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Tuesday, December 27, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Re: Indians in GMG




Looks like very soon we will have to live by the rules set by others, especially Indians.  All of a sudden Insha Allah is a bad word.  Emirates Airlines flies all over the world with people from all across the globe.  They can say these traditional greetings,  but for Bangladesh it is illigal. What could be more worse then, these Indians are hired by Bangladeshis and they work for a Bangladeshi Organization. But they do not hesitate to set rules against us and our tradition.

Please write to the following addresses,  that we will boycott GMG, if we don't receive a public apology and restart our traditional greetings:

customerservice@gmgairlines.com
info@gmgairlines.com
callcenter@gmgairlines.com

Mohi Ahmed
mohiahmed@yahoo.com

On Tue, Dec 27, 2011 at 10:50 AM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
The Indians bans InshaAllah:

http://amardeshonline.com/pages/details/2011/12/27/124187


On Sun, Dec 4, 2011 at 10:31 AM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
Indians in GMG



http://www.amardeshonline.com/pages/details/2011/12/04/120788




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[ALOCHONA] Blood On The Border




 
 
Blood On The Border
Cattle smugglers, farmers, daily wagers, 13-year-olds. Hundreds have been shot by the Border Security Force. In the name of self-defence. Tusha Mittal tracks the extra-judicial killings in one district along Indo-Bangladesh border
Young casualty Sushanto, 15, died after he was hit by a BSF boat
THRICE THIS year, Mister Jinnah, 14, defied his mother. Thrice he walked a cow across an international border. With the Rs 6,000 he earned, he bought himself a pair of jeans, English and Bangla textbooks, and a cell phone that now stores 200 songs; Paglu, being his favourite.
In the space between two countries, along the stretch of the Indo-Bangladesh border in West Bengal's Murshidabad district, there is a kind of irreverence for boundaries — of nationality, of legality, of life and death itself.
Jinnah is one of the many children ferrying cows across the border as part of an illegal cattle trade, valued by insiders at Rs 5,000 crore. While the trade is a major source of livelihood in one of Bengal's poorest districts, it has also led to extra-judicial killings by the Border Security Force (BSF).
Three key players make up the cattle trade. The ghatiyal — the entrepreneur, the owner of cows and controller of capital. The dalal — the broker who connects complicit authorities with cattle smugglers. There are BSF dalals, police dalals, and customs dalals. Collectively, the brokers are known as The Commission. To arrange the cattle crossover, The Commission can be contacted either by BSF constables or the ghatiyal. On an average, "the BSF allows cows to pass 10 days a month," a BSF broker told TEHELKA on condition of anonymity. And finally, there is the rakhal — the labourer who ferries cows across the border, the bearer of the greatest risk and smallest profit. Wages are paid only when the rakhal returns to India, having successfully delivered cows to designated huts in Bangladesh. The rakhal can be caught by the BSF, be shot at point-blank, or be killed in border firing. Cows seized from the rakhal are handed over to the Customs. Though protocol demands an open auction of cows, Customs officials are known to sell the cows back to the smugglers at a higher rate, cutting their own fee.
Beyond these three categories, there is greater milling. There are rakhals forming groups, pooling in funds, acting as ghatiyals; there are ghatiyals with smaller businesses, employing labour, and yet compelled to cross the border themselves as rakhals.
While the cattle trade is illegal in India, the sale of Indian cows in Bangladesh is legal and taxable. Cows are herded into Murshidabad from Punjab, Bihar and Haryana and sold at weekly markets dotting the border.
With an average sale of about 1,000 cows in 20 such goru haats in Murshidabad, nearly 20,000 cows gather at India's eastern tip every month. With the price of beef nearly double in Bangladesh, it is unlikely that the cows are going anywhere else.
"There is subsistence level of petty cattle smuggling where the border is not fenced," BSF South Bengal Inspector General RK Ponoth told TEHELKA. "But it is not smuggling in the true sense. The BSF personnel are trying their best to prevent it." Yet, he later admits that the BSF is compelled to fire at smugglers. "There is no law that permits us to open fire. But when the force is confronted with an aggressive criminal who attacks, they exercise their right to self-defence." This is what it means in a police FIR in Murshidabad, Raninagar police case 152/08, a copy of which is with TEHELKA: "Constable Harpal Singh got an injury in the right hand index finger. On sensing imminent danger to his life, he fired .03 rounds."
In recent years, the BSF has been compelled to acknowledge border firing after its counterpart, the Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB), accused it of killing unarmed Bangladeshi citizens. Last week, the BSF and BGB chiefs met in Dhaka, in the aftermath of PMManmohan Singh's high-profile visit to Bangladesh.
On record, BSF Director General Raman Srivastava admitted that 55 Bangladeshis have been killed since 2009 — 32 in 2010 and seven in 2011. "We fire in self-defence," he said.
There is no accurate data for the total killings along the entire Indo-Bangla border. Since 2007, Kolkata-based NGO Masum has documented 165 killings in just two districts of West Bengal — Murshidabad and North 24 Paraganas, accounting for 8 percent of the West Bengal- Bangladesh border. Masum has also filed at least 150 complaints before the National Human Rights Commission; 29 have been closed, and responses are still being awaited in 98. Another report by Dhaka-based NGO Odhikar puts the figure at 1,000 killings in the past 10 years along the entire border. According a 2010 report by Human Rights Watch, the BSF itself admits to killing 164 Indians and 347 Bangladeshis since 2006.
"We have agreed to ensure that no innocent civilian is shot by our troops," BSF DG Srivastava said in his March 2010 Dhaka visit. "We have no reason to fire at innocent civilians. We fire at criminals who violate border norms."
That itself is a violation of Indian and international law. Unlike the army, the BSF has no special powers allowing it impunity. It can only fire in self-defence. It is this right that is being misused. To understand how, survey the dead: Asif Iqbal, 13, and Shahin Sheikh, 15, killed while smuggling cows for Rs 200. Sumanta Mondal, 15, killed while plucking mustard on his fields after 5 pm. Sushanto Mandal, 15, chased by a BSF speedboat while swimming in a lake, and killed by its propeller blade.
"No BSF personnel has been arrested or held liable for any of these crimes," says Masum founder Kirity Roy. Under the Border Security Act, BSF personnel cannot be tried in civilian courts without prior approval from the Union home ministry. The Act gives supremacy to BSF's internal courts. Of the 30 extra- judicial killing cases that Masum is fighting in local courts, the BSF has had 16 transferred to their own internal court. It is not mandatory for the BSF to make the verdicts public.
India shares a 2,216-km porous border with Bangladesh. According to national security guidelines, the BSF outposts are meant to be 150 m from the zero line — the international border fencing. But in Murshidabad, not only is the fencing incomplete in many parts, the BSF outposts are located up to 8 km into Indian territory. It has created a de facto Line of Control; locals know it as the BSF road. Beyond it is a kind of No Man's Land – acres of paddy, potato and mustard. It is in this space that most killings happen. One such point has been renamed by locals as 'Kargil.'
"Our deployment is totally wrong," says BSF constable Amit Kumar. "I have never seen the zero line. This is called observation point. I should be observing Bangladesh but I am only observing farmland in India. Because there is no fencing at the actual border, the smuggling can go on easily."
IT IS past 9 pm near the Murshidabad border. Samrat Mondal, 15, is walking cattle three km from Paltondigri to Munshipara. The moon is silver, the soil a deep red. It is harvest season, and all along the mud path, tall mounds of jute stand upright, like sages. Tonight, Mondal will not cross the border. He will drop off the cows at a nearby collection point, earning Rs 100 per cow. "I'm scared," he says, panting, short of breath. "But I do it for the money." To ensure his safe arrival at the collection point, a ghatiyal has handed Mondal two square chits — a blue chit with a peacock symbol, and a yellow chit with a tiger symbol. Issued by the police and the Customs, these chits are Murshidabad's 'passports' — a sign that the police and Customs have received their due 'cut' and wish you a safe journey.
At the end of a village road, men in jeans and lungis are gathering the herd, waiting for a sign. Whether the rest will cross tonight depends on the BSF. With a cane stick and three cows, Mondal moves on. It is dark. The fog is dense, and in the distance, there is only the outline of man and animal.
When such cattle convoys are dispatched to Bangladesh with the sanction of BSF officials, it is known as a 'BSF line', or 'meet'. Many ghatiyals, however, prefer the second option — 'bypass' — when cows are sent dodging the guards. The greater risk brings greater profits. It can save the BSF 'cut' of up to Rs 5,000 per pair of cows. Part of this is used to lure youth. While the labourer's wage for the BSF line is usually Rs 500- Rs 1,000 per pair, those who are willing to 'bypass' can earn Rs 2,000- Rs 5,000.
Yet another variable complicates this: time. It can suddenly turn the 'meet' more profitable than the 'bypass'. "Imagine the number of cows that can be sent if the BSF opens the line for two hours," says a ghatiyal. "Sometimes, we can make up to Rs 2 lakh in one night."
From a city far away, the border is murky terrain where human trafficking, illegal migration, drug trade and infiltration of insurgents are rampant. Firing here can appear collateral damage, the inadvertent outcomes of a troubled border.
But on the night of 5 May 2009, Abdus Samad wasn't even at the border. He was asleep in his hut 10 km away. Working as a labourer in Kolkata, he had returned to Lalgola to vote in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. "At 3 am, BSF jawans barged into our hut and dragged him out," says his wife Rima Bewa. The next morning, she found his body under a tree inside a BSF camp. "He was killed while smuggling cows on the border," she was told.
IN THE cattle trade, several flashpoints can trigger a killing. At times it is infighting, or lack of coordination — as when one outpost allows the smuggling, while jawans of another fire. At times, where bosses are not complicit, it is the fear of being caught. On 5 January, Rezaul Karim was fixing a hand pump on his fields. A BSF line was in quiet progress nearby. The sudden approaching headlights of the Company Commander, E 37 Battalion, compelled the jawans to put up a show. The bullet that hit Karim pierced through his back. TEHELKA has a copy of his post-mortem report. It describes his injury as "a round wound, half-inch in diameter, on the back of the chest, two inches from the midline." It lists the cause of death as "hemorrhage, shock and bullet entry wounds." His wife Sabina Bibi survives by rolling bidis. Every 500 bidis she rolls earns her Rs 25.
The greater risk brings greater profit. It can save smugglers the BSF 'commission' of up to Rs 5,000 per pair of cows
At times, it is the audacity of desperate men trying to pass through the fog unseen. Milton Sheikh was killed in July 2010. "While a BSF line was on, other cattle traders tried to sneak in without paying the cut," says eyewitness Maphikool. "It angered the jawans. They caught hold of Milton and shot him."
In the following pages, read six such stories. Pictures of dead bodies have been sourced from a photographer in Murshidabad who does not want to be named. The photos of Peeparul Sheikh and Noor Hussain were taken while their bodies were in police custody at Jalangi and Lalgola Police Station. In the last picture, Yadul Sheikh is being carted to Raninagar Police Station. His body is in the trunk of a BSF van.
"Yes, there are some incidents of smugglers being killed," Murshidabad SP BL Meena told TEHELKA. "Several cases are being investigated. If it is proved that firing by BSFwas done in private self-defence, then there is no question of arrest."

'He had a bullet in his leg, so he couldn't run'
Entajul Sheikh, 25
Khampara village
Entajul's parents
Bereaved The attempts by Entajul's parents to file an FIR against the BSF went in vain
ON THE night of 7 July 2010, nine men from Khampara village began a forbidden journey towards Bangladesh with four buffaloes. Their plan was to deliver the cattle at a designated hut across the border, which would make each man richer by about Rs 2,100.
After a successful drop, they started the trek back. At around 1 am, they had passed the border post when they saw the scoping beams of a flashlight. "We heard firing. We knew the BSF had detected us. We ran back towards Bangladesh," says Riazul Sheikh, 25, one of the smugglers.
The men scurried, the BSF chased. Someone fell down, the rest moved on. About 500 m from the border, they stopped for a breather behind a tree. Riazul could see three jawans approaching, shining their torches, talking among themselves about a body. Some shots had already been fired. It appeared one of them was already dead.
After a few minutes of silence, Riazul heard another voice. "Please don't kill me," his friend Nentu Sheikh was pleading. In the distance, Riazul could see the BSF men standing next to a fallen man. "Don't kill me, please arrest me," Nentu said. "I have a child at home." There was some shuffling of feet. "If you have a kid at home, why are you here?" a jawan said before firing.
The men moved on. They stopped when they discovered another fallen man. "Entajul (Sheikh) was lying on the ground holding his breath. He had a bullet in his leg, so he couldn't run," recalls Riazul.
"Please don't kill me," Entajul pleaded with the jawans. "It is because of you that we lose our jobs," a jawan replied. From behind a tree, Riazul watched as Entajul was dragged towards the border. About 30 minutes later, he heard another shot.
"The BSF lets the terrorists go and catches us. They are like lions on the border," says Riazul. "They allow smuggling, then kill us for doing it. What else should we do? Run away to Dilli?"
The next morning, Entajul's corpse was taken to the Godhanpara primary health centre. The village pradhan was called to identify the body. "It seems he was tortured before being killed," says Entajul's father Mujahar Sheikh.
A case of unnatural death was registered at the Raninagar Police Station and the body sent for postmortem. Meanwhile, a criminal case was filed against Entajul on the basis of a complaint by Rakesh Rana, assistant commander of the BSF's 52nd Battalion.
The FIR reads: "On the intervening night of 6-7 July, constable Rajesh Kumar was on duty at Naka No. 7. At 1 am, he saw 12- 15 cattle smugglers on the home side. Kumar tried to stop them and called constable Tudu to assist him. One of the smugglers assaulted Kumar and 12-15 smugglers from the Bangladeshi side came over to overpower the sentry. On seeing imminent danger to his life and government property, he fired in self-defence and hit two smugglers. A search party recovered the following items from the scene: 1 cell phone, 1 sickle, 1 knife, Rs 25.50 and six cows."
When the family tried to lodge an FIR against the BSF, the police refused to do so. The family then approached the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), which issued a notice to the BSF director-general and West Bengal DGP in October 2010.
"The complainant has intimated about the extra-judicial killing of Entajul Sheikh by a person attached with the BSF Battalion No. 52 of the Kaharpara headquarters. He has alleged that no FIR has been registered in this matter. Calling for a report in the matter within four weeks," the notice said.
The BSF replied with the same defence: self-defence.

'The BSF fired at my son to create terror in the locality'
Mritunjoy Mondal, 30
Char Rajanagar village
Luckless labourer Mritunjoy lost the use of his arm after the attack
Luckless labourer Mritunjoy lost the use of his arm after the attack
ON THE morning of 26 June 2009, Swapan Mondal, a resident of Char Rajanagar village, awoke to strange sounds and a stranger sight. Barely a few metres from his hut, he saw his neighbour Mritunjoy Mondal's injured body being dragged by BSF men to the nearest outpost.
"I woke up around dawn," recalls Mritunjoy. "I stepped out of the house, picked up a mug, and went to the fields to defecate. As I was returning, I saw some men running towards the field. As I was about to enter my hut, I saw two soldiers peeping from behind a jackfruit tree. Our eyes met. Suddenly, I heard a gunshot. A few seconds later, I saw my arm oozing blood. I realised I had been hit by a bullet."
By the time the jawans took him to the Rajanagar camp, he was barely conscious, but could still hear snatches of conversation. "Don't kill him," he recalls a third soldier saying to the two men clutching his body.
Mritunjoy was then taken from the BSF camp to the Raninagar Police Station and a complaint was lodged against him for illegally crossing the border. Another case was filed at the Customs office with the following seizure list: 15 pieces of Keya Soap valued at Rs 150.
Soon, Mritunjoy was whisked away to the Berhampore district hospital for treatment. Six days later, he was shifted to the Nilratan Sircar Medical College Hospital in Kolkata. The labourer ended up paying the bills — Rs 80,000, equal to 10 months' salary — from his own pocket.
To add insult to his injury, he was arrested after discharge. After a hearing at Lalbagh court, he was sent to one-month judicial custody. He is now out on bail, and must appear at the court every three months.
In his counter complaint, Mritunjoy's father Shyam Charan Mondal wrote: "The BSF fired at him despite knowing that he was not involved in any illegal act. It was done to create terror in the locality. The place of occurrence as stated by the BSF is false and fabricated. I have photographs of the place, which is 13 km away from the border."
Despite all that, no FIR was lodged against the BSF personnel and no probe was conducted. Six months later, Mritunjoy received a showcause notice about the seized soap bars.
Poorer by Rs 80,000, accused of stealing soap, blind in one eye and with an arm hanging useless, he still is one of the lucky few who lived to tell the tale.

'It's possible that the BSF killed him to safeguard their jobs'
Noor Hussain, 17
Brahmottar Village
Scapegoat? Hussain went to the mango fields and never returned
Scapegoat? Hussain went to the mango fields and never returned

Hussain's grandmother
Scapegoat? Hussain's grandmother
ON HIS last evening in the village, Noor Hussain had talked about Kolkata. A contract labourer in the city, Hussain had just returned home to Brahmottar village in Murshidabad for the Puja season. With no immediate family, he lived about 5 km from the Indo-Bangladesh border with a frail grandmother and uncle, Mustafa Sheikh.
As they listened, Hussain had bragged about working on a 35-storey building: the swanky South City apartments. "It must be the tallest in Kolkata," he had beamed. In his last project, he had helped build the South City Mall for Rs 120 a day.
Sheikh last saw his nephew at 7 pm on 1 September 2009. At 10.30 pm, Sheikh's wife Aisha Bibi recalls that Hussain asked for a mug and walked towards the fields. At 10.45 pm, Sheikh heard gunfire. "I thought someone had been shot for smuggling, and went back to sleep." It wasn't a surprise; the same month, three villagers had been killed by BSF personnel, says Sheikh. At 12.15 am, he woke up to a second round of firing.
Elsewhere in the village, CPM panchayat member Sadiq-ul-Islam was sleeping when he received a call from the then BSF'S 105 Battalion commander Amrit Lal Jadav. "Someone has been shot. Come and identify the body," said Jadhav. Islam refused. "What if your men mistake me for a smuggler and shoot me?" he said. Then Jadhav agreed to send some BSF men to accompany him to the spot.
"When I reached, I saw a body lying face down in a pool of blood," says Islam. At the site were Jadav and border outpost No. 5 commander P Vodra. "He was smuggling cows," the BSF commander told Islam. "There were three people. They tried to attack us with sickles, so we fired in self-defence. Two others escaped."
"He was just a kid, he was lying barely 200 m from his house," Islam told TEHELKA. "That night, smuggling had taken place, there were cow footprints on the mud all over. It's possible they let the original smugglers go and killed someone to show that they were being honest. It's possible that they killed him to safeguard their jobs."
Later that night, at around 1 am, Sheikh heard knocks at his door. It was Islam. "Here, take this," he said, handing Sheikh a torch. "Your Noor has been killed." A distraught Sheikh informed other family members. They peered out of their huts. "But we did not dare to step out," says Sheikh.
The next morning, when Sheikh arrived at the spot, Hussain's body was still lying face down. They were rifle-butt marks on the neck and a large hole in the back. Some cows had been tied to a tree beside his body. Sheikh was ordered to take Hussain's body to the police station. He spent Rs 2,000 to rent a car. The body was carried to the Lalgola Police Station and then 20 km to Lalbagh for post-mortem. At the police station, the BSF registered a complaint alleging that Hussain was a cow smuggler and handed over farm implements, sticks and two cows as seized goods.
At the hospital, a series of bribes followed. Rs 400 to the doctor for the autopsy; Rs 200 to the hospital staff for plastic containers; Rs 1,000 to the man to stitch back Hussain's body. He had demanded Rs 1,500, but they settled for Rs 900 and Rs 100 for alcohol — "he couldn't do it unless intoxicated" — and Rs 200 to the police constable. After the autopsy, two police officers arrived, clicked pictures of the body, asked Sheikh to sign some papers, and left.
According to the post-mortem report, Hussain was killed "probably by a bullet". It defines the cause as "the effect of injuries that are ante-mortem in nature". The injuries are a "¼ diameter round hole on the right side of the back," and another "¼ diameter round hole on the left side". After the autopsy, Hussain's body was handed over to the family. Last rites were performed and the body buried in a graveyard 500 m from the BSF camp.
Hussain's family is yet to see justice or compensation. "He was the only person in my life," says his grandmother Safanur Bewa, 70. "He said he would marry, have a house and be responsible for me." Two years on, Hussain's room is as it was. Through the cobwebs, light filters in. There is an empty cola bottle and bundles of jute he planned to sell. On the wall are posters brought back from Kolkata. One shows Tollywood actors. The other a fluorescent Taj Mahal, blue birds and a slogan: "Love is the only force capable of transforming an enemy into a friend."

'They beat him till he fainted and stamped on him'
Peeparul Sheikh, 16
Chakmathura Village
Price of defiance Sheikh was working in his farm when he confronted the BSF jawans in anger
ON OFFICIAL maps, plot No. 2529 is part of Chakmathura village in Murshidabad. But in the strange cartography of the borderline, it falls beyond the 'BSF road', beyond the de facto Line of Control, and in a space where India ceases, but where Bangladesh has not yet begun.
On 19 February 2009, Peeparul Sheikh and his cousin Aminul Islam were working at their farm here, located 5 km from the border near Outpost No. 4 manned by BSF constables from the Singhpara camp.
"We were tilling our land when we saw 30-40 cattle smugglers coming our way," says Islam. "The BSF allowed them to pass. As the cows trampled on our land, we tried to chase them away. Peeparul confronted three BSF jawans from the 90 Battalion, saying, 'Why are you allowing them through my fields?' After the smugglers passed, the jawans began to chase us. I ran, but they caught Peeparul and tied him with a rope. Then they beat him till he fainted and stamped on him."
By then, Islam was hiding, watching from behind a tree. Soon, he heard a gunshot. Realising that Peeparul could not be saved, he fled. Returning home, he alerted the family. However, no one dared to step out in the dark.
The next morning, they reached the plot. A posse of BSF jawans stood around Peeparul's body; the family wasn't allowed near it. Soon the body was placed in a jeep and whisked away to Jalangi Police Station for paperwork and then sent for an autopsy.
When Peeparul's father Najim complained to the police, they first refused to lodge a complaint. "They lodged a written complaint and gave me a copy, but refused to register it as an FIR, or give me a case number," he says. Najim then bribed a policeman to get the body disposal certificate, a copy of which is with TEHELKA. Armed with this evidence, he returned to the Jalangi Police Station. "Whose death certificate is this?" he asked the officer in charge. "This is your seal isn't it? Where is the case? How much money have you taken to remain silent?"
Four months later, the police registered a criminal case (No. 245/09) in which BSF head constable Prathap Kumar Chowdhury and 90 Battalion Company Commander Raj Singh were accused of murder. Yet, no one from Peeparul's family was questioned.
In a month, the police filed a closure report stating that no evidence was found to substantiate Najim's allegations. An enraged Najim challenged it in the Berhampore district court, which directed the police to reopen the case for further investigation. Again, the police filed a similar report. In August, Peeparul's father received a court notice asking if he had any objections.
"After investigation, the police has submitted a report saying that no offence has been made out against the accused," said the notice signed by the Chief Judicial Magistrate, Berhampore.
Meanwhile, a criminal case has been filed at Jalangi Police Station against Peeparul. It was registered after the BSF filed a complaint saying that Peeparul was a cattle smuggler trying to cross the border illegally. In case No. 46/2009 dated 20 February 2009, Peeparul has been booked under Sections 147 (rioting), 148 (rioting armed with deadly weapons), 186 (obstructing a public servant in discharging his function), 353 (assault or use of criminal force to deter a public servant from discharging his duty) and 307 (attempt to murder). The BSF also listed what they recovered from the crime scene: one cow.
The death certificate shows Peeparul's age as 24. But his family claims that he was a minor. TEHELKA has a copy of his school certificate that shows his date of birth as 1992.
"The BSF says they shot him while he was crossing zero point, but it's a lie. My fields are part of India," says an angry Najim. "Don't Indian laws apply here?"

'They fired at my son point-blank after an altercation'
Silajit Mondal, 15
Char Rajanagar Village
In the line of fire Silajit was killed in cold blood right in front of his family members
In the line of fire Silajit was killed in cold blood right in front of his family members
EVER SINCE she saw her son Silajit Mondal succumb to bullet injuries two years ago, Karma Dasi hasn't oiled her hair. "I'm going mad," she says, pulling at the taut grey strands, baring a dry scalp as proof.
23 July 2008 began just like another day in Char Rajanagar, located on the edge of what locals call the 'BSF road'. In the early morning smog, some villagers walked past an observation point. They were ferrying fertiliser to be sold in Bangladesh.
For almost four months during the monsoon season, several stretches between the BSF road and the border are filled with water. In those parts, the road itself becomes the entry-exit point into Bangladesh, and the mandatory BSF outpost amounts to two jawans patrolling the waters on a speedboat.
That fateful morning, the smugglers crossed the BSF road, loaded their goods on a tin boat and rowed towards Bangladesh. At around 9 am, two jawans were heard screaming from a boat, speeding back to chase a man who was running towards the village. He soon ran past Silajit's house. The jawans appeared at Silajit's door, accusing him of crossing the border illegally — without having paid the BSF their cut. Silajit denied he was the man. "The jawans demanded to search the house, but Silajit wouldn't let them in," says his father Golak Mondal. "They had a brief altercation. Suddenly, one of them fired at Silajit from point-blank range."
According to the complaint filed by BSF Company Commander JR Choudhary at the Raninagar Police Station, "On 23 July, constables MM Islam and Ajay Kumar were at Observation Point No. 5 located 2 km from the border. At 12.30 hours, they observed some smugglers loading bags on a boat. On seeing them, the smugglers escaped to Char Rajanagar village. Within a few minutes, 20-25 smugglers along with miscreants came from the nearby village and attacked the OP party with sharpedged weapons. Constable Ashok Singh, who was posted nearby, rushed towards the OP. The smugglers attacked Ashok, who sustained severe injuries. The smugglers tried to snatch Islam's weapon. They attacked him with a lathi and dah.On sensing imminent danger, he fired in self-defence. One smuggler,Silajeet Mondal, sustained injuries.
On the basis of this complaint, an FIR was lodged at the Raninagar Police Station, booking Silajit "and others". The 'others' include Kanhai Mondal, a human rights worker, who has helped villagers file cases against the BSF. Kanhai continues to live here despite threats.
Silajit's family also lodged a police complaint. In a rare exception, the police conducted an investigation, but declared that the constable who shot Silajit was untraceable.
Yet, a few weeks after the murder, the "absconding" Islam appeared in civil dress outside Silajit's door, cash in hand. "I let him in," says Golak. "I gave him respect. But I did not take the money. How can I sell my son?"

'One outpost had been paid off but jawans from the other fired'
Yadul Sheikh, 16
Char Rajanagar village
Juvenile attempt Swayed by the lure of money, Sheikh agreed to smuggle cattle for the first and the last time
AT THE time of his death, Yadul Sheikh was a Class IX student in Murshidabad's Mohanganj High School. His family says Yadul was 16. On paper though, he was three years older. "The CPM helped him a get a voter ID card that said he was 19," says his father Yunus Sheikh. "He used it to vote at the recent Assembly election."
But neither the card nor the vote was of any help for the lifestyle the youth dreamt of. "We needed pocket money," says Yadul's classmate Rashid Sheikh, now 20, "for school tiffin, pens and books, to eat out. Our parents were too poor to afford everything we wanted."
One night in 2007, the two boys were lazing around in their village, located 5 km from the border, when some strangers approached them. "They offered us Rs 400 to take two cows across the border," recalls Rashid.
On the night of 21 July 2007, 20 people met at a designated point in the shadow of the BSF border outpost No. 3 near the Mohanganj camp. Some wore jeans, some lungis. Each held a cow. The fog was dense, and it was hard to see beyond the outlines of man and animal. Yadul and Rashid stood patiently, clutching a piece of string, waiting for the signal to cross, the journey that would make them richer by Rs 200 each.
The "line was open" from 10 pm, which meant smuggling would take place with the BSF's connivance. Rashid does not recall how long they stood still before, suddenly, everyone else began to turn away. But the duo could not be certain. So they began to walk towards Bangladesh. Just as they had taken the first few steps, they heard the sound of racing boots; the BSF men were hunting for them. They abandoned the cows and fled in different directions. As he ran, Rashid heard three rounds of fire.
The next morning when Yadul's desperate family reached the spot, they found his limp body. A bullet had pierced right through his neck and exited from the back.
An elder relative, who is an active member of the cattle trade, says on the condition of anonymity that BSF constables at outpost No. 3 had indeed "opened the line" that night. The firing seems to have been done by constables of outpost No. 4. TEHELKA cannot verify this independently. The BSF'S 90 Battalion that was manning outpost No. 4 has since been transferred.
Yadul's family has made no attempts to lodge an FIR. "We did not complain because we are afraid. He was already doing doh numbari (illegal act). What rights do we have?" asks his father Yunus.
Since Yadul's death, Rashid has stopped participating in the illegal cattle trade. He also dropped out of school and now earns his living by farming. "I try to stop my friends from crossing the border, but they don't listen to me," he says.

Tusha Mittal is a Principal Correspondent with Tehelka.
tusha@tehelka.com
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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[ALOCHONA] Sovereignty of Bangladesh : How Should We Respond?*



Transit-Corridor and Sovereignty of Bangladesh : How Should We Respond?*
- By Dr. K. M. A. Malik**



 
Introduction
The recent developments, especially with the unhindered transport of goods from Kolkata (India) to Tripura (India) via rivers and roads using Ashugonj port in Bangladesh, and the proposal for using the Chittagong port for the same purpose have generated extreme controversies and uncertainties in the already divided internal politics of Bangladesh. These issues as well as the proposed Asian Highway routes through Bangladesh are matters of serious concern to the people of Bangladesh.
 
The former Prime Minister and present opposition leader Khaleda Zia expressed her apprehension very recently (27 October) that by providing transit-corridor to India, the present government is trying to turn Bangladesh into another "Sikkim". The ruling party as well as the pro-Indian Lobby in Bangladesh would characterize this allegation as another baseless "anti-Indian outburst" by Khaleda Zia, but in reality she has simply given voice to the concerns of majority of the Bangladeshi citizens.
 
Since the transit-corridor issues have many-fold implications, including national interests and sovereign status as a state, it is imperative to get a clear picture of the issues involved and also how we can respond to the challenges imposed from outside but with the connivance and collaborations of a section of the ruling government.
 
Transshipment, transit and corridor
There are three modes for regional and international movement of goods – transshipment, transit and corridor. Each form has a different meaning and significance for the parties involved.
 
Transshipment
Transshipment is the act of shipping goods to an intermediate destination and then from there to yet another destination. Transshipment is normally fully legitimate and widely used for international trade. However, it can be used illegitimately to disguise country of origin or intent of the goods to avoid restrictions and customs duties.
 
Transit
Transit means the transportation of goods and passengers from one country over a particular land or water route of another country to a third country in accordance to specific agreement and regulations. The host country retains the sovereign control of the route. Movement of goods from India to Myanmar, for example, over a route in Bangladesh may be said to enjoy 'transit facilities'.
 
Corridor
Corridor is usually a narrow strip of land connecting one part of a country to another part of the same country, e.g. the Siliguri Corridor (Chicken's Neck) of India. It also means giving one country full control over a certain part of the territory of another country for transport of goods and for other purposes.

        During the last two years, Bangladesh and India have signed several agreements on movement of Indian goods using several points and routes in Bangladesh. While the term 'Transit' has been used in these agreements, its nature is more in line with 'Corridor' facilities. Bangladesh has not yet given full control to India, but the latter is being given unilateral use of the route.
 
In recent months, while Indian lorries carrying heavy equipment passed from Ashugonj to Agartala breaking the serial, Bangladeshi trucks carrying exportable goods from Bangladesh to India's Tripura state were required to wait. Indian lorries had preference and total freedom of movement on the Bangladeshi roads. The facilities for transport of Indian goods from one part of India to its another part (entry and exit points in the same country) are best described as 'transit-corridor' facilities. The term 'transshipment' used by certain quarters in this context is inappropriate and misleading.
 
Why does India want Transit-Corridor through Bangladesh?
There are several reasons for which India has been insisting on getting transit-corridor facilities through Bangladesh. Some of these reasons are as follows:

1. Unfettered, cost-effective access to the northeast states.

It is a geographical reality that Bangladesh is 'India locked', being surrounded on three sides by Indian territories. In the same sense, the northeast states (Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Tripura) of India are 'Bangladesh locked'. The so-called Chicken's Neck separating Bangladesh and Nepal is the only narrow strip of land (24 km in width) that connects West Bengal and mainland India with the northeast states. Transport of goods and people through the Chicken's Neck is very expensive and time consuming. This hinders India's access to the resource-rich northeast. Transit-corridor facilities through Bangladesh would be easier, less time consuming and also much less expensive (saving about two-thirds of the present cost of US$ 100 billion per year).

2. Eliminating the insurgency threats in the northeast.

India has been fighting insurgency movements in the north east region for several decades without any end in sight. The peoples inhabiting these areas are historically, ethnically, religiously, culturally different from those inhabiting the mainland India. It is only during the British rule (in 1860s) that these areas were incorporated into the 'Indian Empire'. But the peoples of these lands have always cherished their independence and waged various struggles including armed struggles to realize their demands. These struggles are continuing even today. India considers these movements as threat to its territorial integrity and security, and wants to suppress them at any cost. Movement of armed personnel and armaments through Bangladesh would be much easier for India to suppress these insurgency threats.

3. Preparing for any future military confrontation with China in the Arunachal Pradesh.

India has longstanding territorial disputes with China, in the northwest and northeast regions of the Himalayan mountain range. In the northeast, the dispute over in Arunachal Pradesh (which the Chinese call Zhangnan or South Tibet (83,743 sq km or 32,333 sq miles in area) is yet to be resolved. Whether the issue would be settled amicably and peacefully can not be foretold, but India is not taking any chances. It has been strengthening its military preparedness (both defensive and offensive) in these regions for many years now, especially after the disastrous 1962 border war with China. In recent years India has been allocating huge resources for the modernization and expansion of its armed forces. In the northeast, plans are being implemented to expand the existing capabilities by raising an additional 100,000 forces including two divisions for mountain warfare and special operations.

4. Easy access to Myanmar resources and market.

Myanmar is located to the east and south east of both Bangladesh and India. The country is full of natural resources including oil and gas both on the land and in the sea. It has also tremendous potential for harnessing hydroelectric power. Because of these resources, and also for strategic reasons, direct links and access to Myanmar is very important to both China and India, the two economic and military giants of Asia. China already has direct land routes to Myanmar, but India has none at the moment. India wants to offset this disadvantage by having direct land routes from its northeast to Myanmar, but by opposing the route via Cox's Bazar and Teknaf of the proposed Asian Highway.

None of these requirements as well as India's geo-strategic ambitions in the East can be easily fulfilled without an extensive transit-corridor system through Bangladesh.

Transit-corridor: India-Bangladesh agreements 2010-11

For the last four decades, India has been trying to get unilateral transit-corridor facilities through Bangladesh without giving anything signifycant in return. India's response to Bangladesh needs and legitimate demands (expected out of any deal between friendly countries) has always been one of double-talk, deception, excuses and backtracking. India did not do anything positive to produce an environment of trust and friendship with Bangladesh. That is why no government from 1972 to 2006 granted transit-corridor facilities to India.

The scenario changed in 2007, when the foreign-backed Moeen-Fakhruddin semi-military government agreed in principle to grant unilateral transit-corridor facilities to India, but the regime did not have enough time to sign the necessary agreements and protocols. However, once the Sheikh Hasina government came to power in 2009, granting transit-corridor facilities to India became her highest priority of all national issues (apart from hanging those found guilty of killing her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman).

For some unexplained reasons, Sheikh Hasina became too willing to give in to Indian demands especially on the security and transit issues. High profile visits to Dhaka and New Delhi by government ministers, officials and policy makers on both sides became too frequent, accompanied by intense public relations campaign on the necessity and benefits of allowing transit facilities to India. Those questioning the deal to be made in secret and in a haste were criticized in derogatory terms such as 'ignorant'', anti-India, anti-liberation', etc.

Different agreements and protocols were signed initially during Sheikh Hasina's visit to Delhi on January 12, 2010, and finally during Manmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka on September 6, 2011. These were hailed as historic success by India and die-hard pro-Indian elements in Bangladesh, but heavily criticised by others for granting unilateral facilities to India without reciprocal and concrete returns.

Full details of the Hasina-Singh agreements have not been published. However, according to various media reports, the main points of the agreements are as follows:

(1) Bangladesh would allow Indian container cargo by rail, road and river transport (no restriction on air traffic).

(2) It would provide India access to Ashugonj Port for transport of heavy machinery (Over-Dimensional Cargo, ODC) for construction of a power plant in Tripura.

(3) It would allow the use of Chittagong and Mongla seaports by India.

(4) India would allow Bangladesh the use of Tin Bigha Corridor for 24 hours a day for access to the Dahagram and Angarpota enclaves.

(5) Reopen Sabroom-Ramgarh trade point.

(6) Open land route at Demagiri-Thegamukh on Mizoram border.

(7) Start border Haats at the Bangladesh-Meghalaya border.

(8) India would assist Bangladesh in the expansion and modernization of railways and in river dredging.

(9) Problems of all enclaves and disputed border lands would be solved by joint surveys.

(10) Both countries would conduct Joint Hydrological Observations for water sharing treaty of Teesta and other rivers.

(11) A system of joint border management would be put in place for prevention of cross-border crimes, smuggling of arms and goods, drug- and human-trafficking and of illegal movement of people.

(12) Bangladesh would provide assistance to the Indian security forces for suppression of the insurgency movements in the seven sister states.

(13) Both countries would collaborate for security, stability and counter-terrorism in the region.

(14) Both countries would collaborate on healthcare, education, cultural, scientific and other issues

(15) India would allow some Bangladeshi products entry into the Indian market without any duties and by removing the existing tariff and non-tariff barriers, to reduce the huge trade gap.

The above points do suggest that the transit-corridor issues are the main emphasis of the Hasina-Manmohan agreements. And what hurts the people of Bangladesh more is that in the so-called friendly agreements there is no mention of some of their most pressing concerns. For example, there is no mention of indiscriminate border killings by India's Border Security Force (BSF), India's unilateral construction of barbed wire fence and security outposts within 150 yards of the common land border (no-man's land) and the use of Indian soil by some anti-Bangladesh criminals and terrorist gangs. Further, there is nothing significant to address the water issues such as India's controversial Tipaimukhi dam, its unilateral diversion and withdrawal of waters from international rivers including the Brahmaputra and Treesta, dysfunctional joint rivers commission, its non-compliance of the Ganges Water treaty, and the damages done to Bangladesh by the Farakka barrage (about US$ 140 billion in the last 35 years).

Proposed Transit-Corridor routes.

Although media reports have suggested a possible 15-17 transit-corridor routes for India, we do not yet know exactly how many land and river routes would be used under the recent (and any future) agreements and which would be the exact entry and exit points. What is known, however, is that 2-3 routes would be used for now and other routes would be opened up gradually.
A map published in the Daily Star on July 25, 2011 shows some of the possible transit routes. This map indicates very graphically and clearly that most routes would crisscross Bangladesh from west to the east and from south to the north. All the east-west, and some of the south-north, routes are surely for easy transport between two areas of India. A few south-north routes are proposed to be used by land-locked Nepal and Bhutan (no objection from any quarters of Bangladesh), but considering India's hyper-sensitivity about its own security, the implementation of this part of the transit process may be a very difficult task.

Map of possible transit routes (Daily Star, July 25, 2011)

The Asian Highway: another transit facility for India.
The proposed ESCAP-led Asian Highway through Bangladesh would also provide additional transit facilities to India.
The present government has also signed agreement on the proposed Asian Highway to pass from India to Myanmar and other east Asian countries. This project when implemented in the present form would also serve India's transit requirements. The main part of the route (AH1) as favoured by India enters into Bangladesh at Benapol (from West Bengal) and via Dhaka exits at Tamabil (Sylhet) to enter into India's northeast. The other main route (AH2) enters into North Bangladesh at Banglabandha and also via Dhaka exits at Tamabil into India.
 
The last BNP government (2001-6) did not sign the Asian Highway agreement because it catered for only Indian interests and did not accept Bangladesh's proposal for the main route (AH1) to exit at Teknaf (southeastern tip of Bangladesh, rather than Tamabil). Many analysts believe that the country was denied direct road links with Myanmar and other countries in the East including China, mainly due to Indian objections. India objected to the Teknaf route probably out of its fear that with direct highway links with Myanmar, China and other east Asian countries bypassing India, Bangladesh would have a greater choice and freedom of action outside what India considers its own 'sphere of influence'. Those familiar with the writings of the Indian strategic analysts might have noted that some of them are quite blatant in raising the bogey of Chinese military presence in Chittagong port areas.
 
Is Bangladesh prepared for transit-corridor?
The government is committed to giving transit-corridor facilities to India. But the people are apprehensive because of many reasons.
 
Bangladesh's road and rail infrastructure is very poor, with inadequate logistics and manpower at Ashugonj and Akhaura ports. It is difficult to support the country's own transport needs (about 750 trucks a day). How could it accommodate hundreds of heavy Indian vehicles (about 1500 lorries and trucks) using the existing rails and roads? And who will pay for the damages done to the roads and environment?
A dangerous gaping hole on Ramrail Bridge in Brahmanbaria. Railings of the bridge are coming apart. This stretch of road is an integral part of a transit route for India. Infrastructure has not been developed, but transit is on. Inset, this road at Akhaura is too narrow for large vehicles.

An Indian trailer finds it difficult to cross the Anderson canal near Kaotoli in Brahmanbaria, Daily Amardesh, March 29, 2011).
 
Some Bangladesh officials are so enthusiastic that they are willing to bear all the infrastructure expenses. For example, according to one recent report in the Weekly Probe magazine, merely at the possibility of giving transit to India, the Chittagong Port Authority has already implemented 18 projects at the cost of Tk. 2,100 crore (The Daily Star, December 29, 2010). And simply to facilitate the possible parking of Indian vehicles, a Tk. 150 crore transit yard is being constructed in Chittagong. Residents of the adjacent densely populated area are being evicted for the purpose.
 
Bangladesh is spending its own resources to facilitate transit for India (Chittagong Port, for example) and providing transit facilities at Ashugonj even without any infrastructure development. Dr. Debapriya Bhattachariya, a leading economist of the country, who was in favour of the transit deal before, said very recently that the current Indian transit is being subsidized by Bangladeshi taxpayers. In Myanmar, however, India is making huge investments to develop the road infrastructure in the hope of winning transit facilities there.
 
India's US$ 1 billion loan to promote its own interests.
Once 'transit' begins in full swing, there will be urgent need for regular rail and road renovation which will call for manpower and investment. Over the past decade, India has kept up the pressure for transit-corridor but has only recently agreed (August 10, 2010) to provide about US$ 1 billion loan (on severe conditions) for various projects. Major share of this loan is marked for infrastructure development for transport of Indian goods, but Bangladesh has to pay the loan along with interest.
 
And while Bangladesh swallowed this loan, the World Bank has cancelled a loan agreement of US$ 1.75 billion with Bangladesh as the funds remained unutilized. For long it had been said that India was giving the US$ 1 billion as 'assistance', but it is known now that the 'assistance' is in fact a loan with a much higher rate of interest than that charged by the World Bank or other lenders.
 
China, on the other hand, has made significant investments in the infrastructure sector of Bangladesh. Despite having no direct 'transit' interests here, China has constructed about seven or eight large bridges in Bangladesh. India has set no such example.
 
Security considerations for the transit process.
Security is a vitally important aspect of the process. But nothing is known about the security set up. Who will provide the security needed for smooth and safe passage of Indian goods and personnel along the routes? Who will pay for the personnel, their training and other logistic costs? Will India send its own security personnel to accompany the trucks or insist on posting them at different points along the routes?
In the case of any security lapse/threat (real or imaginary) to the transit process, would India send its own armed/security forces?
 
Will Bangladesh have the rights to scrutinize and monitor on regular basis the nature of the goods being transported? Will it have the right to open and inspect the containers to check that the goods are as declared by the Indian authorities prior to entry into Bangladesh? Would some goods be dumped into Bangladesh market?
 
Strategic implications
More important, would the containers passing through Bangladesh carry arms, ammunitions and other war materials for India's ongoing anti-insurgency campaigns in the north east or for potential conflicts/wars with China and/or Myanmar or even against Bangladesh at a future date?
 
This is a very relevant question to ask since it has great risks for Bangladesh to get involved in somebody else's conflict/war. Some members in the current government seem very naively to 'assume' that India will never wage any war against Bangladesh, but for its own independent and sovereign existence, Bangladesh must have its own defence and security strategies independent of the Indian strategy. It does not mean that Bangladesh adopts a militarily hostile policy towards India, Myanmar or China, but by ignoring these aspects and putting the 'security and defence' egg only into Indian basket, the country would invite potential disasters to itself.
 
Remember that India is a rising economic and military power and its expansionist and imperialistic ambitions are no longer secret. It considers itself as the natural and rightful successor of the British Empire in Asia. To fulfill its imperial ambitions India must 'control' the smaller and less powerful neighbours such as Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Pakistan first before it can dominate countries like Myanmar and Afghanistan. A sovereign and successful Bangladesh with an independent foreign policy and a credible defence system stands in the way of India's economic and strategic domination of the resource rich north eastern and eastern land masses as well as having total control in the Bay of Bengal regions.
 
Gains for Bangladesh – a great deception
Indian policy makers and their blind supporters in Bangladesh have been saying for more than a decade that by granting transit facilities to India, Bangladesh would make huge "economic gains". It was frequently said that Bangladesh would earn many billions of dollars through transit. This view was also advanced by some international organizations like the World Bank. The latest situation, however, does suggest that the talks of 'billions of dollars' and 'Bangladesh turning into a Singapore' were nothing more than a pro-Indian propaganda to mobilize public opinion for the transit-corridor deal. There is nothing significant and concrete to show as gains from the transit deal. The departing Indian High Commissioner in Dhaka, Rajit Mitter, has said that Bangladesh would gain by having the hiring charges for river vessels and trucks used for the transport. He perhaps forgot to tell that Bangladesh would also get some money by selling 'tea and cigarettes' to the Indian truck drivers!
 
Dubious role of the Bangladesh Government
We can not blame the Indian side for wanting everything 'free' from Bangladesh. It is very natural that they would look after their own interests and try to get maximum benefits from other countries including Bangladesh. Sweet talks, vague promises, deception, bribery, blackmail, etc., are not unacceptable tools in international diplomacy.
 
The tragedy is: the Dhaka authorities have given in too easily to the Indian demands in the vague hope of some hypothetical gains for the country. They do not seem to have the necessary will, commitment and competence to stand solid for Bangladesh interests. They are too eager and enthusiastic to comply with the Indian demands expecting that India would somehow respond positively to Bangladesh's needs and reciprocate in kind.
 
In dealing with India, especially in the transit-corridor issue, the role of the Bangladesh government has been very dubious and mysterious from the beginning. Sheikh Hasina has spoken very little on the issue but two of her senior advisers Moshiur Rahman and Gauhar Rizvi have argued in favour of the deal in a way that is clearly against the interests of Bangladesh.
 
For example, Dr. Moshiur Rahman said, 'we can not ask for any transit fees from India because we are not uncivilised'! Dr. Gauhar Rizvi, a hired hand from abroad, with extensive connections in India and the US but with little roots in Bangladesh soil and political landscape has said, 'we have been waiting for 40 years for such a deal'! Could an Indian negotiator put it better to advance his country's cause? The pathetic performance of these two advisers has put Bangladesh in a situation of unpredictable dangers
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina loves to talk about democracy, transparency and people's power, but in dealing with India, she has kept the people of Bangladesh in total darkness. She has relied not on foreign ministry or any elected member of parliament, but only on two unelected advisers for strategic decisions that would have serious implications for the country's national interests and sovereignty. All the deals have been made in extreme secrecy without any democratic debate and discussion in public or in the national parliament.
 
There remain serious confusion and lack of policy directives regarding the so-called fees and charges payable for the transit facilities. Different ministries and government officials have made contradictory statements for and against charging fees. There are confusions also about the nature of the ongoing 'transit', i.e., if it is 'trial transit' (no fee to be charged) or 'regular transit' (some kind of fee to be charged). No body knows what is happening and why and who is in charge. Bangladesh custom officers cannot decide anything for lack of clear directives from unspecified 'higher authorities'. Apparently, no minister or official wants to take responsibility and displease some powerful people who hold the supreme power in Bangladesh today.

Some arguments against the transit-corridor deals

1. Despite the talks of 'friendship', India's water aggression against Bangladesh has continued unabated since 1975. The experiences from the Farakka, Tipaimukh, Teesta and other issues have been very bitter for Bangladesh.
2. India's has attempted from the very beginning to marginalise and subjugate Bangladesh, to interfere in the internal politics, carry out continuous anti-Bangladesh, anti-Muslim propaganda, and portray it as a 'failed' and 'terrorist' country requiring a 'guardian-angel' like India!

3. India has not honoured the Mujib-Indira Treaty (1974), especially by not handing over Tin Bigha Corridor in exchange of Berubari.
3. India has encircled Bangladesh with a 'Barbed Wire Fence' (a kind of Israeli 'Apartheid Wall' as in occupied Palestine) on the pretext of stopping Bangladeshi infiltration. Nobody having any pride in the independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh can accept this hostile arrangement and at the same time agree to providing transit-corridor facilities to India. This is an issue of our national dignity. India cannot demand unhindered movement of goods and people through a country whose people have been put in an 'iron cage'. According to Dr Mushtaq Khan, a Professor of SOAS (University of London), this issue alone is a good enough reason for not allowing transit-corridor facilities to India.
4. Indian authorities justify the indiscriminate killings of Bangladeshi civilians by BSF along the border, but do nothing to stop the smuggling of phensidyl and other illegal drugs into Bangladesh. There are 132 Phensidyl factories on the Indian side of the border, earning about 347 crore rupees through smuggling drugs to Bangladesh alone (News Today, December 29, 2010). At least 32 different kinds of unlawful drugs enter Bangladesh from at least 512 points from India.
5. Immediately after liberation, the Chittagong port could not be used for export-import. In 1972, Sheikh Mujib requested India to allow the use of Calcutta Port for only six months, but India refused the request citing 'security' reasons.
6. In 1996, India promised to allow Bangladesh the use of its roads for trade with Nepal. Bangladesh commerce minister Tofail Ahmed and his Indian counterpart jointly opened the transit process. It was stopped by India only after one day. But now India wants more than 15 transit-corridor routes (river and land, rail) with no visible gains for Bangladesh.
7. The talk of allowing transit routes through India for trade with Nepal and Bhutan is a deceptive ploy to give it a kind of 'regional flavour' and lure Bangladesh into its game. India is extra-sensitive about its own security and trade monopoly, but insensitive to the needs of others including Bangladesh.
8. India's seven sister states now depend on Bangladesh for many manufactured goods, but with transit, India will send its own products to the region and Bangladesh business will lose.
9. Financial benefits from transit process are uncertain, any fees would outweigh other disadvantages. Bangladesh would risk destroying its own roads and highways, infect its citizens with AIDS. Roads and highways will be neglected by the chauvinistic Indian traders and security personnel using the routes.
10. Bangladesh must not get involved in India's war in the north east or with other countries as a part of India's war strategy.
11. India must stop meddling in Bangladesh internal politics. It must not encourage dissension and destabilisation to keep Bangladesh weak.
12. Indian must stop sending its security and special units into Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina has already taken great political and security risk by helping India's anti-ULFA campaigns and handing over to India more than 50 insurgent leaders (without any extradition treaty). But India has not reciprocated by handing over the Bangladeshi criminal and terrorist ring leaders who operate from across the border, some connected with Indian intelligence agencies.
13. India must give up the idea that Bangladesh is its 'backyard' to be insulted, blackmailed and exploited at its will.
14. The Indian rulers and many of the media people do not hide their impatience and disgust at any opposition to India's hegemonic policies. Those in Bangladesh who oppose the unjust policies of India are often damned as "fundamentalist anti-India outfits" (Saugar Sengupta, Daily Pioneer, September 16, 2011) or accused as being 'too emotional' to make 'things more difficult' (Kuldip Nayar, Gulf News, September 17, 2011). A former Indian diplomat, Muchkund Dubey, has very correctly described the attitude of "Indian political leaders, senior officials, business magnates and strategic thinkers towards Bangladesh" as "one of disdain and apathy". This attitude must be changed for genuine good neighbourly relations.
15. India has yet to prove its goodwill, fairness and genuine respect to the smaller neighbours including Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. It has to reciprocate in kind, in concrete terms, not in abstract expressions.
16. India must note that despite many obstacles the people of Bangladesh have made significant progress in different areas, and that they will protect their sovereign rights and vital national interests at any cost. Those who work against the interests of Bangladesh will be opposed and thrown into the dustbin of history.
17. The AL government, especially the two Advisers in charge of negotiations on the transit-corridor deal, have led Bangladesh into a trap. They have misled the country and seriously compromised national interests.
18. The terms of the agreements have not been made public or discussed and debated in the parliament.
19. Crucial agreements such as transit-corridor that have vital present and future economic, security and strategic implications must not be concluded in secret and in a hurry without national debate and consensus.
20. We demand full disclosure of the India-Bangladesh Agreements-2010-2011 and a referendum on the vital issue of transit-corridor.
The People of Bangladesh must insist upon all the Government and opposition political parties for unity on vital national issues, especially when it comes to protecting the national interests and sovereignty from foreign pressure and domination. Only this unity will strengthen country's negotiating position with India and other countries and ensure that Bangladesh does not become a 'satellite state' of India or suffer the fate of 'Sikkim'.
----------------------------------------------
* The essay is a modified version of the keynote paper presented by the author at a Seminar on "Transit-Corridor and Sovereignty of Bangladesh" organized by the 'Bangladesh Sommilito Peshajibi Porishad, UK' in London on October 31, 2011.
** Dr. K. M. A. Malik is a former Professor of Chemistry, Dhaka University, and a Lecturer in Chemistry, Cardiff University (UK). He has published about 370 research papers in chemistry journals. As a freelance columnist, he also writes regularly on contemporary political, social, human rights and security issues. His published books include: Challenges in Bangladesh Politics – a Londoner's view (2005); War on Terror – A pretext for new colonisation (2005), and Bangladesher Rajniti - Mookh O Mookhosh (2003). His e-mail contact: kmamalik@aol.com.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Thanks
(Shukran = Thank you)
 


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