangladeshi parents not to panic if their children do not get into one these schools. "Is their life spoiled because they did not get in?" he asks.

Barua agrees that it's not the end of the world if an industrious student fails to gain admission. One of his former students didn't leave her house for days because of bad Sci-Hi test results. He says that the failure "destroyed her self-esteem." Though he concedes that he benefits from the Sci-Hi test prep craze financially, he does not support the excessive pressure put upon these kids to pass the test.

Moontasin remembers kids at her school receiving envelopes with Sci-Hi test results. "They were crying. I couldn't tell if they were happy or sad," she says. What would happen if her own Stuyvesant dreams were dashed? "It would be so horrible," she says.

------------------------------------

[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.comYahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
alochona-digest@yahoogroups.com
alochona-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
alochona-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

[ALOCHONA] Re: 1-yr on ...Position of the Opposition --- only the slipping pyjamasare in tatters for having slipped too many times

Dear Alochoks

The opposition is definitely decrepit, aimless and worthy of scorn. But Shahnoor Wahid (SW) starts with `… before anything worth opposing happens'. He can think of nothing in the past 2 years that is worthy of opposition? Here's ten 1. food prices 2. the bdr massacre 3. murders by the BSF 4. entry by BSF into our territory 5. the meekest foreign minister in south asia. Here's another five - 6. the weakest home minister in south asia 7. lack of reform in AL (and BNP) 8. lack of reform in the police force 9. lack of reform of the bureaucracy 10. inactivity of the anti corruption committee 11. the ruination of campuses 12. the failure to even appear to be making gains in negotiations with India 13. the drying and damming of our rivers 14. the political waiving of corruption cases 15. the appalling hypocrisy of the ruling party in how it deals with its cadres

And for good measure it seems SW supports the murder and extortion committed by the cadres of his own party.

SW cannot distinguish between a blind supporter of AL and a blind supporter of BNP. Here are his 2nd and 3rd paragraphs slightly reworded:

Everything in his second and third paras is as equally applicable to both AL and BNP.

It would seem AL has scored a great moral victory over someone else's falling pajamas. Enough of a victory perhaps to stay silent about murder committed by his own party operatives? Enough to counter hilarity about his Home Minister's building used as a brothel?

In his 4th and 5th paras he mocks the opposition for saying the PM has sold the country to India. But he does not detail even one of the many gains he suggests have been made in negotiations. He does not give a single example of an action upon which we can be expected to assume India's generous intentions. SW describes a benign and gentle India and her ignorant neighbours. Such thinking is promoted by only one political party in the whole of South Asia.

In his 5th and 6th he presents a Wikipedia article on the Lousiana Pact as some form of evidence. Perhaps he thinks the visual of facts from Wikipedia on any irrelevant subject would give his article some facts. Certainly the only facts in his piece are facts about the Lousiana Pact!

In his 7th and 8th paras SW correctly points out the failure of the opposition to build a case at their press conference. But he does not give a single example of how the government did not cave into Indian demands. His notion that only a few media outlets are unhappy about the government's approach to India is flatly wrong. If anything, it is only worry about public opinion that has obliged the government to press for transit fees. As it happens the Indians have already refused to pay transit fees at Ashuganj!

The 9th para is correct – except that the AL is just as predictable as the BNP.

It is his 10th para that demonstrates the naive hopefulness of the blindly partisan. SW does not identify a single proof of mutual respect between Indian and Bangladesh. He sees no intimidation but would not like to comment on the probability of a powerful RAW in Dhaka. He could not even contemplate the remotest possibility of India's involvement in the BDR massacre. And his mind skips effortlessly past all the horrors on our borders. In this para he asserts a new leadership role for Bangladesh in the region even though Myanmar and India do what they want on our borders and our seas. A democratic Myanmar and a reconciled Sri Lanka would naturally follow Bangladesh under a descendant of Mujib he thinks. Finally, Malaysians showing interest in vague bilateral deals is presented as sign of a quantum leap. Malaysia looks like it will return lacs of our workers and make it illegal for Deshis to marry Malaysians! Yes. Quantum leap based on mutual respect indeed.

His final para is correct – we should all like to see the opposition demanding justice in each of these cases. But there are other cases too including the ones I listed in my first para. Leaving SW's poor use of plurals intact: "The silence of the ruling party and its leaders regarding these nationally important issues gives rise to many unpleasant gossips. Shouldn't the ruling party give efforts to stop such gossips?"

SW represents the thinking that arguing is more important than the argument. This is all pervasive in our political culture at disastrous cost to our country.

SW strings sentences together no better than a kitten playing with a ball of string.

Ezajur Rahman
Kuwait

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, "ezajur" <Ezajur@...> wrote:
>
>
> Dear Robin
>
>
>
> In this context I am neither goose nor gander as I am not blindly for
> AL, BNP or Jamaat.
>
> Don't pick on me man just because it's easier to talk about my
> volume than my points.
>
>
>
> My fetish is to oppose the fetish of not holding one's own party
> accountable – AL or BNP.
>
> I use a language that is clearly understood by those with whom I am
> arguing.
>
>
>
> At least I have the courtesy to explain to others what I believe they
> are blind about.
>
> I thank you for confirming that the salient points of my arguments
> remain consistent.
>
>
>
> We should all speak up. I don't doubt you have a better voice than
> me.
>
> But if you won't speak up then don't expect me to stop, however
> flawed I may be.
>
>
>
> Be careful not to appear to stick up for one side if you want to appear
> neutral.
>
> As far as Bangladesh is concerned I suspect I won't have a pleasant year
> at all.
>
>
>
> Shahnoor's first line includes `…. before anything worth
> opposing happens'.
>
> There's a child dead, hanging on a barbed wire fence on the border.
> A few days ago.
>
>
>
> You can ignore it. You can raise hell about it. You can contextualize
> it. Your choice.
>
> Either way, Shahnoor wouldn't know a good argument if it hit him in
> the face.
>
>
>
> But I'm willing to teach him.
>
>
>
> Ezajur Rahman
>
> Kuwait
>
>
>
>
>
>
> --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Robin Khundkar <rkhundkar@> wrote:
> >
> > Dear Ejaz aka angry young man
> >
> > What is good for the gander is good for the goose. Please note that
> every single post of yours includes a similar but "opposite fetish" . So
> much so one doesnt even have to read it to know the salient points.
> Please do extend the same courtesy to be blind as a bat and deaf as a
> lamp post to others if they choose.
> >
> > Have a pleasant new year.
> >
> > Robin
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > From: ezajur Ezajur@ [Add to Address Book]
> > To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> > Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: 1-yr on ...Position of the Opposition --- only
> the slipping pyjamasare in tatters for having slipped too many times
> > Date: Jan 11, 2011 7:30 AM
> >
> >
> > What garbage is written here by Shahnoor Wahid! So effortlessly lapped
> up gleefully by Farida - even highlighting her favourite phrases! Like
> any partisan creature, she could not pretend intellectual neutrality for
> too long.
> >
> > Shahnoor is as blind as a bat and as blind as the opposition he
> imagines he is mocking.
> >
> > In his entire piece the only facts and figures, the only evidence
> mooted, is the Louisiana Pact!
> >
> > Oh yeah! And the Malaysians made a phone call. Was it to invest in
> Desh? Was it to send back 300,0000 labourers? was it to ensure Deshis
> can't marry Malaysians? Who know! Who cares! 'Some bilateral business
> deals'. Wow! Maybe Rwanda could be interested too! No need to talk about
> it in detail when he's given so much detail about the freaking Lousiana
> Pact!
> >
> > He thinks we are going to become a leader of South Asia! Even though
> we have yet to show in decades that we can stand up to anyone with even
> words.
> >
> > He thinks we can't be intimidated! Even though India shoots one Deshi
> every 4 days without a whisper from Dhaka.
> >
> > He thinks we're beating India in some sectors! Even though we are
> simply a captive market for India.
> >
> > Hey Shahnoor! Stop looking at stupid Khaleda 24/7 and look at your
> party once in a whlile.
> >
> > Nonsense.
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, "Emanur Rahman" emanur@ wrote:
> > >
> > > Its amazing how ridiculous and deluded the supporters of the
> political status quo are. They don't realise that every word they write
> and utter in criticism at their opponents is equally applicable to their
> own!
> > >
> > > What's the difference between BAL and BNP? Nothing. Both are two
> evils that have killed millions of people since day one of independence
> through corruption, incompetence and petty rivalry.
> > >
> > > The stench of hypocrisy is palpable.
> > >
> > > Short changed as usual are the nation. Nothing causes me to wretch
> as violently as when I hear BAL and BNP spineless sycophants talking
> about the people!
> > >
> > > Oops....I feel something coming up....
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Emanur Rahman | m. +447734567561 | e. emanur@
> > >
> > > -----Original Message-----
> > > From: Farida Majid farida_majid@ > Sender: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> > > Date: Wed, 5 Jan 2011 16:16:46
> > > Reply-To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> > > Subject: [ALOCHONA] 1-yr on ...Position of the Opposition --- only
> the slipping pyjamas
> > > are in tatters for having slipped too many times
> > >
> > >
> > > [Highlights by me. -- Farida Majid]
> > >
> > >
> > > Tuesday, January 26, 2010
> > >
> > > Position of the opposition
> > >
> > > Shahnoor Wahid
> > >
> > > WHEN the opposition takes a position before anything worth opposing
> happens, what happens to the position of the opposition? The answer to
> the riddle is it becomes a case of severe obsessive-compulsive disorder.
> The opposition becomes obsessed with a thought that has no connection
> with reality. And it starts to do things compulsively no matter how much
> damage it might cause to its mental health.
> > >
> > > Like one possessed, opposition stalwarts would continue to babble
> and berate; r! ant and rave, about something that has only happened in
> their foggy im agination. You tell them in all earnestness about the
> state of their mental health but nothing would make them see reason.
> They would not come out of it. The situation would soon begin to go out
> of their hand.
> > >
> > > One fine morning they would put on their best suits and saris, and
> pajamas that would not slip off, and invite the press to make a great
> show of politicking. They would make painful efforts so that their
> "concern" for the future of the country would show on their wrinkled
> foreheads. In a masochistic manifestation, they would accuse the
> government of selling the country off to India through secret deals. In
> a schizophrenic stupor, they would keep saying the same thing, over and
> over again, never waiting to know whether people believed in what they
> said or not.
> > >
> > > At night, in neurotic nightmares, they would see wild Indian mares
> chasing them down the slopes of mountains, thus causing them to wake up
> sweating and swearing. What a predicam! ent the prime minister has
> gotten them into! She should have been aware of the mental state of the
> members of the opposition and acted accordingly. She should have stuck
> to the traditional foreign policy with India that has been pursued by
> their predecessors since 1947.
> > >
> > > This phobia of selling the entire country, lock, stock and barrel to
> India reminds us of the actual purchase by the United States of America
> of a big landmass, which is known as Louisiana Purchase. Documents say:
> "The Louisiana Purchase (French: Vente de la Louisiane "Sale of
> Louisiana") was the acquisition by the United States of America of
> 828,800 square miles (2,147,000 km2) of the French territory Louisiana
> in 1803. The U.S. paid 60 million francs ($11,250,000) plus cancellation
> of debts worth 18 million francs ($3,750,000), a total cost of 15
> million dollars for the Louisiana territory.
> > >
> > > "The Louisiana Purchase encompassed all or part of 14 current U.S.
> states and two ! Canadian provinces. The land purchased contained all of
> present-day Ar kansas, Missouri, Iowa, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska, parts
> of Minnesota that were west of the Mississippi River, most of North
> Dakota, nearly all of South Dakota, northeastern New Mexico, the
> portions of Montana, Wyoming, and Colorado east of the Continental
> Divide, and Louisiana west of the Mississippi River, including the city
> of New Orleans. (The Oklahoma Panhandle, and southwestern portions of
> Kansas and Louisiana were still claimed by Spain at the time of the
> Purchase.) In addition, the Purchase contained small portions of land
> that would eventually become part of the Canadian provinces of Alberta
> and Saskatchewan. The purchase, which doubled the size of the United
> States, comprises around 23% of current U.S. territory. The population
> was estimated to be 97,000 as of the 1810 census." (Source:
> > > Internet)
> > >
> > > In the press conference the opposition leaders went on to a frenzied
> finality detailing how the government succumbed to the demands of India,
> w! ent down on its knees and handed over everything on a silver platter
> and came back empty handed. What an insidious inference! What a
> simpletonic surmise! They made every effort to make the media buy their
> words. Their career depended on that.
> > >
> > > Did the media buy that stuff? Did the nation believe what they said?
> A handful of newspapers and electronic channels loyal to them printed
> articles and organised some talk shows to peddle the stuff further among
> the masses. They could not find many buyers. It has come as a rude
> awakening to them that even the man on the street has the wisdom to say,
> "Let's wait and see".
> > >
> > > It became conspicuous from day one that the opposition would say
> exactly what they did about the treaties and MoUs signed in India after
> the return of the prime minister. They had their draft ready but they
> hadn't done their homework well. The handful of "wise" brains cooked
> something in a hurry and the leaders served them before the! crowd. It
> was bland and tasteless. End of the day it did not ensure a higher berth
> for the opposition in the esteem of the people.
> > >
> > > The India-Bangladesh agreements on some of the vital issues are need
> of the time and these would be materialised on the basis of mutual
> respect and not intimidation. As a fast developing nation we shall have
> to move ahead to become a leader and not a follower in South-Asia. We
> are ahead in many sectors, even compared with the corresponding sectors
> in India, so now is the time to take the quantum leap...no more
> crawling. Recently Malaysia has shown interest to strike some bilateral
> business deals with Bangladesh. Now, should we suspect the motive behind
> such interest?
> > >
> > > We would like to see the opposition organise similar press
> conferences to demand punishment of the murderers of ASM Kibria; real
> culprits of grenade attack on Awami League rally, Ramna Botomul bombing
> and Udichi bombing; demand arrest of all militants; demand trial and
> punishment of the War Criminals and killers of ! Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
> and four national leaders in Dhaka Central Jail. The silence of the
> opposition and its leaders regarding these nationally important issues
> gives rise to many unpleasant gossips. Shouldn't the opposition give
> efforts to stop such gossips?
> > >
> >
>


------------------------------------

[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.comYahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
alochona-digest@yahoogroups.com
alochona-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
alochona-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/