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Thursday, November 10, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Transit-Corridor and Sovereignty of Bangladesh: How Should We Respond? [1 Attachment]

<*>[Attachment(s) from Isha Khan included below]

Transit-Corridor and Sovereignty of Bangladesh: How Should We Respond?

By Dr. K. M. A. Malik**

Introduction
The recent developments, especially with the unhindered transport of
goods from Kolkata (India) to Tripura (India) via rivers and roads
using Ashugonj port in Bangladesh, and the proposal for using the
Chittagong port for the same purpose have generated extreme
controversies and uncertainties in the already divided internal
politics of Bangladesh. These issues as well as the proposed Asian
Highway routes through Bangladesh are matters of serious concern to
the people of Bangladesh.
The former Prime Minister and present opposition leader Khaleda Zia
expressed her apprehension very recently (27 October) that by
providing transit-corridor to India, the present government is trying
to turn Bangladesh into another "Sikkim". The ruling party as well as
the pro-Indian Lobby in Bangladesh would characterize this allegation
as another baseless "anti-Indian outburst" by Khaleda Zia, but in
reality she has simply given voice to the concerns of majority of the
Bangladeshi citizens.
Since the transit-corridor issues have many-fold implications,
including national interests and sovereign status as a state, it is
imperative to get a clear picture of the issues involved and also how
we can respond to the challenges imposed from outside but with the
connivance and collaborations of a section of the ruling government.
Transshipment, transit and corridor
There are three modes for regional and international movement of goods
– transshipment, transit and corridor. Each form has a different
meaning and significance for the parties involved.
Transshipment
Transshipment is the act of shipping goods to an intermediate
destination and then from there to yet another destination.
Transshipment is normally fully legitimate and widely used for
international trade. However, it can be used illegitimately to
disguise country of origin or intent of the goods to avoid
restrictions and customs duties.
Transit

Transit means the transportation of goods and passengers from one
country over a particular land or water route of another country to a
third country in accordance to specific agreement and regulations. The
host country retains the sovereign control of the route. Movement of
goods from India to Myanmar, for example, over a route in Bangladesh
may be said to enjoy 'transit facilities'.

Corridor
Corridor is usually a narrow strip of land connecting one part of a
country to another part of the same country, e.g. the Siliguri
Corridor (Chicken's Neck) of India. It also means giving one country
full control over a certain part of the territory of another country
for transport of goods and for other purposes.
During the last two years, Bangladesh and India have signed several
agreements on movement of Indian goods using several points and routes
in Bangladesh. While the term 'Transit' has been used in these
agreements, its nature is more in line with 'Corridor' facilities.
Bangladesh has not yet given full control to India, but the latter is
being given unilateral use of the route.

In recent months, while Indian lorries carrying heavy equipment passed
from Ashugonj to Agartala breaking the serial, Bangladeshi trucks
carrying exportable goods from Bangladesh to India's Tripura state
were required to wait. Indian lorries had preference and total freedom
of movement on the Bangladeshi roads. The facilities for transport of
Indian goods from one part of India to its another part (entry and
exit points in the same country) are best described as
'transit-corridor' facilities. The term 'transshipment' used by
certain quarters in this context is inappropriate and misleading.

Why does India want Transit-Corridor through Bangladesh?

There are several reasons for which India has been insisting on
getting transit-corridor facilities through Bangladesh. Some of these
reasons are as follows:


1. Unfettered, cost-effective access to the northeast states.

It is a geographical reality that Bangladesh is 'India locked', being
surrounded on three sides by Indian territories. In the same sense,
the northeast states (Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal
Pradesh, Mizoram and Tripura) of India are 'Bangladesh locked'. The
so-called Chicken's Neck separating Bangladesh and Nepal is the only
narrow strip of land (24 km in width) that connects West Bengal and
mainland India with the northeast states. Transport of goods and
people through the Chicken's Neck is very expensive and time
consuming. This hinders India's access to the resource-rich northeast.
Transit-corridor facilities through Bangladesh would be easier, less
time consuming and also much less expensive (saving about two-thirds
of the present cost of US$ 100 billion per year).

2. Eliminating the insurgency threats in the northeast.

India has been fighting insurgency movements in the north east region
for several decades without any end in sight. The peoples inhabiting
these areas are historically, ethnically, religiously, culturally
different from those inhabiting the mainland India. It is only during
the British rule (in 1860s) that these areas were incorporated into
the 'Indian Empire'. But the peoples of these lands have always
cherished their independence and waged various struggles including
armed struggles to realize their demands. These struggles are
continuing even today. India considers these movements as threat to
its territorial integrity and security, and wants to suppress them at
any cost. Movement of armed personnel and armaments through Bangladesh
would be much easier for India to suppress these insurgency threats.

3. Preparing for any future military confrontation with China in the
Arunachal Pradesh.

India has longstanding territorial disputes with China, in the
northwest and northeast regions of the Himalayan mountain range. In
the northeast, the dispute over in Arunachal Pradesh (which the
Chinese call Zhangnan or South Tibet (83,743 sq km or 32,333 sq miles
in area) is yet to be resolved. Whether the issue would be settled
amicably and peacefully can not be foretold, but India is not taking
any chances. It has been strengthening its military preparedness (both
defensive and offensive) in these regions for many years now,
especially after the disastrous 1962 border war with China. In recent
years India has been allocating huge resources for the modernization
and expansion of its armed forces. In the northeast, plans are being
implemented to expand the existing capabilities by raising an
additional 100,000 forces including two divisions for mountain warfare
and special operations.

4. Easy access to Myanmar resources and market.

Myanmar is located to the east and south east of both Bangladesh and
India. The country is full of natural resources including oil and gas
both on the land and in the sea. It has also tremendous potential for
harnessing hydroelectric power. Because of these resources, and also
for strategic reasons, direct links and access to Myanmar is very
important to both China and India, the two economic and military
giants of Asia. China already has direct land routes to Myanmar, but
India has none at the moment. India wants to offset this disadvantage
by having direct land routes from its northeast to Myanmar, but by
opposing the route via Cox's Bazar and Teknaf of the proposed Asian
Highway.

None of these requirements as well as India's geo-strategic ambitions
in the East can be easily fulfilled without an extensive
transit-corridor system through Bangladesh.
Transit-corridor: India-Bangladesh agreements 2010-11
For the last four decades, India has been trying to get unilateral
transit-corridor facilities through Bangladesh without giving anything
signifycant in return. India's response to Bangladesh needs and
legitimate demands (expected out of any deal between friendly
countries) has always been one of double-talk, deception, excuses and
backtracking. India did not do anything positive to produce an
environment of trust and friendship with Bangladesh. That is why no
government from 1972 to 2006 granted transit-corridor facilities to
India.

The scenario changed in 2007, when the foreign-backed Moeen-Fakhruddin
semi-military government agreed in principle to grant unilateral
transit-corridor facilities to India, but the regime did not have
enough time to sign the necessary agreements and protocols. However,
once the Sheikh Hasina government came to power in 2009, granting
transit-corridor facilities to India became her highest priority of
all national issues (apart from hanging those found guilty of killing
her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman).

For some unexplained reasons, Sheikh Hasina became too willing to give
in to Indian demands especially on the security and transit issues.
High profile visits to Dhaka and New Delhi by government ministers,
officials and policy makers on both sides became too frequent,
accompanied by intense public relations campaign on the necessity and
benefits of allowing transit facilities to India. Those questioning
the deal to be made in secret and in a haste were criticized in
derogatory terms such as 'ignorant'', anti-India, anti-liberation',
etc.

Different agreements and protocols were signed initially during Sheikh
Hasina's visit to Delhi on January 12, 2010, and finally during
Manmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka on September 6, 2011. These were
hailed as historic success by India and die-hard pro-Indian elements
in Bangladesh, but heavily criticised by others for granting
unilateral facilities to India without reciprocal and concrete
returns.

Full details of the Hasina-Singh agreements have not been published.
However, according to various media reports, the main points of the
agreements are as follows:

(1) Bangladesh would allow Indian container cargo by rail, road and
river transport (no restriction on air traffic).
(2) It would provide India access to Ashugonj Port for transport of
heavy machinery (Over-Dimensional Cargo, ODC) for construction of a
power plant in Tripura.
(3) It would allow the use of Chittagong and Mongla seaports by India.
(4) India would allow Bangladesh the use of Tin Bigha Corridor for 24
hours a day for access to the Dahagram and Angarpota enclaves.
(5) Reopen Sabroom-Ramgarh trade point.
(6) Open land route at Demagiri-Thegamukh on Mizoram border.
(7) Start border Haats at the Bangladesh-Meghalaya border.
(8) India would assist Bangladesh in the expansion and modernization
of railways and in river dredging.
(9) Problems of all enclaves and disputed border lands would be solved
by joint surveys.
(10) Both countries would conduct Joint Hydrological Observations for
water sharing treaty of Teesta and other rivers.
(11) A system of joint border management would be put in place for
prevention of cross-border crimes, smuggling of arms and goods, drug-
and human-trafficking and of illegal movement of people.
(12) Bangladesh would provide assistance to the Indian security forces
for suppression of the insurgency movements in the seven sister
states.
(13) Both countries would collaborate for security, stability and
counter-terrorism in the region.
(14) Both countries would collaborate on healthcare, education,
cultural, scientific and other issues
(15) India would allow some Bangladeshi products entry into the Indian
market without any duties and by removing the existing tariff and
non-tariff barriers, to reduce the huge trade gap.

The above points do suggest that the transit-corridor issues are the
main emphasis of the Hasina-Manmohan agreements. And what hurts the
people of Bangladesh more is that in the so-called friendly agreements
there is no mention of some of their most pressing concerns. For
example, there is no mention of indiscriminate border killings by
India's Border Security Force (BSF), India's unilateral construction
of barbed wire fence and security outposts within 150 yards of the
common land border (no-man's land) and the use of Indian soil by some
anti-Bangladesh criminals and terrorist gangs. Further, there is
nothing significant to address the water issues such as India's
controversial Tipaimukhi dam, its unilateral diversion and withdrawal
of waters from international rivers including the Brahmaputra and
Treesta, dysfunctional joint rivers commission, its non-compliance of
the Ganges Water treaty, and the damages done to Bangladesh by the
Farakka barrage (about US$ 140 billion in the last 35 years).
Proposed Transit-Corridor routes.

Although media reports have suggested a possible 15-17
transit-corridor routes for India, we do not yet know exactly how many
land and river routes would be used under the recent (and any future)
agreements and which would be the exact entry and exit points. What is
known, however, is that 2-3 routes would be used for now and other
routes would be opened up gradually.

A map published in the Daily Star on July 25, 2011 shows some of the
possible transit routes. This map indicates very graphically and
clearly that most routes would crisscross Bangladesh from west to the
east and from south to the north. All the east-west, and some of the
south-north, routes are surely for easy transport between two areas of
India. A few south-north routes are proposed to be used by land-locked
Nepal and Bhutan (no objection from any quarters of Bangladesh), but
considering India's hyper-sensitivity about its own security, the
implementation of this part of the transit process may be a very
difficult task.


Map of possible transit routes (Daily Star, July 25, 2011)

The Asian Highway: another transit facility for India.

The proposed ESCAP-led Asian Highway through Bangladesh would also
provide additional transit facilities to India.

The present government has also signed agreement on the proposed Asian
Highway to pass from India to Myanmar and other east Asian countries.
This project when implemented in the present form would also serve
India's transit requirements. The main part of the route (AH1) as
favoured by India enters into Bangladesh at Benapol (from West Bengal)
and via Dhaka exits at Tamabil (Sylhet) to enter into India's
northeast. The other main route (AH2) enters into North Bangladesh at
Banglabandha and also via Dhaka exits at Tamabil into India.

The last BNP government (2001-6) did not sign the Asian Highway
agreement because it catered for only Indian interests and did not
accept Bangladesh's proposal for the main route (AH1) to exit at
Teknaf (southeastern tip of Bangladesh, rather than Tamabil). Many
analysts believe that the country was denied direct road links with
Myanmar and other countries in the East including China, mainly due to
Indian objections. India objected to the Teknaf route probably out of
its fear that with direct highway links with Myanmar, China and other
east Asian countries bypassing India, Bangladesh would have a greater
choice and freedom of action outside what India considers its own
'sphere of influence'. Those familiar with the writings of the Indian
strategic analysts might have noted that some of them are quite
blatant in raising the bogey of Chinese military presence in
Chittagong port areas.

Is Bangladesh prepared for transit-corridor?

The government is committed to giving transit-corridor facilities to
India. But the people are apprehensive because of many reasons.

Bangladesh's road and rail infrastructure is very poor, with
inadequate logistics and manpower at Ashugonj and Akhaura ports. It is
difficult to support the country's own transport needs (about 750
trucks a day). How could it accommodate hundreds of heavy Indian
vehicles (about 1500 lorries and trucks) using the existing rails and
roads? And who will pay for the damages done to the roads and
environment?

A dangerous gaping hole on Ramrail Bridge in Brahmanbaria. Railings of
the bridge are coming apart. This stretch of road is an integral part
of a transit route for India. Infrastructure has not been developed,
but transit is on. Inset, this road at Akhaura is too narrow for large
vehicles.


An Indian trailer finds it difficult to cross the Anderson canal near
Kaotoli in Brahmanbaria, Daily Amardesh, March 29, 2011).

Some Bangladesh officials are so enthusiastic that they are willing to
bear all the infrastructure expenses. For example, according to one
recent report in the Weekly Probe magazine, merely at the possibility
of giving transit to India, the Chittagong Port Authority has already
implemented 18 projects at the cost of Tk. 2,100 crore (The Daily
Star, December 29, 2010). And simply to facilitate the possible
parking of Indian vehicles, a Tk. 150 crore transit yard is being
constructed in Chittagong. Residents of the adjacent densely populated
area are being evicted for the purpose.

Bangladesh is spending its own resources to facilitate transit for
India (Chittagong Port, for example) and providing transit facilities
at Ashugonj even without any infrastructure development. Dr. Debapriya
Bhattachariya, a leading economist of the country, who was in favour
of the transit deal before, said very recently that the current Indian
transit is being subsidized by Bangladeshi taxpayers. In Myanmar,
however, India is making huge investments to develop the road
infrastructure in the hope of winning transit facilities there.

India's US$ 1 billion loan to promote its own interests.

Once 'transit' begins in full swing, there will be urgent need for
regular rail and road renovation which will call for manpower and
investment. Over the past decade, India has kept up the pressure for
transit-corridor but has only recently agreed (August 10, 2010) to
provide about US$ 1 billion loan (on severe conditions) for various
projects. Major share of this loan is marked for infrastructure
development for transport of Indian goods, but Bangladesh has to pay
the loan along with interest.

And while Bangladesh swallowed this loan, the World Bank has cancelled
a loan agreement of US$ 1.75 billion with Bangladesh as the funds
remained unutilized. For long it had been said that India was giving
the US$ 1 billion as 'assistance', but it is known now that the
'assistance' is in fact a loan with a much higher rate of interest
than that charged by the World Bank or other lenders.

China, on the other hand, has made significant investments in the
infrastructure sector of Bangladesh. Despite having no direct
'transit' interests here, China has constructed about seven or eight
large bridges in Bangladesh. India has set no such example.

Security considerations for the transit process.

Security is a vitally important aspect of the process. But nothing is
known about the security set up. Who will provide the security needed
for smooth and safe passage of Indian goods and personnel along the
routes? Who will pay for the personnel, their training and other
logistic costs? Will India send its own security personnel to
accompany the trucks or insist on posting them at different points
along the routes?

In the case of any security lapse/threat (real or imaginary) to the
transit process, would India send its own armed/security forces?

Will Bangladesh have the rights to scrutinize and monitor on regular
basis the nature of the goods being transported? Will it have the
right to open and inspect the containers to check that the goods are
as declared by the Indian authorities prior to entry into Bangladesh?
Would some goods be dumped into Bangladesh market?

Strategic implications

More important, would the containers passing through Bangladesh carry
arms, ammunitions and other war materials for India's ongoing
anti-insurgency campaigns in the north east or for potential
conflicts/wars with China and/or Myanmar or even against Bangladesh at
a future date?

This is a very relevant question to ask since it has great risks for
Bangladesh to get involved in somebody else's conflict/war. Some
members in the current government seem very naively to 'assume' that
India will never wage any war against Bangladesh, but for its own
independent and sovereign existence, Bangladesh must have its own
defence and security strategies independent of the Indian strategy. It
does not mean that Bangladesh adopts a militarily hostile policy
towards India, Myanmar or China, but by ignoring these aspects and
putting the 'security and defence' egg only into Indian basket, the
country would invite potential disasters to itself.

Remember that India is a rising economic and military power and its
expansionist and imperialistic ambitions are no longer secret. It
considers itself as the natural and rightful successor of the British
Empire in Asia. To fulfill its imperial ambitions India must 'control'
the smaller and less powerful neighbours such as Bangladesh, Nepal,
Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Pakistan first before it can dominate countries
like Myanmar and Afghanistan. A sovereign and successful Bangladesh
with an independent foreign policy and a credible defence system
stands in the way of India's economic and strategic domination of the
resource rich north eastern and eastern land masses as well as having
total control in the Bay of Bengal regions.

Gains for Bangladesh – a great deception

Indian policy makers and their blind supporters in Bangladesh have
been saying for more than a decade that by granting transit facilities
to India, Bangladesh would make huge "economic gains". It was
frequently said that Bangladesh would earn many billions of dollars
through transit. This view was also advanced by some international
organizations like the World Bank. The latest situation, however, does
suggest that the talks of 'billions of dollars' and 'Bangladesh
turning into a Singapore' were nothing more than a pro-Indian
propaganda to mobilize public opinion for the transit-corridor deal.
There is nothing significant and concrete to show as gains from the
transit deal. The departing Indian High Commissioner in Dhaka, Rajit
Mitter, has said that Bangladesh would gain by having the hiring
charges for river vessels and trucks used for the transport. He
perhaps forgot to tell that Bangladesh would also get some money by
selling 'tea and cigarettes' to the Indian truck drivers!

Dubious role of the Bangladesh Government

We can not blame the Indian side for wanting everything 'free' from
Bangladesh. It is very natural that they would look after their own
interests and try to get maximum benefits from other countries
including Bangladesh. Sweet talks, vague promises, deception, bribery,
blackmail, etc., are not unacceptable tools in international
diplomacy.

The tragedy is: the Dhaka authorities have given in too easily to the
Indian demands in the vague hope of some hypothetical gains for the
country. They do not seem to have the necessary will, commitment and
competence to stand solid for Bangladesh interests. They are too eager
and enthusiastic to comply with the Indian demands expecting that
India would somehow respond positively to Bangladesh's needs and
reciprocate in kind.

In dealing with India, especially in the transit-corridor issue, the
role of the Bangladesh government has been very dubious and mysterious
from the beginning. Sheikh Hasina has spoken very little on the issue
but two of her senior advisers Moshiur Rahman and Gauhar Rizvi have
argued in favour of the deal in a way that is clearly against the
interests of Bangladesh.

For example, Dr. Moshiur Rahman said, 'we can not ask for any transit
fees from India because we are not uncivilised'! Dr. Gauhar Rizvi, a
hired hand from abroad, with extensive connections in India and the US
but with little roots in Bangladesh soil and political landscape has
said, 'we have been waiting for 40 years for such a deal'! Could an
Indian negotiator put it better to advance his country's cause? The
pathetic performance of these two advisers has put Bangladesh in a
situation of unpredictable dangers

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina loves to talk about democracy,
transparency and people's power, but in dealing with India, she has
kept the people of Bangladesh in total darkness. She has relied not on
foreign ministry or any elected member of parliament, but only on two
unelected advisers for strategic decisions that would have serious
implications for the country's national interests and sovereignty. All
the deals have been made in extreme secrecy without any democratic
debate and discussion in public or in the national parliament.

There remain serious confusion and lack of policy directives regarding
the so-called fees and charges payable for the transit facilities.
Different ministries and government officials have made contradictory
statements for and against charging fees. There are confusions also
about the nature of the ongoing 'transit', i.e., if it is 'trial
transit' (no fee to be charged) or 'regular transit' (some kind of fee
to be charged). No body knows what is happening and why and who is in
charge. Bangladesh custom officers cannot decide anything for lack of
clear directives from unspecified 'higher authorities'. Apparently, no
minister or official wants to take responsibility and displease some
powerful people who hold the supreme power in Bangladesh today.
Some arguments against the transit-corridor deals
1. Despite the talks of 'friendship', India's water aggression against
Bangladesh has continued unabated since 1975. The experiences from the
Farakka, Tipaimukh, Teesta and other issues have been very bitter for
Bangladesh.
2. India's has attempted from the very beginning to marginalise and
subjugate Bangladesh, to interfere in the internal politics, carry out
continuous anti-Bangladesh, anti-Muslim propaganda, and portray it as
a 'failed' and 'terrorist' country requiring a 'guardian-angel' like
India!
3. India has not honoured the Mujib-Indira Treaty (1974), especially
by not handing over Tin Bigha Corridor in exchange of Berubari.
3. India has encircled Bangladesh with a 'Barbed Wire Fence' (a kind
of Israeli 'Apartheid Wall' as in occupied Palestine) on the pretext
of stopping Bangladeshi infiltration. Nobody having any pride in the
independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh can accept this hostile
arrangement and at the same time agree to providing transit-corridor
facilities to India. This is an issue of our national dignity. India
cannot demand unhindered movement of goods and people through a
country whose people have been put in an 'iron cage'. According to Dr
Mushtaq Khan, a Professor of SOAS (University of London), this issue
alone is a good enough reason for not allowing transit-corridor
facilities to India.
4. Indian authorities justify the indiscriminate killings of
Bangladeshi civilians by BSF along the border, but do nothing to stop
the smuggling of phensidyl and other illegal drugs into Bangladesh.
There are 132 Phensidyl factories on the Indian side of the border,
earning about 347 crore rupees through smuggling drugs to Bangladesh
alone (News Today, December 29, 2010). At least 32 different kinds of
unlawful drugs enter Bangladesh from at least 512 points from India.
5. Immediately after liberation, the Chittagong port could not be used
for export-import. In 1972, Sheikh Mujib requested India to allow the
use of Calcutta Port for only six months, but India refused the
request citing 'security' reasons.
6. In 1996, India promised to allow Bangladesh the use of its roads
for trade with Nepal. Bangladesh commerce minister Tofail Ahmed and
his Indian counterpart jointly opened the transit process. It was
stopped by India only after one day. But now India wants more than 15
transit-corridor routes (river and land, rail) with no visible gains
for Bangladesh.
7. The talk of allowing transit routes through India for trade with
Nepal and Bhutan is a deceptive ploy to give it a kind of 'regional
flavour' and lure Bangladesh into its game. India is extra-sensitive
about its own security and trade monopoly, but insensitive to the
needs of others including Bangladesh.
8. India's seven sister states now depend on Bangladesh for many
manufactured goods, but with transit, India will send its own products
to the region and Bangladesh business will lose.
9. Financial benefits from transit process are uncertain, any fees
would outweigh other disadvantages. Bangladesh would risk destroying
its own roads and highways, infect its citizens with AIDS. Roads and
highways will be neglected by the chauvinistic Indian traders and
security personnel using the routes.
10. Bangladesh must not get involved in India's war in the north east
or with other countries as a part of India's war strategy.
11. India must stop meddling in Bangladesh internal politics. It must
not encourage dissension and destabilisation to keep Bangladesh weak.
12. Indian must stop sending its security and special units into
Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina has already taken great political and
security risk by helping India's anti-ULFA campaigns and handing over
to India more than 50 insurgent leaders (without any extradition
treaty). But India has not reciprocated by handing over the
Bangladeshi criminal and terrorist ring leaders who operate from
across the border, some connected with Indian intelligence agencies.
13. India must give up the idea that Bangladesh is its 'backyard' to
be insulted, blackmailed and exploited at its will.
14. The Indian rulers and many of the media people do not hide their
impatience and disgust at any opposition to India's hegemonic
policies. Those in Bangladesh who oppose the unjust policies of India
are often damned as "fundamentalist anti-India outfits" (Saugar
Sengupta, Daily Pioneer, September 16, 2011) or accused as being 'too
emotional' to make 'things more difficult' (Kuldip Nayar, Gulf News,
September 17, 2011). A former Indian diplomat, Muchkund Dubey, has
very correctly described the attitude of "Indian political leaders,
senior officials, business magnates and strategic thinkers towards
Bangladesh" as "one of disdain and apathy". This attitude must be
changed for genuine good neighbourly relations.
15. India has yet to prove its goodwill, fairness and genuine respect
to the smaller neighbours including Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Sri
Lanka. It has to reciprocate in kind, in concrete terms, not in
abstract expressions.
16. India must note that despite many obstacles the people of
Bangladesh have made significant progress in different areas, and that
they will protect their sovereign rights and vital national interests
at any cost. Those who work against the interests of Bangladesh will
be opposed and thrown into the dustbin of history.
17. The AL government, especially the two Advisers in charge of
negotiations on the transit-corridor deal, have led Bangladesh into a
trap. They have misled the country and seriously compromised national
interests.
18. The terms of the agreements have not been made public or discussed
and debated in the parliament.
19. Crucial agreements such as transit-corridor that have vital
present and future economic, security and strategic implications must
not be concluded in secret and in a hurry without national debate and
consensus.
20. We demand full disclosure of the India-Bangladesh
Agreements-2010-2011 and a referendum on the vital issue of
transit-corridor.
The People of Bangladesh must insist upon all the Government and
opposition political parties for unity on vital national issues,
especially when it comes to protecting the national interests and
sovereignty from foreign pressure and domination. Only this unity will
strengthen country's negotiating position with India and other
countries and ensure that Bangladesh does not become a 'satellite
state' of India or suffer the fate of 'Sikkim'.

----------------------------------------------
* The essay is a modified version of the keynote paper presented by
the author at a Seminar on "Transit-Corridor and Sovereignty of
Bangladesh" organized by the 'Bangladesh Sommilito Peshajibi Porishad,
UK' in London on October 31, 2011.

** Dr. K. M. A. Malik is a former Professor of Chemistry, Dhaka
University, and a Lecturer in Chemistry, Cardiff University (UK). He
has published about 370 research papers in chemistry journals. As a
freelance columnist, he also writes regularly on contemporary
political, social, human rights and security issues. His published
books include: Challenges in Bangladesh Politics – a Londoner's view
(2005); War on Terror – A pretext for new colonisation (2005), and
Bangladesher Rajniti - Mookh O Mookhosh (2003). His e-mail contact:
kmamalik@aol.com.


<*>Attachment(s) from Isha Khan:


<*> 1 of 1 File(s) http://groups.yahoo.com/group/alochona/attachments/folder/793354818/item/list
<*> The Transit-Corridor Article.doc

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Re: [mukto-mona] Are some religious people menaces in the society?



S. Chakrabarty: I would not say that religion of Rabindranath (just one example) is a menace.
 
Q. A. Rahman: My guess is you are more familiar with "Religion of Rabindranath" so you do not see it as "Evil". Your view of other religions are only reflects "Your perceptions" of those religion not religion itself. Before you can come up with an educated conclusion, you (Or anyone) needs to have some basic ideas about other religions. Otherwise it would be a guessing game only.
 
Comments from S. Bain: I am sure Mr. Chakrabarty did not mean Brahma religion when he wrote "religion of Rabindranath." He meant "how Rabindranath viewed/practiced religion." Rabindranath was a sensible philosopher. He had his spirituality, which was no dogmatic prescription from the perceived almighty, who had to be pleased. His prayer to his God was like "shshu jemom ma'ke, namer neshay dake; bolte pare shei sukhete ma'er nam se bole" ("calling you like how a child calls his mother; he is happy to be able to talk, and saying 'mother' is what gives him most pleasure). There is no bootlicking of the most supreme power here; there is no greed of getting favors from the one who is most powerful; there is no nonsense of helping the almighty spread his religion on earth. (Imagine, how ridiculous it is that millions of people think that their almighty has asked them to help in establishing his rule here on earth! These millions of idiots do not realize that they are actually downgrading their almighty (making him less than almighty) when they are thinking of helping him!)
 
Let me add that, aside from great philosophers like Rabindranath, there are actually sensible regular people with spirituality who do not believe in the nonsense parts of their forefaters' religions; although they officially did not give up their inherited religious identity.
 
Sukhamaya Bain  




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http://mukto-mona.com/banga_blog/?p=585

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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Re: [mukto-mona] Daily Sangram | Trusted News From Bangladesh | Three British Lawyers ask ICT chairman to resign



Hanan is also an active member of Jamaat.

2011/11/10 GT International <gti82@hotmail.com>
 


Source of this news is The Daily Sangram which is JAMAT's official party news paper; it is a propaganda machine for JAMAT which played direct active role in supporting killing of innocent people during 1971 when JAMAT was siding with Pakistan and killing Bengalies. This News paper has ZERO credibility as it is JAMAT's official news paper. Besides, who cares about what 3 British attorneys say. These attorneys are paid by JAMAT to say this and that is what they are doing. So....As per trial, IT MUST GO ON IN FULL SPEED. After all, these killers of 1971 are getting a fair trial; but their victims were killed and tortured brutally and had no say.
-M.Islam



To: dahuk@yahoogroups.com; mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com; khabor@yahoogroups.com; alochona@yahoogroups.com; sahannan@yahoogroups.com
From: sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com
Date: Thu, 10 Nov 2011 08:32:12 +0600
Subject: [mukto-mona] Daily Sangram | Trusted News From Bangladesh | Three British Lawyers ask ICT chairman to resign


 

http://www.dailysangram.com/news_details.php?news_id=68588
 

ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যানকে সরে যেতে বৃটেনের তিন আইনজীবীর চিঠি

ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল কমিটির সাথে আপনার সরাসরি সম্পৃক্ততা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা হারিয়েছে

স্টাফ রিপোর্টার : ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল কমিটির সাথে জড়িত থাকার অভিযোগে ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যান বিচারপতি নিজামুল হককে তার পদ থেকে অবিলম্বে সরে দাঁড়ানোর অনুরোধ জানিয়েছেন আন্তর্জাতিক খ্যাতিসম্পন্ন বৃটিশ তিন আইনজীবী। যুদ্ধাপরাধের অভিযোগে আটককৃত মাওলানা দেলাওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীর পক্ষে লন্ডনের তিন আইনজীবী বিচারপতি নিজামুল হকের  কাছে  গত মঙ্গলবার চিঠি পাঠান। এরা হলেন যুগোশ্লাভিয়া এবং রুয়ান্ডার আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধ আদালতের আইনজীবী  স্টিভেন কে কিউসিবিশিষ্ট ব্রিটিশ আইনজ্ঞ  জন কামেহ  এবং  টবি ক্যাডম্যান
বিচারপতি নিজামুল হক যুদ্ধাপরাধ তথা মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে অপরাধের বিচারের লক্ষ্যে গঠিত ইন্টারন্যাশনাল ক্রাইম ট্রাইব্যুনাল-আইসিটির বর্তমান চেয়ারম্যান। চিঠিতে বিচারপতি নিজামুল হককে ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যান পদ থেকে নিজেকে প্রত্যাহার করে নেয়ার অনুরোধ জানিয়ে তিন আইনজীবী লিখেছেন, ''ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল

সংশ্লিষ্ট খবর  

সংশ্লিষ্ট আরো খবর

কমিটির সাথে আপনার সরাসরি সম্পৃক্ততা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা হারিয়েছে।''
তারা বলেন, ''ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল কমিটি গঠিত গণতদন্ত  কমিশনের সেক্রেটারিয়েট এর সাথে আপনার জড়িত থাকার বিষয়টি আমরা আগেই উত্থাপন করেছি। তদন্ত কমিশন আমাদের মক্কেল মাওলানা দেলাওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে ১৯৯৩ সালে তদন্ত কাজ চালিয়েছিল। আমরা মনে করি তদন্ত কমিশনের সাথে আপনার সম্পৃক্ততা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা এবং স্বাধীনতা ঝুঁকির মধ্যে ফেলেছে। অবস্থায় আমাদের মক্কেল ট্রাইব্যুনালের কাছ থেকে ন্যায় বিচার পাবার বিষয়ে দারুণভাবে উদ্বিগ্ন। ট্রাইব্যুনালের পক্ষ থেকে ইঙ্গিত দেয়া হয়েছে যে, গণতদন্ত কমিশন তদন্ত শেষে যে প্রতিবেদন এবং ডকুমেন্ট জমা দিয়েছিল তার ওপর নির্ভর করবে তারা। আর তদন্ত কমিশনের সাথে আপনার সরাসরি সম্পৃক্ততা আদালতের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা নস্যা করেছে। তাই আপনার প্রতি আমরা পূর্ণ সম্মান জানিয়ে অনুরোধ করছি, আপনি চেয়ারম্যান পদ থেকে নিজেকে প্রত্যাহার করে নিন।''
আন্তর্জাতিক বিভিন্ন আইনের ধারা উল্লেখ করে তিন আইনজীবী চিঠিতে লেখেন ''আন্তর্জাতিক মৌলিক আইনি বিধানসমূহকে সমুন্নত রাখার লক্ষ্যেই চিঠি আপনাকে লেখা হয়েছে। সর্বজনীন মানবাধিকার ঘোষণাপত্রের ১০ ধারা  এবং ইন্টারন্যশনাল কভেন্যান্ট অন সিভিল এন্ড পলিটিক্যাল রাইটস এর ১৪ ধারায় একজন অভিযুক্তর স্বাধীন এবং নিরপক্ষ আদালতে জনসম্মুখে অনুষ্ঠিত শুনানি প্রক্রিয়ার মধ্য দিয়ে ন্যায় বিচার পাবার অধিকার নিশ্চিত করেছে। ইন্টারন্যাশনাল এডহক ট্রাইব্যুনালস, হেগে অবস্থিত ইন্টারন্যাশন ক্রিমিনাল কোর্টসহ বিশ্বের সকল আদালত, ট্রাইব্যুনাল এবং  আইনি ব্যবস্থায় অভিযুক্তর সকল  অধিকার  বিষয় স্বীকৃত হয়েছে
তারা বলেন, বাংলাদেশ বিচারবিভাগের একজন সম্মানিত সদস্য হিসেবে আপনি অবশ্যই জানেন যে, সুপ্রিম জুডিশিয়াল কাউন্সিলের কোড অব কনডাক্টেরও একটি মূল উপাদান এটি। বাংলাদেশের সংবিধানের ১৪৮ অনুচ্ছেদ এবং বিচার বিভাগের সকল সদস্যদের শপথ গ্রহণেও বিষয়টিকে প্রাধান্য দেয়া হয়েছে।''
চিঠিতে তারা উল্লেখ করেন, এটি ব্যক্তিগত সততা বা ব্যক্তি চরিত্রের ওপর আক্রমণেরও কোন বিষয় নয়। একজন অভিযুক্তর বিচারের ক্ষেত্রে মৌলিক এবং সাংবিধানিক অধিকার  ভোগের সুযোগ থাকা উচিত। যুদ্ধাপরাধ, মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে  অপরাধ এবং গণহত্যার মত আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধের বিচারের ক্ষেত্রে এসব বিষয় প্রয়োগ করা সবচেয়ে বেশি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ হয়ে দাঁড়ায়। বিশেষ করে রাষ্ট্র  যখন অপরাধের বিচার করার উদ্যোগ নেয় এবং অপরাধীকে বিচার থেকে অব্যাহতি দেয়ার সংস্কৃতি থেকে বেরিয়ে আসতে চায়। বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে সমালোচনার উর্ধ্বে রাখতে না পারলে বাংলাদেশ জাতি হিসেবে থেকে লাভবান হতে পারবে না। আদালত বা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা নিশ্চিত করার জন্য পক্ষপাতিত্ব এড়ানো একটি নৈতিক দায়িত্ব
 





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Mukto Mona plans for a Grand Darwin Day Celebration: 
Call For Articles:

http://mukto-mona.com/wordpress/?p=68

http://mukto-mona.com/banga_blog/?p=585

****************************************************

VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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"I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it".
               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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Re: [mukto-mona] Daily Sangram | Trusted News From Bangladesh | Three British Lawyers ask ICT chairman to resign



Lawyers would do anything for money.

2011/11/10 S A Hannan <sahannan@sonarbangladesh.com>
 

http://www.dailysangram.com/news_details.php?news_id=68588

 

ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যানকে সরে যেতে বৃটেনের তিন আইনজীবীর চিঠি

ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল কমিটির সাথে আপনার সরাসরি সম্পৃক্ততা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা হারিয়েছে

স্টাফ রিপোর্টার : ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল কমিটির সাথে জড়িত থাকার অভিযোগে ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যান বিচারপতি নিজামুল হককে তার পদ থেকে অবিলম্বে সরে দাঁড়ানোর অনুরোধ জানিয়েছেন আন্তর্জাতিক খ্যাতিসম্পন্ন বৃটিশ তিন আইনজীবী। যুদ্ধাপরাধের অভিযোগে আটককৃত মাওলানা দেলাওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীর পক্ষে লন্ডনের তিন আইনজীবী বিচারপতি নিজামুল হকের  কাছে  গত মঙ্গলবার চিঠি পাঠান। এরা হলেন যুগোশ্লাভিয়া এবং রুয়ান্ডার আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধ আদালতের আইনজীবী  স্টিভেন কে কিউসিবিশিষ্ট ব্রিটিশ আইনজ্ঞ  জন কামেহ  এবং  টবি ক্যাডম্যান

বিচারপতি নিজামুল হক যুদ্ধাপরাধ তথা মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে অপরাধের বিচারের লক্ষ্যে গঠিত ইন্টারন্যাশনাল ক্রাইম ট্রাইব্যুনাল-আইসিটির বর্তমান চেয়ারম্যান। চিঠিতে বিচারপতি নিজামুল হককে ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যান পদ থেকে নিজেকে প্রত্যাহার করে নেয়ার অনুরোধ জানিয়ে তিন আইনজীবী লিখেছেন, ''ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল

সংশ্লিষ্ট
খবর  

সংশ্লিষ্ট আরো খবর কমিটির সাথে আপনার সরাসরি সম্পৃক্ততা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা হারিয়েছে।''

তারা বলেন, ''ঘাতক দালাল নির্মুল কমিটি গঠিত গণতদন্ত  কমিশনের সেক্রেটারিয়েট এর সাথে আপনার জড়িত থাকার বিষয়টি আমরা আগেই উত্থাপন করেছি। তদন্ত কমিশন আমাদের মক্কেল মাওলানা দেলাওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে ১৯৯৩ সালে তদন্ত কাজ চালিয়েছিল। আমরা মনে করি তদন্ত কমিশনের সাথে আপনার সম্পৃক্ততা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা এবং স্বাধীনতা ঝুঁকির মধ্যে ফেলেছে। অবস্থায় আমাদের মক্কেল ট্রাইব্যুনালের কাছ থেকে ন্যায় বিচার পাবার বিষয়ে দারুণভাবে উদ্বিগ্ন। ট্রাইব্যুনালের পক্ষ থেকে ইঙ্গিত দেয়া হয়েছে যে, গণতদন্ত কমিশন তদন্ত শেষে যে প্রতিবেদন এবং ডকুমেন্ট জমা দিয়েছিল তার ওপর নির্ভর করবে তারা। আর তদন্ত কমিশনের সাথে আপনার সরাসরি সম্পৃক্ততা আদালতের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা নস্যা করেছে। তাই আপনার প্রতি আমরা পূর্ণ সম্মান জানিয়ে অনুরোধ করছি, আপনি চেয়ারম্যান পদ থেকে নিজেকে প্রত্যাহার করে নিন।''

আন্তর্জাতিক বিভিন্ন আইনের ধারা উল্লেখ করে তিন আইনজীবী চিঠিতে লেখেন ''আন্তর্জাতিক মৌলিক আইনি বিধানসমূহকে সমুন্নত রাখার লক্ষ্যেই চিঠি আপনাকে লেখা হয়েছে। সর্বজনীন মানবাধিকার ঘোষণাপত্রের ১০ ধারা  এবং ইন্টারন্যশনাল কভেন্যান্ট অন সিভিল এন্ড পলিটিক্যাল রাইটস এর ১৪ ধারায় একজন অভিযুক্তর স্বাধীন এবং নিরপক্ষ আদালতে জনসম্মুখে অনুষ্ঠিত শুনানি প্রক্রিয়ার মধ্য দিয়ে ন্যায় বিচার পাবার অধিকার নিশ্চিত করেছে। ইন্টারন্যাশনাল এডহক ট্রাইব্যুনালস, হেগে অবস্থিত ইন্টারন্যাশন ক্রিমিনাল কোর্টসহ বিশ্বের সকল আদালত, ট্রাইব্যুনাল এবং  আইনি ব্যবস্থায় অভিযুক্তর সকল  অধিকার  বিষয় স্বীকৃত হয়েছে

তারা বলেন, বাংলাদেশ বিচারবিভাগের একজন সম্মানিত সদস্য হিসেবে আপনি অবশ্যই জানেন যে, সুপ্রিম জুডিশিয়াল কাউন্সিলের কোড অব কনডাক্টেরও একটি মূল উপাদান এটি। বাংলাদেশের সংবিধানের ১৪৮ অনুচ্ছেদ এবং বিচার বিভাগের সকল সদস্যদের শপথ গ্রহণেও বিষয়টিকে প্রাধান্য দেয়া হয়েছে।''

চিঠিতে তারা উল্লেখ করেন, এটি ব্যক্তিগত সততা বা ব্যক্তি চরিত্রের ওপর আক্রমণেরও কোন বিষয় নয়। একজন অভিযুক্তর বিচারের ক্ষেত্রে মৌলিক এবং সাংবিধানিক অধিকার  ভোগের সুযোগ থাকা উচিত। যুদ্ধাপরাধ, মানবতার বিরুদ্ধে  অপরাধ এবং গণহত্যার মত আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধের বিচারের ক্ষেত্রে এসব বিষয় প্রয়োগ করা সবচেয়ে বেশি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ হয়ে দাঁড়ায়। বিশেষ করে রাষ্ট্র  যখন অপরাধের বিচার করার উদ্যোগ নেয় এবং অপরাধীকে বিচার থেকে অব্যাহতি দেয়ার সংস্কৃতি থেকে বেরিয়ে আসতে চায়। বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে সমালোচনার উর্ধ্বে রাখতে না পারলে বাংলাদেশ জাতি হিসেবে থেকে লাভবান হতে পারবে না। আদালত বা ট্রাইব্যুনালের গ্রহণযোগ্যতা নিশ্চিত করার জন্য পক্ষপাতিত্ব এড়ানো একটি নৈতিক দায়িত্ব

 




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Mukto Mona plans for a Grand Darwin Day Celebration: 
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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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