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Wednesday, February 29, 2012

[ALOCHONA] Re: Waiting for a Mahathir



ipsomilk2

 

Re: [ALOCHONA] Re: Waiting for a Mahathir

 

I want you to be the Fuerher of BONGOLAND! Your kick a** spirit and deep knowledge of the road forward and hyper-patriotism seems to ooze out of every orifice of your body!!! Furthermore, everyone else from Mujib to Moin seem to have fallen short!!! Why waste time waiting for Godot !!!

 

 

-----Original Message-----
From: ezajur
Sent: Feb 21, 2012 8:38 AM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: Waiting for a Mahathir

 

Yeah - I'm one of the blokes who liked MUC. He did a lot of the grunt work for the CTG. And MUA pushed him out because MUA lost the plot in the end. Both MUA and MUC gave up on the minus two theory and covered their backsides. But what did you think - we were blind supporters of MUA and MUC? We would want them to rule till they die and to be succeeded by their family members?

Why? Who do you like?

Re: [ALOCHONA] Waiting for a Mahathir

I thought you blokes liked Masuddin Chowdhury!!! I remember the pitiable wails that came out when he was sent to the OZZ by other guy !!!

-----Original Message-----
From: Isha Khan
Sent: Jan 11, 2012 12:38 AM
To: undisclosed-recipients@null, null@null
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Waiting for a Mahathir

Waiting for a Mahathir

By Hashim Ahmed

The Bangladesh opposition political parties seem to have targeted May/June as the deadline for ousting the AL regime. Why May/June? Because a new army chief will be appointed by that time and there is every possibility that Masud uddin Chowdhury (1/11 general) would be the choice for obvious reasons.

A former member of the Rakkhi Bahini and loyal to the regime he is very inimical to BNP. Many feel that he was instrumental in installing the AL regime. He is still retained in the army by the grateful regime and is presently waiting in Australia.His service has been extended for the third time recently.

India will also have their general elections soon.

The western nations led by the USA are for a regime-change but they are going slow as they do not have much trust on BNP for its relations with the Islamists. BNP is also a loose organisation and its leadership is very weak, opportunist and corrupt. Besides memories of Hawa bhaban and corruption of Tareq, Koko, Mamun et al are still vivid in people's mind. It is felt that BNP's Chittagong gathering would also be a failure while the Dhaka gathering is still a far cry.The West would rather wait for a popular movement paving the way for a NGO-led non-party transitional regime than return of BNP.

The donor community (World Bank/IMF/IFC etc) led by USA is very unlikely to release major funds which will devastate the financial planning and budget making. This will create popular sufferings due to price rise, inflation, energy crisis added by low flow of remittance and uncontrollable law and order situation. Meanwhile Khaleda Zia and others may find themselves behind the bar.

The army is less likely to intervene directly as its leadership is handpicked and loyal. The others are still in the fearful state hunted by the memories of the BDR incidents. The West is less likely to support a direct intervention under a changed geo-political scenerio. On the other hand an India-backed intervention would not last long.

It seems that the people have no alternative than to wait for a Mahathir to come to save the nation !

Hashim Ahmed
E mail : hashimahmed507@...

http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=374339

 



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[ALOCHONA] Media Trial in Bangladesh in cahoots with ICT - A must read article in OpenDemocracy.Net




Trial by media: Bangladesh's 'International' Crimes Tribunal
 
Aisha Rahman, 28 February 2012 (OpenDemocracy.Net)
 
 
Phone tapping, court orders and vitriolic condemnations of the accused point to a disconcerting unity between the regime, the press and the ICT
 
In the past year, Bangladesh's Awami League government has embarked on the task of bringing a number of opposition leaders to trial, on charges of war crimes and "crimes against humanity" during the independence struggle of 1971. Although crimes were committed by both sides during the war, a small number of key political figures from the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) have been targeted. Constitutional rights have been suspended for the accused and they have been denied access to international lawyers.
 
The Bangladesh media has demonstrated a complete lack of moral standards ever since the International Crimes Tribunal was first formed. Newspapers such as The Daily Star and Prothom Alo are ever ready to propagate the government's version of history. These newspapers, amongst others, have made monsters of the accused through a constant bombardment of accusations disguised as fact.  While some have been incarcerated without charge, against universally accepted standards of human rights, others face charges which would be farcical if not so serious: having been a regional leader of a small political party opposing the secession of East Pakistan Professor Ghulam Azam now stands accused of "responsibility for all atrocities committed across the country from March 25 to December 16, 1971" and has been made into a hate figure by the Bangladeshi media. These accusations are taken as fact by media outlets keen to curry favour with an increasingly erratic and ruthless regime.
 
This near-hysterical lack of balance has not gone unnoticed. David Bergman, a British journalist working for New Age and currently reporting on the ICT, wrote surprisingly candidly of his disgust at recent concocted reports about Ghulam Azam and the "worldwide conspiracy" to free him. He wrote of the "malicious journalism" published by Daily Jonokhonto and Bhorer Kagoj, which alleged that information obtained by intelligence agencies "confirmed" that Jamaat-e-Islami was expending huge amounts of money in trying to change international opinion on the trial.
 
Al-Jazeera English under fire
Following a report on Al Jazeera English, newspapers claimed that the reporter Nicholas Haque had been flown in to interview Ghulam Azam with a view to publishing a series of reports denouncing the trials. Later, The Daily Star also picked up on the official rhetoric, publishing an article and an editorial piece harshly criticising Al Jazeera and accusing it of a deliberate and motivated attempt at undermining the tribunal. In response, Bergman wrote a lengthy critique of The Daily Star's unsubstantiated accusations.
 
The transparency of this attempt to smear Al-Jazeera exposes Bangladesh's media and so-called "intelligence" services to ridicule given, Al-Jazeera's towering reputation for responsible world-class journalism and integrity, indeed one which has earned it the coveted award for News Channel of the Year from Britain's Royal Television Society. The AJE news report in fact tended towards suggesting the accused may be guilty, despite the lack of evidence and clear political motivations of the trial. It did however, address the lack of international standards at the trial, and the opinion of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, leading to more accusations of conspiracy and paid lobbying, this time by Prothom Alo.  This is in stark contrast to local media which failed to mention the UN's Opinion or the lack of response to the UN on the part of the government.
 
Phone tapping and court orders: the prelude to formal censorship?
Recently, Ghulam Azam's sons, who have never held any political positions within Bangladesh or elsewhere, were falsely implicated in the recent attempted army coup in Bangladesh. This disgracefully irresponsible story alleged that one son, Numan Azmi, was being funded by Pakistan whilst being based in Malaysia. In fact, he has never visited either of these countries and has no links with Pakistan. More worryingly, another son, former Brigadier Abdullahil Amaan Azmi, who had served almost three decades of decorated service to the Bangladesh army, was also alleged to be involved. It is not surprising (in fact, quite the opposite) that Amaan Azmi has had his phone tapped, but the episode highlights the poisonous partnership between the regime and the media.
 
This may in part be due to fear of repercussions, such as being held in contempt of court. David Bergman himself has fallen foul of the ICT's liberal use of this court order and the Law Minister, Shafiq Ahmed, has threatened legal action against those critical of the tribunal. Yet, statements made by the Law Minister, Shafiq Ahmed, amongst others, presuming the outcome of the trial are allowed to stand unquestioned, despite being a clear transgression of the responsibilities of the position he holds. Sheikh Hasina has also made concerted efforts to get the international community on side, using the buzzwords of "terrorism" and "extremism" in an effort to generate support. The media are quick to report this rhetoric without reservation.
 
In contrast there is barely any coverage of Ghulam Azam's wife's distressing statements, highlighting the poor treatment he is receiving, his increasing frailty and the family's fears that he may die in custody. In recent weeks, Azam's family reapplied for bail on grounds of old age and ill-health, yet this was again denied early on Wednesday. The media has fostered an atmosphere of ugly bloodlust, and there is a disturbing lack of humanity in public opinion on the fate of the accused.
 
The pretence that Bangladesh is a progressive, liberal democracy is being gradually exposed, with increasingly vocal condemnation, from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International to the EU and UN. This has led the government to call for new legal powers to punish anyone who attempts to "obstruct the trial", thus making any criticism of the trial a crime, whether by the press or others. They have also made it clear that the trials must be concluded before the next election, suggesting that the outcome is decided and the trial is merely to render it palatable to the international community. In the face of this, pro-regime media remain voluntarily silent, while more independent forums are silenced.
 
The role of media recalled
This trial demands international interest due to the grave consequences of the actions the Awami League politicians have so lightly undertaken. The Bangladeshi government cannot be permitted to hang men on such flimsy evidence as newspaper reports or clearly rehearsed statements by questionable witnesses that fall apart upon cross-examination. They cannot expect the UN to accept these trials as an end to impunity, while allowing those openly admitting to have committed war crimes to walk free simply for being on the "winners" side. Indeed, any trial in which the judge himself has provided evidence against the accused must be deeply flawed. Bangladesh needs this trial to be conducted with fairness and transparency, upholding the process and rule of law. The ICT is simply unable to meet this standard, with even the British High Commissioner joining a long list of international figures expressing concerns.
The Bangladesh media has parroted the arguments of the ruling party instead of critically analysing the objectives of this trial. Journalistic pride, independence and ethical standards have given way to unquestioning subservience. The recent deaths of Marie Colvin and Remi Ochlik, two war correspondents who died reporting the truth from the front line in Syria, is a reminder to the Bangladesh media to reassess its standards and the role it plays within its country.  Unless and until the media rises to the challenge of questioning authority, investigating the truth and documenting it honestly, the citizens of Bangladesh will be failed by this mockery of a trial.
 
About the author: Aisha Rahman is a human rights activist and freelance journalist living in the United Kingdom


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[ALOCHONA] Re: Country Belongs to 16 Crore Bangladeshis, Not to a Man,a Family,or a Coterie

I like this article because it is fearless but detailed. It is not easy to find articles such as this from any quarter. I could never write like this.

But I believe the writer has missed a crucial point. In keeping with the title of his article he should have highlighted the single biggest weakness of BNP: Khaleda and Tarique. The biggest contribution to the country that Khaleda can make is to resign the party leadership and oblige her son to resign also. She should first build a new organising committee that can inspire neutral voters. The party that attracts the greatest number of neutrals will win.

But alas. BNP and AL are as stupid as each other.

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Isha Khan <bdmailer@...> wrote:
>
> *The Country Belongs to 16 Crore ( 160 million ) Bangladeshis, Not to a
> Man, No to a Family, Not to a Coterie*
>
> Obaid Chowdhury
> New York, USA
> alaldulal@...
>
> Memorial of some sorts on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman goes on a daily basis with
> unprecedented fanfare, mostly at state's expense. The occasion may or may
> not relate to the leader, yet credit must go to him and processions
> and flowers must go to 32 Dhanmondi Road. It reminds one of the old saying:
> Ochena brahmmaner paitar chorachori!
>
> Generations in their fifties and below have not witnessed the birth pangs
> of Bangladesh, nor did they experience the sufferings during its early days
> of existence. I wonder if they even know it was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who
> ruled the country during that period (1972 to 1975).
>
> The new generations have been continually fed with misinformation about our
> history. Bangladesh did not start on March 7, 1971, nor did it end at 32
> Dhanmondi Road. Its independence has a much glorious---even though
> struggling---past. Not all the supposed 3 million shaheeds were Awami
> Leaguers, nor did all the 300,000 active freedom fighters belong to Awami
> cadres.
>
> The country does not belong to an individual, a family or a party. No
> coterie has the sole authority to call themselves freedom fighters or
> shwadhinotar shopokker shakti, while branding all others as collaborators
> or anti-Bangladeshis. Blind following or blind faith and hero-worshiping
> are one thing, but reality is another. More often than not, facts are
> stranger than fiction.Frankly, I fail to comprehend, in my humble
> understanding, a few things:
>
> After declaring "ebarer sangram muktir sangra, ebarer sangram swadhinotar
> sangram..." on March 7 how could Sheikh Mujibur Rahman sit on the
> negotiating table with Yahya and his jallads from March 15 to 25, 1971? Why
> was it difficult for Sheikh Mujib to understand the game plan of the
> Military junta? Landing of plane and shiploads of troops and armaments in
> Dhaka and Chittagong was no secret. Was then Mujib a party to the whole
> game?
>
> Why Sheikh Mujib, in his lifetime, or the AL has not yet revealed what
> really went at Bangabhaban in those days? To the reporters, Mujb always
> boasted of making progress, even on the morning of March 25, without giving
> details. Dr. Kamal Hossain, a member of the AL team, is still alive and can
> clarify. (Richard Sisson and Leo Rose of the US Barkley University
> published in 1990 a much researched book titled 'War and Secession:
> Pakistan, Indian and the Creation of Bangladesh' in which they gave some
> details about the points of agreements between the two parties, aimed at
> keeping Pakistan united).
>
> Why did Sheikh Mujibur Rahman decline to sign, according to some accounts,
> the declaration of independence when approached by Tajuddin Ahmed, ASM
> Abdur Rob and others on the night of March 25, 1971, AL's claim to the
> contrary notwithstanding? (Rob is still alive to speak on it). According to
> Dr. Kamal Hossain, Mujib was keenly waiting for a promised declaration from
> President Yahya Khan to handover power to him forthwith. In reality, the
> president had something else in mind. He ordered the Operation Searchlight
> to "teach Bengalis a lesson" that massacred seven thousand innocents in
> Dhaka alone in just two days, as quoted by International Herald Tribune on
> March 30, 1971. The Time on April 12, 1971 compared the Pakistani brutality
> with that of Chengis Khan. Two days later, the confused and disoriented
> public heard a declaration of independence by an unknown Major Ziaur Rahman
> form the Kalurghat Radio in Chittagong. Had it come on March 25 or near
> around, lives of thousands could have been saved.
>
> Why did Sheikh Mujib call US Ambassador Joseph Farland in Islamabad on the
> night of March 25, 1971, and who facilitated that link? (Please see
> `Witness to Surrender' by Siddiq Salek)How can Sheikh Mujib avoid
> responsibility for his failure to give direction at that crucial juncture
> to the people who had to pay a heavy price as a result? I wonder, one day,
> researchers may find it difficult to ascertain who would be
> guiltier---Gholam Azam or Shiekh Mujib?
>
> * Sheikh Mujib's Bangladesh (1972-75)*
>
> Upon return from the Pakistani custody on January 10, 1972, Sheikh Mujibur
> Rahman saddled himself in the helm of Bangladesh, which won independence in
> his absence at a great cost. There was no dearth of international goodwill
> and assistance---in cash and kind---yet the new country failed to take off.
> Belying the stories of Japan, Germany and Italy, who experienced much worse
> devastations of war 25 years earlier, Bangladesh turned itself into a
> `bottomless basket' in just 3 years. The reasons are not far to seek.
> (Please see New York Times of December13, 24, 1974 and January 26, 1975;
> the Washington Post of November 8, 1974 plus other media sources.)
>
> Nearly half a million lives lost in the `man-made' famine in 1974/75. The
> dreaded Rakkhi Bahini that was under Sheikh Mujib's personal command killed
> 40 thousand dissidents. Emergency was clamped in 1974, politics banned and
> media gagged. Thousand of political opponents were sent to jail to rot and
> be tortured. Please open the pages of newspapers of the time and see that I
> am not talking of myths.
>
> Despite the supreme authority he held, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman felt something
> amiss in the protocol. Through 4th Amendment to the constitution in January
> 1975, enacted in 11 minutes without any debate, he made himself the
> President, showing exit door to poor Mohammad Ulla.
>
> Then came his "Second Revolution" in the form of BAKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak
> Sramik Awami League), the one-party system. As the Chairman of the BAKSAL
> and the President of the country, he became the unchallenged authority, the
> Omni-powerful leader, a virtual dictator with all its manifestations.
>
> The process of `rising above' and becoming a 'god' did not stop. Sheikh
> Mujibur Rahman was heading towards becoming the Life-long President of
> Bangladesh. Reportedly, a resolution to that effect was to be taken by the
> Chatra League on August 15, 1975 at the Dhaka University, where he was to
> be the chief guest. Once proposed by the CL, it was only a formality for
> the political leadership to enact it in the rubber-stamp parliament. We
> know the rest of the story.
>
> * Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely*
>
> (Part Two)
>
> Sheikh Hasina Wazed, daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, came to be the
> chief executive of Bangladesh in 1996--- thanks to a section of
> bureaucracy, media, Awami League supporter Abu Hena's Election Commission
> and finally Ershad's Jatiya Party. She openly said of her two objectives
> that she would like to complete in her maiden foray into power: avenge the
> death of her father and rehabilitate him firmly in public eyes. She
> performed only that, and nothing else.
>
> An orchestrated election in December 2008 presented an unprecedented
> victory to Sheikh Hasina, thanks to then army chief General Moeen U Ahmed
> and his Indo-US backers. As the saying goes, absolute power corrupts
> absolutely. So it did to Hasina, at times surpassing her father's
> reputations.In the Second Inning to power, starting in January 2009, she
> stepped into her father's footsteps firmly. She runs a neo-BAKSAL regime,
> with all its ferocity and brutality.
>
> Next election is due in 2 years. She had taken, or in the process of
> taking, a numbers measures to replay the December 29 (2008) saga, if not
> doing better.The arrangement of Caretaker Government (CTG) has been
> scrapped, with a view to holding the elections under her own
> administration. Ironically, it was Hasina and her cohorts who created havoc
> and observed hartals for 173 days in 1996 demanding the CTG.
>
> She put loyal elements in key positions in bureaucracy, law-enforcing
> agencies and even in the military.Legislature and judiciary became laughing
> stocks. Kortar hukume korma is the guidelines:
>
> Dhaka has been sliced into two to favor AL's election prospects.That the
> military remains partisan and loyal is ensured by family-product Defense
> Advisor Gen Siddiqui.Gen Masood Uddin Chowdhury, a Rakkhi Bahini product
> and the executioner of 1/11 betrayal, is tipped to be the next army chief.
> Independent-minded officers have been purged.A crushed BDR is now
> subservient to Indian wishes.Rumor has it that the DGFI (Directorate
> General of the Defense Intelligence) is under control of the RAW, the
> powerful Indian intelligence agency.Following the legacy of her father,
> Rakkhi Bahini style political killings and abductions of opponents
> continued. Partisan political commissars, styled as District
> Administrators, will by installed in the 61 districts soon, a la Baksal
> Governors of 1975.A new Election Commission is under construction to bring
> in loyal elements.Indian 'bags of money and advice' are always there to
> help their protégé.
>
> *Prime Minister for Life*
>
> Additionally, Sheikh Hasina seems to be obsessed with her father's last
> dream: to be Prime Minister for Life. Her sponsors and agents have been
> working for sometime toward that goal.Her administration made the trial of
> war crime a big issue. If she and her sycophants are to be taken seriously,
> Bangladesh presently has no bigger problem than this trial.
>
> Few would deny the need to punish the criminals of 1971. However, most
> people object to the partisan way the ongoing trial is conducted. They
> wonder why the trial had not happened over the past 40 years, when the
> memory of crime was fresh; why did Sheikh Mujib grant clemency to the
> Pakistani 195 war criminals in 1972, as well as their local collaborator in
> 1974?
>
> AL and Jamaat-e-Islam were bedfellows in the anti-government movement. The
> leaders from the two camps addressed meetings from same platforms in
> 1995-96. When Jamaat joined BNP to defeat the AL in 2001, it suddenly
> became the party of war criminals. Today, any movement or opposition to the
> AL led government is dubbed as conspiracy `to save the war criminals'. The
> intended message is Hasina must be kept in power to `hang the war
> criminals' of her choice.
>
> For the past 3 years, Sheikh Hasina has been talking of 'Digital Bangladesh
> by 2021', to be implemented by her son Sajeeb Wazed Joy. Now the goalpost
> has been shifted to 2025. The paid agents started a campaign crowing that,
> under Hasina administration, Bangladesh would be a mid-level developed
> nation in 10-15 years. This is to convey another message that for a
> `prosperous Bangladesh', Sheikh Hasina must be in power for another 10-15
> years, uninterrupted.
>
> The RAW, too, has calculated it well. With its protégé in power for at
> least another 10 years, India's integration of Bangladesh with its Seven
> Sisters will be complete. And, a Sikkim/Kashmir like Bangladesh will then
> be able to proudly boast of being part of the `Shining India' and `enjoy'
> status of mid level economy!
>
> I had the opportunity to be part of our liberation war in eastern sector in
> 1971. During that time, I could notice the pitiable state of development in
> some of those Sisters. Behind the façade of Shining India, Slums Dog
> Millions are aplenty in the periphery of its big cities, even outside the
> Seven Sisters. The New York Times on December 29, 2011 put up an extensive
> article on this: From Dharavi, Another View of India. Please visit:
> http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/29/world/asia/in-indian-slum-misery-work-politics-and-hope.html?_r=1&pagewanted=1&ref=global-home
>
> There is no reason for me to take solace from Dharavi, because we have
> worse `dharavi's in Bangladesh. No doubt, India made its name in the world
> comity in many ways. However, to its neighbors, it could not rise above its
> hegemonic behavior and petty mindedness. It has multifarious problems with
> each of its surrounding neighbors. My idea is to open the eyes of those
> amongst us who live in fools' paradise thinking our salvation lies in
> India's lap or following her dictum.
>
> Are these India-lovers blind to the consequences of Farakka to Bangladesh
> over the past 35 years? Why Indian Navy is occupying South Talpatti? Do
> killings of Felani and thousand others by Indian BSF mean nothing to them?
> How do they concur with Indian assurance that Tipaimukh will benefit
> Bangladesh? Have they ever asked India why Bangladeshis are wire-caged as
> animals? Haven't they noticed the consequences of so-called trial run of
> the transit/corridor? What more of `Indian friendship' these homegrown
> dalals need to wake up and face the reality. Sellers of national interest
> are much more dangerous and bigger enemies than the war criminals of
> 1971.If Sheikh Hasina were to continue in power, I doubt if the people
> of
> Bangladesh can call themselves Bangladeshis much longer.
>
> *Challenge for BNP and Opposition*
>
> (Part Three and Last)
>
> Sheikh Hasina Wazed is aware that public support for her administration is
> sliding fast. Many experts, in their writings and talks shows, compared the
> country's existing situation with that of pre-August 1975, some even saying
> it to be worse. But she will do everything possible and use all tools at
> her disposal in her attempts to cling to power. Some measures have been
> detailed in Part Two of this series.
>
> Next election is at least two years away. Whatever complacency the
> opposition may hold regarding AL's debacle next time round, Hasina and her
> sponsors are not sitting idle.She has an obliging judiciary, a loyal
> bureaucracy, a tamed military and ready-to-comply law enforcing agencies.
> (To make the police happy and to her side, she just announced to upgrade
> the Thana OCs to Class I officers and Sub-Inspectors to Class II.) Above
> all, it has a one-sided legislature that is engaged in self-praising and
> hero-worshipping.
>
> If Sheikh Hasina perceives no prospect of winning next elections, her
> fallback strategy, or her last nail on the coffin--- moron kamor---will be
> to create another pre-1/11 situation with a view to inviting extra judicial
> authority to step in. She expects her trusted Rakkhi Bahini product and
> executioner of 1/11 palace coup in 2007, General Masud Uddin Chowdhury,
> will then be handy. The general has been recalled from his diplomatic
> assignment in Australia and reverted to the army. According to rumor, he is
> likely to take over the army command in a few months, if there is no
> technical hitch in extending his service. He is not likeable in military
> hierarchy, though.
>
> Bangladesh could not yet resolve its outstanding issues with India, yet the
> `big brother' got its much sought after corridor/transit and re-routing of
> the Asian Highway to her benefit. Teesta sharing could not be agreed
> because of opposition by West Bengal's Momota Banerjee. Tipaimukh is
> proceeding as planned, exposing the northeastern part of the country to
> `farakka effect'. Indian RAW is Omni-present in the country, even in the
> military. Can our think tank, whatever left to be sold out, visualize where
> we are heading?
>
> Opposition movements, in the face of administrative repression and
> reprisals, made little dents so far to government's autocratic practices.
> The opposition needs not only to match the strategy of the administration;
> it should also aim at gaining an advantage. BNP may consider a few steps to
> regain and strengthen its image.
>
> BNP needs to work on its 2001 strategy, learning from the debacle of
> 2008.In 2001, out of 56 million votes, BNP had 23 million (41.5%), making a
> comfortable number of 193 in the parliament. The opposition AL got 22
> million (40%) but managed only 62 seats. One million votes made a
> difference of 131 seats!
>
> (In the elections in 2008, out of nearly 70 million votes cast, 33 million
> (48%) went to AL, converting to 232 parliamentary seats. 23 million (32%)
> voted for BNP, humbling it to mere 32 seats. 10 million votes made a
> difference of 200 seats in the House. Additionally, even though 14 million
> additional votes cast in 2008, BNP failed to benefit from this increased
> turnout, for whatever reasons. There were umpteen analyses for that sea
> change in political landscape, which surprised even the winners. Things
> need to go right the next time round.)
>
> Unlike the urban gentry, which try to shy away from voting fearing trouble,
> the general public and rural mass usually flock to the polling booths, or
> brought to the centers by interested parties. They look at it as a
> celebration. These are the people who will make the difference in the
> number of seats. According to reports, BNP has a better grass-root hold,
> which must be nurtured and strengthened.
>
> In politics, honesty is perhaps a rare commodity. One would need a powerful
> microscope to locate an honest one, if any, in Bangladesh. One of the
> reasons for BNP's poor performance in 2008, according to most analysts, was
> the wrong doings by some of its prominent leaders during its immediate past
> term. The Hawa Bhaban came under scrutiny, albeit with malicious intent. No
> doubt the allegations have been inflated by the authorities that be, but
> they could not have come from vacuum either. Ja rote, ta kichu to bote.
>
> Situation during the Awami time was no better. Today, it is unprecedented,
> pukur churi, as the US, the World Bank, the Westmont Group of Malaysia,
> among others, had to step in to check government's corruptive
> practices.Finger pointing apart, BNP's well-wishers feel that the party
> should address the issue seriously and attempt at cleaning its house, as
> far as possible.
>
> BNP may consider the following three things immediately:
>
> One: Soul-searching. People do make mistakes by oversight or whatever
> reasons, but it certainly is gracious to admit mistakes, if any. Contrary
> to the feeling that such a step will give ammunition to the adversaries to
> malign, I am of the opinion that it is better to come out clean rather than
> harboring a guilty conscious. Remember Sheikh Hasina in 1996, her apology
> for past mistakes, her hezab and tasbih following Makkah-Madina trips and
> went begging for votes, at least once? Bangladeshis are largely gullible.
> Dipu Moni started the ghomta already.
>
> Two: Housecleaning. I believe corruption is going to be a core issue in the
> next election.
> The Arab Spring Uprisings, the Occupy Wall Street/Cities/Towns engulfing
> the developed word, the Anna Hazare Movement in India, the Imran Khan
> Rallies in Pakistan---all have one thing in common: root out corruption. It
> has become a global issue today. Fighting corruption should be BNP's number
> one goal, as such. Simultaneously, the party should take drastic action
> against its known and proven culprits, whoever they are. In addition, the
> party should rid itself of inactive, ineffective and irrelevant leaders.
> These are imperatives for public confidence building.
>
> Three: Try War Criminals. The way the government of Awami League is
> conducting the trial of war crimes is unacceptable. It is a political
> trial, done with controversial and partisan judges and lawyers.
> Nevertheless, punishing the war criminals is a national demand, a demand
> past due. Therefore, BNP should make a formal commitment to try the war
> criminals of 1971. It should make a declaration that it will reconstitute
> the International War Criminal Act, conforming to international norms and
> standard and re-assemble the Tribunal with independent, impartial and
> credible judges. If need be, eminent international jurists be incorporated
> in it. The real culprits, whosoever they are, should be brought to book,
> subject to credible and verifiable investigations and evidences. The
> accused should have access to any counselor, local or international. No
> political motive, no witch-hunting to be allowed.
>
> War criminals should be seen differently from their membership to any
> party. Jamaat-e-Islam is a political party and should have every right to
> function like any other party. BNP should continue its alliance with the
> Jamaat and other like-minded parties. Few will disagree that Jamaat is a
> highly disciplined party and its leaders are less corruptive.
>
> http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=374009
>


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[ALOCHONA] A must read article on potential cyber war in Bangladesh



Cyber attacks on India and the Bangladesh spring of discontent
- Mac Haque
 
'My mother drunk or sober, my country right or wrong' – Anonymous
 
The first day of Falgoon - Spring in the Bengali calendar, heralded  with the unexpected news of 20,000 Indian websites being defaced by Bangladeshi hackers operating under the coalition of 'Bangladesh Cyber Army' (BCA), 'Bangladesh Black Hat Hackers (BBHH) and '3xp1r3 Cyber Army' among others. In slick Youtube video statements, all the groups jointly or singly claimed credits for the attacks and their intentions were specific.
 
Essentially they boil down to protesting the unabated killings, kidnapping and barbaric torture of Bangladesh nationals by BSF personnel's on the border, Tipaimukh  and Farakka issues, India's reluctance to allow Bangladesh television airwaves over it's  territory, and the continuous attacks by Indian hackers of some five hundred Bangladeshi websites.
 
The crux of the irate and emotional statements on the hackers Facebook groups indicate they have decided to 'attack' because the government of Bangladesh has taken no effective actions on any of the issues – although BSF brutality has time and again made headlines in both Bangladesh and international Media, including those of India.
 
The above is but a short summary of what the 'Cyber War' with India is all about, but what needs to be understood is this is only the tip of the proverbial iceberg. The nuts and bolts in my personal interaction with many cyber activists lead me to believe the following:
 
- An overall sense of gloom and frustration has overtaken the young of the nation and it is necessary to appreciate that they look at Bangladesh's Foreign Policy and the government's appeasement of India as subservience and outright betrayal of our national interest. The government or the establishment in turn have failed to sense the pulse of a new generation, in these enlightened days of connectivity.
 
- What became apparent is this new generation of techno and Net savvy Bangladeshi women and men have given a resounding thumbs down, not only to the government of the day, but the entire political system that has rotted to the core in forty years of our existence. While we may debate the legality or ethics of the hackers, their actions which has received stoic indifference from both the government and the Bangladesh mainstream media, has nonetheless been applauded resoundingly by millions on the Net.
 
- In the same vein, that India is a regional bully that needs counter harassing or at the least their super-ego 'cut to size' has for now been succinctly addressed in private citizen's initiatives. While hacking is surely a crime, the innovative out-of-the-box protest by Bangladesh's new generation and the ongoing tit–for-tat, deserves our unbridled appreciation.
 
- While we foam in our mouth about a 'digital Bangladesh', what has not been bargained for is the advent of 'Cyber warriors' who have the capacity to operate independently and retaliate at a perceived 'enemy', when the government of the day fails, is only to Bangladesh citizens advantage. This is well within permissible limits of civil defense where 'Cyber attacks' need to be repulsed or at best, citizens have rudimentary idea of how to defend themselves.
 
- The Awami League sponsored political culture whereby any open anti-Indian statements by individuals or groups leads to humiliating questions asked in the public domain as to ones 'patriotism' is a sore point. A new generation wants to know why they should be daubed sordid colors of 'Pro-Pakistani', 'ISI agents' and 'communal Islamic extremist after Hindu blood' – or ' elements out to subvert the trial of War Criminals' whenever there is a fair criticism of the government of the day – or its 'friend' India? They ask: why does one have to be pro-Pakistani to be anti-AL or anti-Indian, and vice versa? What then is 'pro-Bangladesh' or is there no such thing? 
 
- The 'Cyber warriors' are out to prove that dissent is the highest form of patriotism and their protest has moved way beyond our political master's dream. All we see is our politicians have 'talents' no more than to 'garner support' (a 60's legacy) by paying upfront cash and mobilise thousands of people in 'historical meetings' to listen to their idiotic speeches, or 'marches' where SUVs more than humans do the 'march' and contributes to chaos. In contrast, the alternative 'walk and prowl' on the information superhighway by the intelligent, inspired and informed of Bangladesh have created a virtual bulwark that is already causing a 'jam' with the world watching – as numbers quadruple and interests grow by the days.
 
- The Bangladesh media, which is no more than an extension of the status quo and well recognised underlings of the establishment, has also been singled for betrayal. The word 'Bharotiyo dalal' or Indian collaborators has gained currency on the Net, and journalists and media tycoons who hog shameless amount of public space on a day-to-day basis are identified by name and systematically brutalised.
 
- These 'Cyber warriors' have no gripes against the people of India, but more so against India's political masters and the media, who have time and again chosen to demean and insult Bangladesh and the possibilities of its now generation.
 
Coming back to recent times, the Bangladesh media, in cahoots with their political masters, have for long fed on a fear psychosis of a 'third force' evolving and taking over power. By that is implied a military intervention that a corrupt and morally degraded 'civil society' will then back and derail the course of democracy. This is an exercise in futility, demonstrated ever so visibly in the 'Caretaker Governance' of 2007-2009. None of the players who have since vanished from public view to safe confines 'abroad' were ever punished for a huge price the citizenry actually paid.
 
The current fear is an 'Islamic takeover' backed by section of 'religious extremist elements within the Army'. This is now rife in the political propaganda of the day, following the government's well trumpeted foiling of an attempted 'email coup' in the last week of January! Many people, however, believe that the propaganda served the government to divert the nation's attention from the economic failures of the government and the endemically out-of-control law and order situation where each day, we are fed stories and macabre pictures of murder victims, is now all the more apparent.
 
The grim scenario that the Bangladesh Government is yet unable to contend with is, the 'third force' has actually arrived and is an abrasive REALITY. It has evolved in Cyber Space without any of us knowing, matured and are putting a firm down payment, in that 'enough is enough' will no longer mean exasperated sighs of those merely in the 'real world'. The advantage of this new 'third force' is – they are invisible and operate within parameters of global thinking and aspirations.
 
The world as such is no longer limited to our geographical territory. The chaos in Bangladesh, its dicey political culture, its corruption and sycophancy, its utter disregard for civility and the cries of a new generation that has for long been shunned aside, has caused the first nail to be driven straight into the government's coffin. The resonance of the 'Cyber warriors' actions, which the establishment may discard as 'youthful exuberance', will not die down as easily as anticipated. More specifically a generational revolt is in the air.
 
As expected while the Spring Offensive by Bangladesh hackers didn't merit any major mainstream print media coverage in Bangladesh, the world and Indian media covered it with the importance it deserves. This attack that downed 20,000 websites in twenty four hours possibly merits entry into the Guinness Book of World records! Not unsurprisingly, Indian Cyber Army, 'Indishell' has promised a massive retaliation and as the new generation digs in its heel and marks time, we need to analyse the entire scenario. Where do we go from here?  The government's silence of over a week and the media blackout could mean three things:
 
Firstly, the government does not want to 'upset India' and up front that is how things stand. There are also indications that India is in secret parley with our government after the BSF server was destroyed and several Indian High Commission and Embassy sites including the ones in Dhaka, were not only hacked, but critical information about employees, visitors with their personal details were leaked. What these parleys are about is not known, but our guesstimates can be as good as the Indians.
 
Secondly, there should be no underestimating the competence and capabilities of Bangladesh Intelligence. The precision, timing of the attacks, and systematic targeting with the numbers of websites taken down in twenty four hours, simply couldn't have happened without the knowledge of the government or the complicity of our intelligence services. At best and for all practical purpose, elements within the government may have initiated the attacks and/or intentionally looked the other way when BCA and BBHH and others went all out.
 
Thirdly and more dangerously, and I hope I am proved wrong, all or even part of the 'war' could well be a false-flag counter-intelligence operations by India, to add further pressure on Bangladesh, and let alarm bells ring about our cyber security. That in the end would or could lead to one specific goal. Further Internet censorship and it is not as if Bangladesh is new to the phenomena.
 
Having taken the above coordinates – let us assess where we are at currently:  what we are confronted today is a series of serious breach of trust felt by a predominant part of our population towards our political establishment. The noise on the street only adds up to more decibels to our much stressed existence. Everything is on the verge of collapsing and each day seems like we are merely hanging on a tether.
 
False promises in false speech by politicians, who have taken on the false aura of false Prophets, are contributing to our doom and gloom psyche. Our sensitive young, feel listless and unable to act, or contribute meaningfully to society. They have taken refuge in the virtual world, for the real world makes no meaning to them. Their aspirations are blunted, their frustrations pronounced in daily status updates on their Facebook walls. Most have no chance to compete in the real world where recession has rendered jobs scarce.
 
Yet today the young have scored a point and made not only us but the rest of the world to take notice. We still have no time for them, nor are we interested to hear their voices. We indulge in age-related prejudices and think in our own over heated imagination that they do not deserve to be heard. Since we have placed ourselves in a pedestal at their expense, we by implication behave as if all the best thoughts for the nation lay safely ensconced within our minds Рnot theirs. Our domineering fa̤ade does not belie our self confidence, but our vulnerability. Because we are vulnerable, we do not permit the young to breathe, to be themselves. In our frailties we only try act God!
 
Yet here we are in 2012 and almost 60 per cent of our population is below the age of 25 – a supremely talented nation of the young, who when given a fair chance have displayed their merits. On the flip side, our fossilized and wasted establishment and political culture do not even have the flimsiest research to probe their highly imaginative minds nor do we have the capacity to appreciate their infinite talents and capacity.
 
What we are then left with, is for the now generation to act out its vengeance and frustrations covertly, in anonymity, in disguise. We do not know the identity of any of the thousands of hackers that have unleashed this 'war' not only on India, but on our opportunistic political establishment. The danger is right here.
 
In event of a government crackdown and arrest of hackers, there is more than a chance that many will be most brutally tortured, some may even face death. Already many of the hackers on activist pages on Facebook are sending out cautionary messages of the government working out means with India on how they could be traced and annihilated.
 
All of the above can happen without our knowing, without any Media coverage, without any screams heard for Human Rights Violation and in the end, we may well waste or kill some of the brightest and most promising that Bangladesh could ever offer. The Government will be ill advised to make such a move, for what we will then have is a disaster that will make matters complex. The power of our young, the now generation is immense and should not be underestimated.
 
What can then best be done?
 
In a TV talk show on February 17, I suggested that Bangladesh should actively patronise and promote these young but highly talented pool of hackers, by opening dialogues either overtly or covertly and  bring them onboard. The next step could be an assurance of proper employment and to make them work together with the national defense to develop an impregnable cyber security system for the nation, which will have far reaching implications in the days ahead.
 
As much as we talk about a 'Digital Bangladesh' – we do not get to hear anything about Cyber Security. To imagine that we are safe is wishful thinking. Security is never discussed in public, so the hackers too may have important reasons to be anonymous. The digital divide has never ever been more pronounced.
 
Meanwhile some TV talk show hosts have discreetly talked to some hackers on screen, but it is obvious that their efforts were only to find out the safety of our Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) system and if it is 'hackable'. The answer incorrectly was NO. The other was to portray these wonderful young women and men as petty thieves and robbers – ones who can hack into your bank or credit card account and 'steal money from the rich to give them to the poor' – millennium Cyber Robinhood?
 
Our lust for money and greed that is the cause for all our sufferings cannot simply be transferred to the young, for such an exercise will result in a major catastrophe which no Government or security service can ever control or handle. We may be justifiably opposed to hacking as it constitutes a crime, but let us not forget that the circumstances that have provoked our young to 'declare war' in 2012 is JUST, and on the clear premise that 'to FIGHT injustice is JUSTIFIED'!
 
On balance, what we now have is not just a 'cyber war' against India, but a bubbling political cauldron that has every indicator of outstripping the 2011 Arab Spring of Discontent. To be fair, in Tunisia, Egypt or Libya, Facebook and Twitter spread messages for mass mobilisation on the streets. There are however no records of protestors arming themselves on 'weapons' available free on the Net – things like Hacking Tutorials conducted online and results quickly transmitted as and when success were met by novices?
 
What can conceivably happen in the long run is no Tahrir Square in Dhaka to force the ouster of a political Government and replace one with yet another corrupt set of politicians in musical chair roulette. If left unattended and the young disrespected, dishonored or efforts made to defeat them, a 'war' most unwarranted may erupt. Our Government, corrupt institutions and the civil society just doesn't have a clue as what is likely to come next.
 
When you provoke sixty per cent of the young and sensitive portion of your population, you wake up 'lovable monsters' that will crush you in ways more than one. Perhaps that is what Bangladesh direly needs – 'lovable monsters'?
 
Maqsoodul Haque – Mac is a Dhaka based radical columnist, poet and  jazz rock fusion musician. Comments: machaque@gmail.com; Blog: http://tpoi.blogspot.com  
 
New Age Xtra, Friday 24th February 2012
 


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