Nagaland: The Beginning of Insurgency
by Brig (Dr) SP Sinha
The origin of the word 'Naga' is shrouded in mystery. It is however clear that the appellation "Nagas" was quite foreign to Nagas themselves. It is only after the advent of the British that the word 'Naga' began to be widely used for tribes inhabiting the Naga Hills. Before that the inhabitants of these hills knew themselves by their tribe names. "To most Assamese and people in east India, it meant naked hill people, who were head hunters"1.
It is not intended here to go into anthropological or racial origins of the Naga tribes, but briefly, they belong to Indo-Mongoloid family and migrated from west and north to their present habitat over a period of time from different directions. They do not have a common language or dialect; each tribe has its own dialect or dialects, which are unintelligible to other tribes. For the purpose of this study the term Naga includes the various tribes who have spread across the present states of Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and some parts of Assam, as also across the border in parts of Myanmar.
They do not have a common language or dialect; each tribe has its own dialect or dialects, which are unintelligible to other tribes.
The chronicles of Ahom Kings, Buranjis, throw some light on Naga relations with Ahoms. The first contact of the Nagas with them took place during the time of Sukapha, the founder of the Ahom kingdom in about 1228 AD. As the Ahom kingdom expanded, there were frequent clashes between the Ahoms and the Nagas, but on the whole the Ahoms kept the bordering tribes under control and extracted tributes from them. In return, the Nagas were granted revenue free lands and fishing waters on the understanding that they would desist from making any predatory raids into plains.
The Ahoms never tried to conquer the Nagas and amalgamate them in their kingdom but left them to live the way they liked. The Nagas lived in comparative isolation during the 600 years rule of Ahoms over Assam. It was only after the conquest of Assam by the British in 1826 that they came in contact with the British. The first contact was established during Anglo-Burmese war when Capt Neurf Ville crossed the Patkai Hills to free 6,000 Naga slaves from Singhpos.
...some for independence for the Nagas, but there was no overwhelming demand or unanimity for immediate separation from India.
In 1832, Capts Jenkins and Pemberton led an expedition of 700 Manipuri troops and 800 coolies across the Naga Hills and occupied Papoolongmai in the face of fierce resistance by the Angami Nagas. Nearly a decade later in 1841, Lt Briggs in conjunction with Capt Gordon led another expedition into Angami area, which resulted in demarcation of the boundary between Manipur and Naga Hills and payment of yearly tribute by the Angamis to the British. These engagements were mainly to protect the tea gardens of Assam from raids by Angamis. The contacts with the Nagas grew as the British opened up communications between Assam and Manipur through the Naga Hills. But the agreements between the British and the Nagas proved to be temporary, as no sooner the troops had left the hills, the Nagas began their marauding raids into the plains.
Between 1849 and 1850 as many as ten expeditions were sent under Lt Vincent. In the tenth expedition the British captured a strong Naga fort at Khonoma and fought a bloody battle against the tribes of Kekrema, but the British troops were withdrawn in 1851.2 This was in pursuance of the new policy of Lord Dalhousie under which it was decided to abstain from any type of intervention in the affairs of the Nagas. In his minute of February 20, 1851 Lord Dalhousie recorded: "I dissent entirely from the policy which is recommended of what is called obtaining control, that is to say, of taking possession of these hills and establishing our sovereignty over their savage inhabitants. Our possession could bring no profit to us, and would be as costly to us as it would be unproductive - - - Hereafter, we should confine ourselves to our own ground; protect it as it can and must be protected; not meddle in the feuds or fight of these savages; encourage trade with them as long as they are peaceful towards us and rigidly exclude them for all communication either to sell what they have got, or buy what they want if they should become so turbulent or troublesome."3
The idea of complete independence had not yet crystallised.
The policy of non-interference lasted for the next 15 years, which emboldened the Nagas and they made twenty-two raids in the Assam Valley in 1851 alone. The situation became so hopeless that in 1862 the Commissioner of Assam in a report to the Lt Governor wrote: "the non-interference policy is excellent in theory, but the government will probably be inclined to think that it must be abandoned."4 The British at the instance of Cecil Beadon, Lt Governor of Bengal, adopted a policy of slow but positive control over Naga territory. In keeping with this policy, Lt Gregory established his headquarters at Samaguting in 1866 and by 1877 the British had decided on a forward policy and consequently two posts, one at Kohima and the other at Wokha, were established in 1878 to check Angami raids on Nowgong and to dominate Lotha country east of Dikhu. The Naga Hill district was formed in 1881 mainly with Angami and Lotha areas.
Beyond the administered area, the British created a zone of political control. The Ao area of Mokokchung was brought under the British administration in 1890. The expansion of administered hill district continued eastward on one pretext or the other. In 1907 AW Davis, Deputy Commissioner of Nagaland observed: "we shall have no real peace until we have absorbed the whole of hill area between this and Chindwin. This can be done gradually and economically. As it is, the huge area of uncontrolled hill country between Assam and Burma is an anomaly." The views of local officers were echoed by Sir Archdale Earl, the Chief Commissioner, who said in 1914 that the process of expansion would have to be continued, "until the whole of the country between Assam and Burma had been taken over."5 The expansion of administered hill district continued till 1927 when the Melomi (Meluri) and Primi (Akhegwo) were included in the Naga Hill district in 1922.6
The Formation of Naga Club
The first stirrings of Naga identity and politics started with the formation of Naga Club in 1918. The members of this club were mainly government servants and many Nagas who had returned from France after the World War I. When the Statutory Commission, headed by Sir John Simon, visited Kohima on January 10, 1929, representatives of the Naga Club submitted a memorandum to the commission demanding that Nagas be excluded from the scope of proposed constitutional reform and kept under direct administration of the British. They told the commission: "you are the only people who have conquered us and when you go, we should be as we were." However, in the report of the Simon Commission, the representation made by the Nagas was ignored and thus the Government of India Act 1935 came into effect from May 1, 1937, making Naga Hills Backward Tract of 1919 as Excluded Area under Assam but directly under the administration of the Governor.
When it became clear that India would soon become a free country, the leadership of Nagas was in the hands of moderate leaders...
The Japanese invasion of Burma during the World War II and the battles fought by the British in the hills around Kohima had brought the Nagas in contact with the outside world. Their leaders were exposed to the prevailing sentiments against British and European colonialism in Asia. But there was considerable uncertainty amongst the Naga leaders in deciding their political future. When it became clear that India would soon become a free country, the leadership of Nagas was in the hands of moderate leaders like Alibaimti and T. Sakhrie. Although there were different shades of opinion, some for independence for the Nagas, but there was no overwhelming demand or unanimity for immediate separation from India.
The Formation of Naga National Council
After the war, Sir Charles Pawsey, the District Commissioner, established an organisation called Naga Hills District Tribal Council with the main objective of bringing together all Naga tribes on one platform, to help in repairing the damages caused by the war. The council was converted into a political organisation at its Wokha Conference in February 1946, and was named NNC with T Alibaimti as its President and T Sakhrie as the General Secretary. In its early years it was the only organised political formation, which subsequently became the political wing of the underground federal government.
The idea of complete independence had not yet crystallised. Sakhrie declared in Kohima in December 1946: "The NNC stands for the unification of all the Naga tribes and their freedom. Our country is connected with India, connected in many ways. We should continue that connection. I do not mind whether future India be a Congress Government or a League Government.
But as a distinct community, as I stated before, we must also develop according to our own genius and taste. We will enjoy home-rule in our country, but on broader issues be connected with India."7 T Alibaimti, the president of NNC, expressed similar sentiments in a public meeting at Kohima thus: "You are looking beyond the ocean for help. Cutting it short, I declare to you that Great Britain will never endanger her foreign policy for the sake of you. Lastly, never forget that you have been excluded for enough time, excluded from every angle of life, who is responsible for it? I have but one word to say, our country is connected with India in many ways. We should continue that connection."8
As Independence came closer, NNC sent a political memorandum to Lord Mountbatten in February 1947, suggesting that India might act as guardian power for a period of ten years after which Naga people would be free to determine their political future. The NNC took the same position before the advisory committee for Assam headed by Gopinath Bordoloi.
To break the impasse, discussions were held between Akbar Hydari, Governor of Assam, and Naga leaders at Kohima from 27 to 29 May 1947, which led to the Nine-Point Agreement, popularly known as Akbar Hydari Agreement. The preamble of the agreement recognised "the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely expressed wishes," but Clause 9 of the agreement which read as follows, created controversy over its interpretation:
Clause 9
"The Governor of Assam or the Agent of the Government of Indian Union will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure the due observance of this agreement; at the end of the period NNC will be asked whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period, or a new agreement regarding future of the Naga people arrived at."
The preamble of the agreement recognised "the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely expressed wishes...
The NNC claimed that Clause 9 of the agreement gave the Nagas right to complete independence on the expiry of ten-year period, whereas the Government of India interpreted the agreement in the light that Nagas had the freedom only to suggest revision of administrative pattern after ten years, an interpretation, which was unacceptable to the NNC.9
Despite the meeting with Gandhi, the NNC under pressure from Phizo declared Independence on August 14, 1947 and the next day the NNC under the presidentship of Temjenliba unanimously amended Clause 9 to read: -
"The Governor of Assam as the agent of the Government of India will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure the due observance of the Agreement at the end of the period the Nagas will be free to decide their own future."10
...the Nagas would be free to select for themselves the exact administrative set-up within the constitution. They would be free to remain in Assam or join Manipur.
An ultimatum was issued on November 4, 1947 to the effect that unless the Government of India implemented the Akbar Hydari Agreement, as amended by NNC within one month, the Nagas would form their own parallel government.11 The ultimatum was however not carried out in deference to the statements issued by Gandhi. In July 1948, a delegation of Naga moderates met Bordoloi to seek a written assurance for the implementation of Akbar Hydari Agreement, which was given signed by both the Governor and the Chief Minister of Assam."12 This assurance was sought to set at rest the apprehensions of some of the Naga leaders that the provisions of Akbar Hydari Agreement were nullified by the provision in the draft constitution. It was explained to the delegation at length that the draft constitution was in no way inconsistent with the agreement. On the contrary, it prescribed the machinery whereby the agreement might be translated into action. In the light of earlier submissions of the NNC to the Governor of Assam, it was obviously intended that at the end of ten years, the Nagas would be free to select for themselves the exact administrative set-up within the constitution. They would be free to remain in Assam or join Manipur.13 However the last paragraph was interpreted differently by NNC, and became the genesis of all future convulsions.
When Nehru visited Assam in December 1951, a five man delegation led by Phizo met him at Silighat (Tezpur) and presented the result of the plebiscite, Nehru is reported to have replied that in the present context of affairs, both in India and abroad, it is impossible for a moment to consider such an absurd demand for independence.14 The next meeting of Phizo with Nehru at New Delhi on March 1952 turned out to be stormy and quite unpleasant for both.
The Nagas walked out of the meeting organised in their honour when they were prevented from submitting any memorandum demanding self-determination or making an address to that effect.
When Phizo insisted on his demand for independence for Nagas, Nehru was furious and is reported to have replied: "Even if heaven falls and India goes to pieces and blood runs the country, I will not allow the Nagas to be independent."15 The visit of Nehru with U Nu, the Prime Minister of Myanmar, on March 30, 1953 to Kohima was another unhappy episode. The Nagas walked out of the meeting organised in their honour when they were prevented from submitting any memorandum demanding self-determination or making an address to that effect.16
The Beginning of Insurgency
Phizo and his followers were now on a course of confrontation with the government. The Nagas boycotted the first general elections of free India in 1952. Sakhrie opposed Phizo on this headlong confrontation with India as he felt that Nagas were ill prepared for such a clash. Sakhrie was later tortured and murdered. Phizo toured the districts extensively and exhorted the people not to pay taxes to the government, which led to clashes between his followers and the law enforcement agencies. The first violent incident occurred in June 1953 in Tuensang, then part of NEFA.
The violence continued in 1954; the rebels ambushed patrols of Assam Rifles, telephone wires were cut, government buildings were set on fire and people were forced to meet the requirement of food and other expenses of the hostiles. By 1955 violence had escalated to an alarming degree and had spread from Tuensang to the neighbouring areas of Mokokchung. To stem the tide of violence, nine police posts were opened in Tuensang Frontier Area in 1953. Simultaneously the Assam Rifles began operations in Tuensang from where they spread to Mokokchung area. Both Tuensang and Mokokchung were declared disturbed areas under the newly enacted Assam Maintenance of Public Order (Autonomous District) Act-1953 and the Assam Disturbed Areas Act-1955.
The Army is Called Out
NNC formally declared the formation of Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) in March 1956, and hoisted its flag at Phenshinyu, some 40 km from Kohima, in the Rengma area. A parliament (Ho Ho) of one hundred members (Tatars) and a president (Kedaghe) with 15 ministers (Kilnosers), governors, magistrates and many other officials with the trappings of a full-fledged government was announced. The Naga Home Guards, which was by now 3,000 strong and armed with weapons left behind by Allies and the Japanese after the end of fighting in World War II, constituted the army of the underground.17 The Government of India intervened by sending troops of its regular army to quell the rebellion. Maj Gen RK Kochar was appointed the General Officer Commanding Naga Hills and Tuensang in April 1956.
The ambush party had consisted of two to three hundred Nagas. The assembly and concealment of such a large body of hostiles demonstrated the skill of Nagas in guerrilla warfare.
The Army began its operations in September 1956 and by the year end 619 rifles (including muzzle loaders), eight machine guns, 17 sten guns, and some other arms and ammunition were seized or recovered.18 But the hostiles were by now fairly well organised and had intimate knowledge of terrain and an efficient intelligence network. In a well-planned action the hostiles ambushed a road protection party of one junior commissioned officer and thirty-two other ranks of 9 Punjab on road Khonoma-Jaluke on April 1, 1957 and killed all except one who survived to tell the tale.19 The ambush party had consisted of two to three hundred Nagas. The assembly and concealment of such a large body of hostiles demonstrated the skill of Nagas in guerrilla warfare.
The hostiles attempted seize of Kohima in June 1956 led by Kaito Sema and Tungti Chang.20 The town was attacked from three different directions on June 10, 1956. The rebels cut off telephone lines, electricity, water supply and destroyed few bridges. The army sent reinforcements, which brought the situation under control.
Phizo's Escape to East Pakistan
With the intensification of operations by the army, Phizo thought it prudent to flee Nagaland. He escaped to Dacca, then the capital of East Pakistan, taking the North Cachar route to cross the border on December 6, 1956. He had attempted to sneak into Pakistan earlier in 1952 through Burma but was captured by the Burmese and sent back to India. He was subsequently released on compassionate grounds when his wife met with an accident while travelling in a jeep near Khonoma. Phizo was welcomed with open arms in East Pakistan.
The convention inter-alia asked for the formation of a separate state to be named Nagaland within the Indian Union, which virtually over turned the plebiscite held by the supporters of Phizo
After a prolonged stay of three years in Dacca, he went to London via Zurich on a Peruvian passport with the help of Michael Scott, about whom we will hear more in the narrative. He died in exile in Britain on April 30, 1990.21 His body was brought to India by a chartered flight and then taken to his village Khonoma where he was buried.
Sixteen Point Agreement and Formation of Nagaland
Naga Hills witnessed much violence between 1956-58. There was, however, a silver lining in the dark clouds. Many moderate Nagas who saw the futility of violence joined the Peace Committee, which was formed at the initiative of the government. The first convention of all Naga tribes, called the Naga People's Convention (NPC) was held from 22 to 26 August in Kohima on whose recommendation the Naga Hill District and Tuensang Sub Division of NEFA were amalgamated to form Naga Hill-Tuensang Area (NHTA) on December 1, 1957.
This new unit was administered by the President with the Governor of Assam as his agent and through the Ministry of External Affairs. In order to create a proper atmosphere for the new administration to function, an amnesty was declared and in the hope that hostiles would respond, further grouping of villages was stopped and it was made known that degrouping of villages would take place as and when situation improved. On their part the delegates gave up the demand for independence.
The second convention of NPC was held in May 1958 at Ugma where a liaison committee to contact underground leaders was formed. The historic third convention was held in October 1959 at Mokokchung and was attended by 3,000 delegates drawn from all Naga tribes. The convention inter-alia asked for the formation of a separate state to be named Nagaland within the Indian Union, which virtually over turned the plebiscite held by the supporters of Phizo in 1951. The church leaders also gave a call for peace. A delegation met Nehru in July 1960 with the proposal, which was accepted and came to be called the Sixteen Point Agreement.
President Dr Radhakrishnan inaugurated the new State of Nagaland on December 1, 1960 on the basis of the above agreement, which was earlier signed by the Government of India and the Naga delegation. A crowd of 10,000 Nagas had lined up the three-mile route from the high school helipad to Raj Bhawan in Kohima to welcome the President; an expression of peoples enthusiasm on the creation of the new State of Nagaland.
Overground Politics
The Governor, Gen Srinagesh, swore in an Interim Executive Council headed by Shilu Ao on March 16, 1961. After the transitional period of three years elections to the new state assembly were held from 8 to 18 January 1964 in the Naga Hills except Tuensang. Two political parties, the Nagaland Nationalist Party and the Democratic Party participated in the elections. The former won 34 seats and the latter 12. Despite threats from the underground, to boycott the election, 74 per cent voters cast their votes.22
A new state government was formed under the leadership of Shilu Ao, who became the first Chief Minister of Nagaland. The successful election was a resounding expression of people's mandate for peace. Unfortunately the hostiles saw this as a slap on their face and expressed their frustration by stepping up violent activities.
Peace Mission and Cessation of Hostilities
The formation of a democratically elected government had raised the hopes of Nagas for peace. With the initiative of church leaders a Peace Mission consisting of Shri Jaiprakash Narayan, Bimla Prasad Chaliha, Shri Shankar Rao Deo23 and Rev Michael Scott was formed, which succeeded in bringing about a cease-fire with effect from September 6, 1964, applicable not only in Nagaland but also in the three sub divisions of Manipur, namely, Ukhrul, Mao, and Tamenglong. It was initially effective for a period of one month but later extended several times to enable the peace talks to continue.24
The formation of a democratically elected government had raised the hopes of Nagas for peace.
There were eight round of talks after the cessation of hostilities between the so-called Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) and the Indian delegation. The Indian delegation consisted of YD Gundevia, secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, Silu Ao, Chief Minister Nagaland, NC Santok, Deputy Secretary MEA and UN Sharma, Chief Secretary to the Government of Nagaland. The underground delegation was led by Zashie Hurie and included Issac Swu, the underground foreign secretary and Thinusillie, the self-styled Chief of the Underground Army. This was the first serious attempt to negotiate peace, which was held first at Chedema from September 1964 to January 1965 and then at Khensa from February to May 1965.
As the talks progressed, it became clear to Gundevia that the so-called FGN delegation had no authority to negotiate the essentials of the settlement. The Naga delegation was obsessed with protocol and was caught up in projecting the trappings and symbolism of being the representative of a make-believe sovereign state. There was also wide intellectual gap between the two sides.25 The underground delegation had lived in the jungles for a decade and had lost touch with the political forces, which had been set in motion by the creation of Nagaland as a separate state. The talks were a disaster except that the cease-fire continued to hold, which meant there were no clashes.
The Naga delegation was obsessed with protocol and was caught up in projecting the trappings and symbolism of being the representative of a make-believe sovereign state.
The Peace Mission made one last attempt to break the impasse by proposing that FGN could "of their own volition decide to participate in the Union of India and mutually settle the terms and conditions for that purpose. On its part the Government of India could consider to what extent the political structure between the governments of India and Nagaland should be adapted to meet their (Nagas) demand." The Peace Mission made a prophetic observation that the "approach herein suggested is not only the fairest but also the only practical one in the given circumstances."26 The Indian delegation welcomed the proposal but the underground scuttled it by submitting that the proposal had to be determined by a referendum.
In clear breach of the cease-fire agreement, the underground continued to coerce villages to pay taxes and forcibly recruit cadres and send them for training and procurement of arms to East Pakistan. When this was pointed out to them, they took the plea that the agreement did not prohibit movement of their cadres outside Nagaland and that the agreement prohibited smuggling of arms into Nagaland during the truce but did not prohibit receiving arms from a friendly country. As no arms had been smuggled into Nagaland, and were kept in sanctuaries in Myanmar territory, no violation had technically taken place.27 It is a good example of how the underground has consistently twisted facts to support its line of argument.
Role of Michael Scott
Michael Scott had served in India as domestic chaplain to the Bishop of Bombay between 1935-37, and chaplain of St Bishop Cathedral in Calcutta between 1937-39. The man was a veritable champion of underdogs. In 1960, he had helped Phizo to travel from Zurich to London on an irregular passport and helped him to obtain British citizenship. During the third Baptist Convention at Wokha, in February 1964, he was nominated by the church leaders to be a member of the Peace Mission. He was expected to represent the Naga case impartially. But all his actions were not only partisan but also hostile to the Indian Government.
The splinter group appointed Scato Swu as the Prime Minister, who had earlier resigned as the president of the FGN, and favoured peaceful solution of the Naga problem, continuance of the cease-fire and talks with the Government of India.
In April 1964, he came to Kohima with BP Chaliha who provided ten white jeeps to facilitate Scott to travel freely and meet Nagas including the underground. When he returned to Delhi from his visit to Kohima, Scott's first act was to circulate a sheaf of papers accusing the Government of India and the Indian troops of foulest atrocities. Indian troops were accused of having butchered 34,000 men, women, and children in the Sema area alone whereas in the 1961 census, the total population of Semas was around 47000. The Indians were accused of the destruction of 79,794 houses. The total population of Nagaland and Tuensang in 1951 was 2,50,000 and it would be reasonable that total houses would be around 50-60,000 @ 5 person per house.28
Scott's conduct at the negotiations, his public statements and the letters he drafted on behalf of the underground, were all unequivocally partisan and subjective. Dr Mankekar, the distinguished journalist, described Scott's conduct "as passionately subjective and packed with defence counsel's cynical tricks addressing a jury – a play upon emotions, suppressio veri, suggestio falsi, manipulation of facts, that straight away disqualified him for the role of a neutral arbitrator, which was bestowed on him by the two parties at the negotiations when he was appointed one of the three members of the Peace Mission."29
Ministerial Talks
When the ongoing talks failed to produce any result, it was submitted by the underground delegation that the talks should now be held at ministerial level. Six round of talks between the underground led by Kughato Sukhai and the Prime Minister, Smt Indira Gandhi, were held in 1966-67, which resulted in a stalemate, as the underground refused to agree to any settlement within the Constitution of India. The underground lost a historic opportunity to find a lasting solution when they refused the offer of a settlement by Mrs Gandhi not within the framework of the constitution but within the framework of the Indian Union meaning thereby that the constitution could be amended to accommodate a settlement.30
The other development was the decision taken sometime in 1966 to send a group of Naga youths to China for training in guerrilla warfare.
As the ministerial talks progressed, Jaiprakash Narayan resigned from the Peace Mission due to intransigence of the underground leaders. Michael Scott was expelled from India as his attitude had become openly partisan and hostile. The Peace Mission, which had come into existence on 5 April, 1964 ceased to exist on May 7, 1966. A six-member Commission was later formed to investigate allegations of cease-fire violations.
Split in the Underground
At this stage two important developments took place that were to profoundly affect the underground struggle for independence. The first was the split in the underground and the second, the decision to seek Chinese help. The failure of peace talks heightened the differences in the approach to peace talks and the strategy to be adopted to find a political solution. While Kughato Sukhai, a Sema and brother of Kaito, was blamed for the failure of peace talks, Kaito was unhappy with the Angami leadership for sidelining him in the underground military hierarchy. Scato Swu resigned as the president of NNC and was replaced by Mhiasiu, who was close to Phizo. Mowu Angami was appointed the chief of the underground army, and Muivah was made the general secretary of the party. Angamis replaced the hegemony of Semas.
...they took the plea that the agreement did not prohibit movement of their cadres outside Nagaland and that the agreement prohibited smuggling of arms into Nagaland during the truce but did not prohibit receiving arms from a friendly country.
For opposing Phizoites, Kaito was brutally murdered in broad daylight in Kohima on August 31, 1968. He was accused of having links with the Indian Army. His followers formed the Revolutionary Government of Nagaland (RGN) on November 1, 1968 with a political wing called Council of Naga People. The RGN was led by Kughato Sukhai and self-styled General Zuehoto. The splinter group appointed Scato Swu as the Prime Minister, who had earlier resigned as the president of the FGN, and favoured peaceful solution of the Naga problem, continuance of the cease-fire and talks with the Government of India. The other development was the decision taken sometime in 1966 to send a group of Naga youths to China for training in guerrilla warfare. There were groups in the underground, which did not favour links with the Chinese. Even the church was not very comfortable with this development.
Capture of Mowu Angami
The first batch of 300 Nagas under Thinsuelie trekked 1000 km to reach Yunan in China in January 1967. The second batch of 500 Nagas was led by Mowu Angami in December 1967. This batch, which was on its way back to Nagaland after training, had no knowledge of the crisis that had overtaken the underground during its absence. The army captured a part of this group numbering 165 under Mowu Angami in March 1969 with their arms and documents, which confirmed their Chinese links. The capture of Mowu's gang is still shrouded in conflicting explanations. The rival group accused Kaito's men of betrayal and helping the army in capturing Mowu and his gang.
The crisis in the underground had repercussions in the overground politics. The Naga National Organisation (NNO) led by Hokishe Sema split over the relationship with the RGN. SC Jamir defected from the NNO and joined the splinter group, which had formed the United Democratic Front (UDF) considered pro underground. There was an attempt on the life of Hokishe Sema on August 8, 1972, when the convoy of vehicles in which he and his family were travelling was ambushed on Dimapur-Kohima road. Fortunately, Hokishe and his family survived, but the driver and two bodyguards were killed and Hokishe's daughter was injured. The Government of India banned NNC and FGN and lifted the cease-fire on September 1, 1972. The RGN was dissolved on August 16, 1973 and 335 armed cadres of this group were absorbed into newly raised 111 and 112 Battalion of Border Security Force (BSF). Zuehoto became a battalion commander and Scato Swu later became a Member of Parliament.31
The Shillong Accord
The defeat of Pakistan in the 1971 Indo-Pak war was a grievous blow to Naga insurgency. The insurgents lost their bases in East Pakistan. During the war self-styled General Thinsullie, chief of the underground Naga Army (Phizo Group), and self-styled Brigadier Nidellie were captured by the Indian forces inside Bangladesh. In a major development, a section of Nagas who were supporters of the underground and had formed a political party, the UDF, decided to confront the Government on a political plank.
UDF contested the general elections of 1974 with the promise to bring genuine reconciliation between the underground and the Government of India. The election did not produce a clear majority but UDF formed a government with the help of some independents under a moderate Naga, Vizol.
The government did not last long as there were defections from its ranks. Political instability forced the Governor to impose President's rule.
The pressure on the underground was resumed. There was an attempt to send another gang of hostiles to China led by Issac Swu. The bulk of the gang was prevented from crossing the border into Myanmar and many were either killed or captured. A small number, however, succeeded in escaping the security dragnet.32
The defeat of Pakistan in the 1971 Indo-Pak war was a grievous blow to Naga insurgency. The insurgents lost their bases in East Pakistan.
The imposition of internal emergency by Smt Indira Gandhi in 1975 gave a free hand to the security forces to flush out the insurgents from their jungle hideouts. Between April and August 1975, a spate of surrenders took place. A total of 1,214 surrendered.33 The church leaders again took initiative to broker peace. A liaison committee, under Rev Longri Ao with Dr Aram among others, was formed to facilitate talks with the underground.
The liaison committee held talks with Biesto Medom, Keviyalle (Phizo's brother), Ramyo and M Asa of the underground. When it became clear to the Governor, Shri LP Singh, that the agreement had a fair chance of success, he met the committee at Shillong. The Governor was assured that the underground on their own volition accepted without condition the Constitution of India and promised to deposit their arms at an appointed place. The agreement, which came to be called the Shillong Accord, was finally signed on November 11, 1975.34
Formation of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN)
When the Shillong Accord was being negotiated, Isak Swu and Muivah with a group of 150 hardcore rebels were on their way back from China. It may be recalled that a group had managed to exfiltrate and reach the Chinese territory towards the end of 1974. This group had begun to return in small batches. When Muivah and Isak Swu were informed about the developments, they rejected the Accord and termed it as betrayal by the NNC and swore to fight on.
The situation has turned worse by trafficking in drugs and gunrunning. Insurgency provides an ideal cover for such operations.
Chinese hand was discerned in the rejection of the Accord, as it was in their interest.35 This group did not physically enter Nagaland but established itself in Myanmar's territory, where they had the support of Chin Nagas. They set up a camp on a mountain top, identified as Sapha camp. Soon cracks developed in the group. Isak and Muivah made derogatory remarks against Phizo and the policy adopted by the NNC.
The UDF government of Nagaland had established a camp at a place called Pangshe on the Indian side of the border to negotiate with Isak-Muivah group but no progress was made till September 1979. As an interim measure, the dissident group had set up a military council. In March 1979, Isac-Muivah group called a National Assembly, which elected Khaplang, a Hemi Naga from Myanmar, as the Federal President. Isak and Muivah were able to convince Khaplang to break with the NNC. On February 2, 1980, the trio announced the formation of the NSCN, replacing the FGN36.
Over the years it has extended its influence to the Naga inhabited areas of Assam, and some parts of Meghalaya and Arunachal and has become the mainspring of insurgencies in the North-east.
The period leading up to the formation of NSCN was bloody. Those who had lived and fought together were engaged in killing each other, all in the name of ideology and the future of Nagaland. 20 top underground cadres lost their lives at the hands of their erstwhile colleagues. It was one of the darkest periods in Naga's struggle for self-determination.
The NSCN Manifesto
The manifesto of NSCN included the following: -
Unquestionable sovereignty over every inch of Nagaland.
Dictatorship of the people through NSCN.
Socialist government to ensure fair equality to all the people.
Nagaland for Christ.
No illusion of saving Nagaland by peaceful means.
Self-reliance.
Split in the NSCN
Sometime in 1985, feelers were sent through Rev Longri Ao for talks with the NSCN without pre-conditions. The Government of India agreed to hold talks but reportedly backed out. The government once again proposed talks but within the framework of the Indian constitution. The offer was rejected. Soon differences arose over the response to the Indian Government's persistent proposal to start dialogue. Rumours were spread that Isak and Muivah have sold out and planned to oust Khaplang.37
An effort was made to patch up the differences but in a pre-emptive strike, Khaplang aided by Myanmar's troops attacked Muivah group on April 30, 1988. 140 men of Muivah group were killed while 230 others including women and children escaped and fled to the jungles pursued by Myanmar's troops. Many died but a handful under Muivah joined up with Isak and trekked to Konyak area. The NSCN formally split into two factions; the Konyak Nagas under Khaplang and Khole Konyak formed NSCN (K) and the Thangkhul Nagas under Isak and Muivah formed NSCN (IM).
NSCN considers collection of taxes as legitimate on the plea that it is the Government, a formulation that no government can accept.
The split has led to bloody feuds between the two groups. The NSCN (IM) has made a strong comeback since the split in 1988. Over the years it has extended its influence to the Naga inhabited areas of Assam, and some parts of Meghalaya and Arunachal and has become the mainspring of insurgencies in the North-east. The NSCN (IM) has established a government-in-exile called the Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland; the name Nagaland has been replaced by Nagalim to include the areas claimed in Greater Nagaland.
The NSCN (K) areas of influence are in parts of Mokokchung district and Tuensang. It also has a government-in-exile and its headquarters is located in Myanmar. There are frequent raids and killings by both sides to extend their areas of influence. Elimination of rivals and betrayals has marked the course of events since the split.
Admission to the UNPO
The cause of NSCN (IM) received a boost after it was admitted to the UNPO, which is a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) based in Hague and has nothing to do with the United Nations Organisation. Muivah has been attending the meetings of UNPO. He had also attended a UN Human Rights Committee session in Geneva in 1993 under a pseudonym. NSCN (IM) admission to UNPO has enabled it to open offices in a number of countries in South East Asia, Europe and North America.38
Drift in Naga Movement
Naga underground are now divided into three main groups: NSCN (IM), NSCN (K) and NNC. NNC still survives in Angami area but has split into two factions; NNC (A) under Phizo's daughter Adino and NNC (K) under Khadao Yanthan. Muivah group enjoys influence among Thangkhuls, Semas and Phoms in Zunheboto, Wokha, Ukhrul, Dimapur and Kohima, whereas Khaplang group among Konyaks and Aos in Tuensang, Mokokchung and Mon. In Angami and Chakesang areas the legacy of Phizo still lingers.
NSCN's contention is that carrying of arms is permitted, except inside the prescribed areas. This interpretation is obviously illogical. No movement of arms was permitted outside the prescribed area.
The character of Naga insurgency has undergone sea change over the years. What was predominantly a rural guerrilla movement is now mainly confined to towns and urban centres like Dimapur, Kohima and Mokokchung. The commitment to the cause, which illuminated the movement in the fifties and sixties, is now absent. Today, militancy is a way to make easy money. Extortion, kidnapping and killings of innocent civilians have replaced the guerrilla warfare. A nexus of corrupt officials, ministers and contractors siphon off funds for development. They in turn finance militants belonging to different factions. It is a vicious circle.
The situation has turned worse by trafficking in drugs and gunrunning. Insurgency provides an ideal cover for such operations. Baptist Pastor Rev Nu laments "there is not a single MLA in 60 member assembly without links with Muivah or Khaplang faction."
A Fresh Peace Initiative
People of Nagaland are disillusioned and are fed up with violence and bloodshed. Fifty years of strife has taken its toll. It is this realisation that, perhaps, prompted NSCN (IM) to agree to a cease-fire and political negotiation with the Union Government. Talks began in February 1997 followed by a cease-fire agreement, which was first signed on August 1, 1997 and has been in force since then. Several rounds of talks have taken place, first with Swaraj Kaushal as the official interlocutor and subsequently with K Padmanabhaiah.
The Naga delegation had laid down three conditions before talks could start: firstly, it shall be without any pre-condition; secondly, the talks shall be at the highest level; and thirdly, the venue shall be outside India. Three rounds of talks have taken place outside India since 1997. A cease-fire-monitoring cell was established at Dimapur, which had representatives of the centre, the security forces and the NSCN (IM). Despite differences in the interpretation of the provisions of the agreement, the cease-fire has held on. Some major differences are listed below:-39
NSCN contends that the use of force was unauthorised only against the security forces, while the army's contention is that it includes everyone including civilians.
NSCN's contention is that carrying of arms is permitted, except inside the prescribed areas. This interpretation is obviously illogical. No movement of arms was permitted outside the prescribed area.
NSCN considers collection of taxes as legitimate on the plea that it is the Government, a formulation that no government can accept.
Indian laws are not applicable to the underground, which obviously cannot be accepted by the Government.
According to Lt Gen Narahari40, who visited Nagaland in 2000, the security forces insisted and enforced, as much as they could, the rule regarding carrying of weapons outside the prescribed area. The villagers whom he met during his visit confirmed that extortion and tax collection by the underground was going on.
During the talks in Amsterdam in July 2002, Isak and Muivah agreed to come to India to hold talks with the Indian leaders. To facilitate their arrival they were promised safe passage and the Government of Nagaland withdrew arrest warrants against them. So far, the talks have made little progress. During the talks held in New Delhi in January 2003, Muivah and Isak Swu made a significant statement and said that insurgency in Nagaland has come to an end and vowed to stop the campaign of guns. (Promise of Peace, Frontline, January 31, 2003) But subsequently, as the talks faltered on the question of Greater Nagaland, Muivah was ambivalent and in the 'Walk the Talk' interview with Shekhar Gupta in June 2005, he was not very sure if the cease-fire would continue to hold. (Indian Express, June 21, 2005)
In April 2000, NSCN (K) announced a formal cease-fire with the Indian Government, which resulted in a meeting between the two sides in September 2001. During the meeting of the Cease-fire Supervisory Board on February 19, 2002, the Khaplang faction agreed to shift its cadres to designated camps.
In May 2001, Myanmar launched a massive combing operation against NSCN (K) on their side of Naga Hills to flush them out. Many were injured in the firing between the two sides in Konyak region along the Indo-Myanmar border.
There is a view in the security forces that the cease-fire has given the insurgents a breather to enlarge their influence in the North-east. Despite the cease-fire both factions of NSCN have been indulging in extortion, levying taxes and killings. It has been reported that Muivah had visited Pakistan in January 2000, raising doubts about his continuing links with the ISI. It has links with almost all militant groups in North-east India. It has links with Hynnilwtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) and A'chik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) of Meghalaya, National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), A'chik Liberation Matgrik Army in the Garo Hills and Hmar People's Convention in Mizoram.
NSCN (IM) made a real breakthrough in extending its area of operation by gaining a foothold in the Imphal Valley. The Meiteis and Nagas have never had very friendly relations. So, when Namoijam Oken Singh left UNLF and formed Kangli Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL), the NSCM (IM) promptly gave support and arms to this group and thus got a foothold in the crucial Imphal Valley. The extended linkages of NSCN (IM) with the insurgent groups in all the states of the North-east are extremely profitable for them. The small splinter groups have no ideology; they are in business of insurgency only for extortion, the major share of the extortion goes in the kitty of NSCN (IM). The organisation is also believed to have contacts with the LTTE of Sri Lanka and People's War Group in Andhra Pradesh. It has established network of contacts for arms procurement in Thailand, Myanmar, Bangladesh and other South East Asian countries.
NSCN (K) faction has an equally wide area of influence and is believed to enjoy the support of the former Chief Minister, SC Jamir. The organisation has been engaged in fratricidal feud with Muivah faction, which considers it as traitor. It has bases in Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan. In May 2001, Myanmar launched a massive combing operation against NSCN (K) on their side of Naga Hills to flush them out. Many were injured in the firing between the two sides in Konyak region along the Indo-Myanmar border.
Demand for Greater Nagaland
The success of the current initiative hinges on the response to Naga's demand for the creation of Greater Nagaland comprising the present Nagaland and Naga inhabited areas of the neighbouring states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal and in Myanmar. Whether the proposed Greater Nagaland will be an independent entity or part of the Indian Union has not been spelt out clearly by the NSCN. The demand has, nonetheless, raised the hackles of Manipuris, who fear that the Centre may agree to carve a Southern Nagaland comprising the Naga inhabited districts of Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong in order to appease the Nagas. Their fear is rooted in the unanimous resolution passed in the Nagaland Assembly in 1994, which favoured the establishment of Greater Nagaland.
Whether the proposed Greater Nagaland will be an independent entity or part of the Indian Union has not been spelt out clearly by the NSCN.
Manipuri suspicion was reinforced when in 2002, the cease-fire with Naga militants was extended without territorial limits; earlier extensions were only within the territorial limits of Nagaland. The announcement was a grievous blunder. It caused widespread resentment and shock amongst Meiteis cutting across all barriers. The anger of the people turned violent and for days Imphal was literally burning, forcing the government to withdraw Manipur from the ambit of cease-fire.
Appraisal
The Nagas remained isolated during 600 years rule of Ahom kings in Assam. The isolation continued even after the British annexation of Assam, which resulted from the Treaty of Yandeboo in 1826. The British devised the policy of 'Excluded Areas' to keep the tribes of the North-east isolated from the plains, primarily to prevent raids in the plantations.
The Nagas were first exposed to the outside world during the World War I when they were recruited in the labour corps for service in France. The World War II and particularly the Battle of Kohima were to have a profound effect on the psyche of Nagas. They were exposed to the war as a frontline state and became aware of the nationalist movements that were sweeping across most of South and South-east Asia.
They were exposed to the war as a frontline state and became aware of the nationalist movements that were sweeping across most of South and South-east Asia.
The spread of Christianity gave the Nagas a sense of identity or "more specifically a sense of separateness" from the plainsmen. This sense of separateness was exploited by Phizo to politicise the Nagas on a separatist platform. Unfortunately, in the early years the church played a role, which willy- nilly encouraged this sense of separateness.
There is a widespread belief among the present day Nagas as also in the minds of many other Indians that there was unanimity amongst Nagas for separation from India at the time of transfer of power and in the years immediately after Independence. This is not borne out by facts. The speech given by T Alibaimti, president of NNC, in a public meeting in Kohima on December 6, 1948, where he exhorted, "I have but one word to say, our country is connected with India in many ways. We should continue that connection," underlines the differing approaches of leaders like Alibaimti and Sakhrie on one side and Phizo and his supporters on the other. Sakhrie was one of the founders of Naga movement and differed with Phizo on use of violence and had warned that Nagas were ill prepared for such a clash. His criticism of Phizo led to his brutal assassination by the followers of Phizo.
Clause 9 of Akbar Hydari Agreement proved one of the most contentious between the two opposing sides. Phizoite Nagas interpreted the clause as their right to declare independence after the expiry of ten years whereas the Government of India held the view that it only meant that Nagas could decide the changes in the administrative arrangement for the Naga Hills. In any case the Government of India held the view that after the adoption of the Constitution the agreement was subsumed in the Sixth Schedule.
When insurgency started in 1956 neither the political leadership nor the army had any experience in fighting insurgency.
Lt Gen Narahari in his book "Security Threats to North-east India" rightly observes that Nagas have psyched themselves that Naga Hills was never part of India. There are several parts of India that never came under one legislative or administrative authority, but they all came under one colonial authority. The Government of India Act of 1935 brought Naga Hills, which was under British rule, into British India and on August 15, 1947, under the Indian Union as successor state. It is worthwhile recalling that the Nagas recognised the overlordship of Ahoms and paid tributes to their kings. Ahoms on their part left the Nagas to live, as they liked, as long as they did not create any trouble for them. There is enough evidence to believe that Manipuris in earlier days penetrated Naga Hills and exacted tributes when they felt strong enough to do so.41
A few comments on Naga insurgency and counter-insurgency are called for. The harsh measures taken by the army in the face of violent guerrilla attacks in the fifties contributed to the sense of separateness even among that section of Nagas, who favoured a peaceful settlement. When insurgency started in 1956 neither the political leadership nor the army had any experience in fighting insurgency. The then Army Chief, Gen KS Thimaya, is reported to have candidly told Nehru that it required political wisdom rather than military muscle to solve the Naga problem.42 It must, however, be said to the credit of Nehru that he had rightly grasped the nature of the problem, but the government failed to evolve a long-term politico-military strategy to deal with the situation. It will serve no purpose to deny that in the initial stages there were widespread violations of Human Rights and acts of vendetta in which innocent lives of civilians were lost and villages burnt. Torture to elicit information was quite common.
Grouping of villages to deny the guerrillas public support was experimented for a while but wisely given up, as it proved counter-productive. However, the brutalities and violations of Human Rights by the underground have not been adequately documented. They have an unflattering record of assassination of dissidents and opponents. Sakhrie was kidnapped, tortured and then killed because he opposed Phizo. His erstwhile comrades physically liquidated Kaito Sema, who was one of the most charismatic underground military leaders, after he broke with Phizo and formed a separate party. He was shot dead in broad daylight in Kohima in August 1968.
The underground opposed to any agreement with the Government of India and assassinated Dr Imkongliba Ao, who was the Chairman of Nagaland Interim Body pending elections to the first Assembly of the newly created State. Some assailants killed Kevichusa, who was the general secretary of NNC, in his house in Dimapur in June 1994. The treatment of captured Assam policemen by the underground was equally deplorable. Armed Nagas attacked the few police posts established by Assam Police, captured the bewildered policemen, stripped them of all clothing and ordered them to march back to the plains in nude. In fact in Satakha, 72 policemen were stripped by the rebels and ordered to start walking to the foothills.43
Armed Nagas attacked the few police posts established by Assam Police, captured the bewildered policemen, stripped them of all clothing and ordered them to march back to the plains in nude.
In the early years of insurgency the guerrillas were galvanised by idealism. There was romance in operating from jungle hideouts. There was a well-defined aim to fight Indian imperialism. The support of Pakistan and China boosted their morale and provided them a platform for anti-India propaganda. The charisma of Phizo kept the insurgency alive.
The Indian Army had no experience of counter-insurgency operations when it was sent to Nagaland but it soon learnt its lessons. It became better organised and developed tactics to keep the guerrillas on the run. It also realised that the insurgent war must be fought on two fronts simultaneously; one military and the other psychological, to win the hearts and minds of people. This realisation brought greater accountability and control over the actions of units in counter-insurgency operations. On the political front the creation of a new State of Nagaland and encouragement to over-ground politics took the wind out of the separatist movement.
The underground Nagas missed a historic opportunity to find a lasting solution to the Naga problem when they refused the offer of a settlement by Smt Indira Gandhi not within the Indian Constitution but within the framework of Indian Union, meaning thereby that the constitution could be amended to accommodate a settlement. The Shillong Accord was another turning point in the chequered history of Nagaland. The opportunity to usher in an era of peace was lost due to the refusal of a section of underground to accept the accord, ostensibly in the name of ideology but in fact due to external influence and personal egos.
The Indian Army had no experience of counter-insurgency operations when it was sent to Nagaland but it soon learnt its lessons.The failure also brought into focus the failure of the negotiators to enter into wider consultations with various factions before finalising the agreement. The split in NSCN complicated the situation further. Internecine war between the two groups has taken many lives. Although the divide may suit the security forces at the tactical level, but the rift makes the search for a lasting peace all the more difficult. The overground politics has also got mired into fractious rivalries. SC Jamir (former Chief Minister of Nagaland) is reported to be siding with Khaplang group whereas Rishang Keishing (former Chief Minister of Manipur) is reported to be supporting NSCN (IM).
Five decades of insurgency has taken its toll on many fronts. The Naga society is today beset with doubts and people are sullen and tired of senseless violence. The centre has pumped in crores of rupees year after year as central assistance. Unfortunately, over the decades a nexus between politicians, bureaucrats and contractors has developed which appropriates the major portion of the funds in the name of development projects.
The insistence of Nagas to incorporate Naga dominated areas of Manipur in Greater Nagaland will prove to be a major hurdle in the final settlement of the Naga problem.
The character of Naga insurgency has changed over the years. No longer the guerrillas contemplate a life in jungle hideouts. The scene of action has shifted to towns. In the early years the emphasis was on mass mobilisation and guerrilla tactics of hit and run. Now the emphasis is on extortion, kidnapping, arm-twisting and blackmail. The community is held to ransom by fear of militants who are running a parallel government. Every government employee including ministers pay a part of their salary to the underground as tax. So do professionals like doctors, traders and shopowners. For every contract, a commission is paid to one militant group or the other: The exchequer is part financing the insurgency.
Naga-Kuki confrontation has further complicated the problem. The insistence of Nagas to incorporate Naga dominated areas of Manipur in Greater Nagaland will prove to be a major hurdle in the final settlement of the Naga problem. The continuance of cease-fire is, however, a silver lining in an otherwise gloomy scenario. Muivah's acceptance of New Delhi as the venue for further talks and his travel on Indian passport are positive signs and give hope for the future.
Perhaps, the realisation has dawned on him and his other colleagues that the Nagas do not have a strong case for demanding the inclusion of small pockets of Naga enclaves in Assam. His posturing suggests that he is looking for an honourable escape route. Even more propitious is the emergence of powerful non-political organisations like the Naga Hoho that represents 25 Naga tribes, the Naga Student Union and the Naga Mothers' Association. They are exerting great moral force on the polity of Nagaland today.
Notes and References
- Alemchiba, A Brief Historical Account of Nagaland, (Kohima: The Naga Institute of Culture, 1970,) p. 26.
- AM Mackenzie, The North-east Frontier of India, (New Delhi: Mittel Publication, 1979), p. 91.
- A Mackenzie, History of Relation of the Government with the Hill tribes of the NE Frontiers of Bengal, (Calcutta: 1884), p 114. Quoted by Prakash Singh, Nagaland, (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1972), p. 18.
- Ibid., p. 116.
- Ibid., p. 26.
- Ibid.
- Asoso Yonuo, The Rising Nagas, (New Delhi: Vivek Publishing House, 1974), pp. 105, 106.
- L Wati, Facts and Growth of Naga Nationalism, 1993, Published in Mokokchung, p. 18.
- Phanjoubam Tarapot, Insurgency Movement in North-east India, (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House), p. 105 and SK Chaube, Hill Politics in NE India, Reprint (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1999), p 157.
- L Wati, n.8., p. 29.
- Ibid, p. 30.
- Governor of Assam Memo No 88-c/47, Shillong, dated June 22, 1948, addressed to the Deputy Commissioner Naga Hills, Kohima, and signed by Bordoloi, Akbar Hydari and NK Rustomji, advisor to the Governor, reproduced in L Wati, n. 8., pp. 31,32.
- RD Palsokar, Forever in Operations: History of 8 Mountain Division, p. 24.
- Asoso Yonuo, n. 7., p. 203.
- L Wati, n. 8., p. 55.
- Ibid, p. 60.
- RD Palsokar, n., 13., p. 28.
- Ibid, p. 31.
- Ibid, p. 32.
- Tungti Chang had formed the Naga Home Guard and Kaito had formed Naga Safe Guard. The two were later merged to form Naga Home Guard, which later became the underground army. Ao Senba, The Naga Resistence Movement, (New Delhi: Regency Publication, 2001), p. 54.
- A daughter of Phizo married an Indian Army officer and embraced Hinduism and took a Hindu name, Radhika. Phizo's body was brought to New Delhi by British Airways plane on 10 May 1990 and was taken to his village where he was buried. .Kiran Shankar Maitra, The Noxious Web: Insurgency in North-east India, (New Delhi: Kaniska Publishers, 2001), p. 10.
- RD Palsokar, n 17., p. 45.
- Shankar Rao Deo did not take part in the deliberations due to ill health.
- The extension of cease-fire was finally terminated in 1972 after an abortive attempt on the life of the Chief Minister, Hokise Sema.
- YD Gundevia, War and Peace in Nagaland, (Dehradun: Palit and Palit, 1975), pp 129 -133. Chapter vii of the book describes the negotiating stance of the Naga delegation.
- L Wati, n. 8., p. 112.
- YD Gundevia, n. 25., p. 136.
- Ibid, pp. 79-80, Gundevia gives an exhaustive account of Scott's bias against the Government of India.
- DR Mankekar, On Slippery Slope in Nagaland, (Bombay: Manaktala, 1967), pp. 19-29.
- BG Verghese, India's North-east resurgent, (New Delhi: Konark, 1996), p. 92.
- NS Narhari, Security Threats to North-east India, (New Delhi: Manas, 2002), pp 217-18. Narhari is the former General Officer Commanding of Tezpur based 4 Corps and has done extensive research on North-east.
- L Wati, n. 8., pp128-129. Also author's interaction with Brig N Bahri who was the Brigade Major of 56 Mountain Brigade at Mokokchung and played a major role in preventing the rebels to cross the border.
- NS Narhari, n. 31., p. 118.
- The underground leaders signed the Accord as individuals and not as representative of NNC. This was later used by a section of the underground to repudiate the Accord.
- NS Narhari, n. 31., p. 119.
- L Wati, n. 8., p. 164.
- BG Verghese, n. 30., p. 95.
- Ibid., pp. 99-100.
- NS Narhari, n. 31., p. 126.
- Lt Gen Narhari (Retd) toured extensively in the North-east in the year 2000 to collect facts and impressions for his book, which was published in 2002.
- J Johnston, Manipur and Naga Hills, (New Delhi: Gyan Publishers, 2002), pp 41-43. Manipur's influence declined during its period of decadence just before and after the Burmese war of 1819-25. It was re-asserted during the time of Gambhir Singh, who reduced many villages, including Kohima, at which place he stood upon a stone and had his footprints sculpted on it as token of conquest. The Nagas greatly respected this stone and cleaned it from time to time.
- Nirmal Nibedon, North-east India: The Ethnic Explosion, (New Delhi: Lancers, 1981), p. 28.
- Nirmal Nibedon, Night of the Guerrillas, (New Delhi: Lancers, 1978), p. 74. Scato Swu confirmed this incident in an interview with Nirmal Nibedon.
http://www.indiandefencereview.com/IDR-Updates/Nagaland-The-Beginning-of-Insurgency---I.html
__._,_.___
