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Sunday, April 27, 2008

[ALOCHONA] ACC: Editor of Daily Janakantha jailed for 7 years

Atiqullah jailed again for 7 years
Courtesy New Age 28/4/08

The Globe-Janakantha Group chairman, Atiqullah Khan Masud, also editor and publisher of the daily Janakantha, was again on Sunday jailed for seven years on another fraudulence charge.
Khandaker Kamaluzzaman, judge of the special judge’s court 9 set up on the Jatiya Sangsad complex to try high-profile corruption suspects, also sentenced Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha authorised officer Fauzi-Bin-Farid to seven years’ imprisonment in the same case.
The court also fined the two Tk 9.36 crore. The court ordered both Masud and Fauzi to pay the fine jointly or to serve six more months in jail in case of failure to pay the fine.
The Anti-Corruption Commission on September 30, 2007 filed the case with the Motijheel police accusing Masud, arrested by the joint forces on March 7, 2007, and Fauzi of having roles in approving the design of a 15-storey building on the Outer Circular Road illegally.
On March 6, 9 and 20 Masud was sentenced to imprisonment for a total of 21 years, seven years each in three cases on fraudulence charges.
He was also jailed on April 3 for 13 years for amassing illegal wealth and hiding assets in his wealth statement submitted to the commission.

 

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[ALOCHONA] AL: MP Haji Selim jailed for 13 years

Haji Selim jailed for 13 years, wife for 3 years
Courtesy New Age 28/4/08

 

Former Awami League lawmaker Mohammad Selim (Haji Selim) was on Sunday sentenced to rigorous imprisonment for 13 years for amassing illegal wealth and hiding assets in his wealth statement submitted to the Anti-Corruption Commission.
M Sirjaul Islam, the judge of the special judge’s court 7 set up on the Jatiya Sangsad complex, also sentenced Selim’s wife, Gulshan Ara, to rigorous imprisonment for three years for helping her husband to keep Selim’s assets of Tk 4.88 crore in her name. The court ordered confiscation of Selim’s wealth of Tk 26.92 crore, which the court found to be beyond his known sources of income.
The court also fined Selim Tk 10 lakh and the wife Tk 1 lakh. If they fail to pay the fines, Selim will need to serve one more year and Gulshan Ara six more months in jail.
Selim was sentenced to rigorous imprisonment for 10 years for amassing wealth of Tk 26.92 crore, which was disproportionate to his known sources of income, and three years for hiding assets of Tk 10.04 crore in his wealth report.
The couple recorded Tk 59.37 crore in their statements submitted to the commission.
In the verdict, the court ordered consecutive execution of Selim’s sentences, meaning Selim would need to serve 13 years in jail.
The couple are in hiding and the sentences will come into execution after their arrest or surrender. The commission’s assistant director Mohammad Mahbub Alam filed the case with the Lalbagh police on September 24, 2007.
Its deputy director M Abu Sayeed, also the investigation officer of the case, submitted the charge sheet against the couple on April 1.

 

 

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[ALOCHONA] Upazila Parishads to have 2 vice chairmen each

Zila, upazila parishads to have 2 vice-chairmen each
Direct election proposed in draft ordinance

Courtesy New Age 28/4/08

 

The interim administration has taken a move to create new posts of vice-chairman in upazila and zila parishads to be elected by direct vote.
   One of the two posts of vice-chairman in both the local government bodies will be held by a female, directly elected.
   Zila parishad chairmen from now on will also be elected by people, according to a decision made at an inter-ministry meeting at the Local Government Division on Sunday.
   ‘We are going to create two posts of vice-chairman both at upazila and zila parishads. The zila parisad chairmen in all but the three Chittagong Hill Tracts districts will now be elected by people as is the case in upazila,’ the LGRD and cooperatives adviser, Anwarul Iqbal, told reporters at the secretariat after the meeting on the draft Local Government (Union Parishad, Upazila Parishad and Zila Parishad) Ordinance 2008.
   The provisions for the creation of 1,086 posts of vice-president in the local government bodies, a half of which will be held by females, and direct election to the post of zila parishad chairman will be incorporated in the ordinance prepared by a the high-powered committee on strengthening the local government bodies. Elections to all the 482 upazila parishads have been overdue as the previous governments were not interested in holding the polls to the local government bodies, according to officials.
   ‘The draft will be sent to the law ministry for vetting before it is placed at the meeting of the council of advisers,’ Anwarul said.
   In line with the recommendations of the committee, the cabinet has approved the Local Government [Municipality] Ordinance 2008 and the Local Government [City Corporation] Ordinance 2008 with some changes in the proposed laws.
   ‘We have finally scrapped the proposal for 40, 30 and 30 per cent seats for women at every tier — zila, upazila, and union — for three consecutive terms by rotation on a High Court verdict against it. So the existing 30 per cent reserved seats for women in the local government bodies will be in force with equal opportunities for all representatives,’ Iqbal said, adding that fresh rules would be framed to this effect soon.
   He said the officials and employees at union parishads would be brought under the revenue budget as is the case with other local government bodies.
   As for elections to the local government bodies, including upazila parishad, Anwarul said it was now a compulsion of the Election Commission to conduct all the elections. ‘The Election Commission has already been invested with the power to conduct the upazila parishad elections,’ he said.
   Anwarul said the government had again appealed to the High Court for an extension to the timeframe for the upazila parishad elections by six more months.
   Such extensions were made for at least 10 to 12 times as the previous governments were not interested in holding the upazila polls.
   The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, after assuming office in 1991, dissolved the upazila parishad system which was introduced in 1982 by HM Ershad.
   The first elections to upazila parishads were held in 1984, followed by the second in 1988.

 

 

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[ALOCHONA] AL: Hunger strike deferred

AL defers hunger strike
to May 5
Courtesy New Age 28/4/08

 

The Awami League has deferred its token hunger strike programme to May 5.
The hunger strike was earlier scheduled for Tuesday.
The party presidium at a meeting Sunday night also decided to keep the hunger strike programme confined to the capital city instead of observing it across the country.
‘We have decided to shift our Tuesday’s hunger strike programme to May 5 following a request from the leaders of Supreme Court Bar Association as the elections of the association will be held on Monday and Tuesday’, the acting general secretary of AL, Syed Ashraful Islam told reporters after the meeting held at the Gulshan residence of acting party president Zillur Rahman.
He said that the meeting decided to observe the programme in the capital city only as activists living outside Dhaka did not get permission from the administration for the programme because of the ban on indoor politics there.
He, however, denied that the programme was deferred under pressure from the government.

 

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[ALOCHONA] Hasina: Asks party not to contest polls without her

Hasina asks party not to contest polls without her
Says she will not retire from politics

Courtesy New Age 28/4/08

 

The detained Awami League president Sheikh Hasina on Sunday said neither her party would participate in any polls without her nor she would retire from politics under any pressure.
Hasina, also a former prime minister, said this as she talked with her lawyers and relations in a makeshift courtroom on the Jatiya Sangsad complex after appearing in the special judge’s court for hearing in the framing of charges in the MiG-29 corruption case.
‘I have been asked to quit politics; but I will not retire from politics under any pressure,’ she said.
‘The people will decide whether I will be in politics,’ said Hasina, adding that it would not be wise for her to quit politics as the people were being repressed.
Her counsel Quamrul Islam, also the acting general secretary of the city Awami League, told reporters after the talks that the party chief had advised the party leaders not to participate in any national elections without her.
Quamrul Islam, Sahara Khatun and Abdul Mannan briefed reporters after coming out of the court and they had one-to-one consultations with Hasina during the talks, for 20 minutes as allowed by the court.
‘We asked our leader about the party’s stand if she was barred from taking part in elections and she said the Awami League would not participate in any national elections without her,’ Quamrul said.
Referring to the military-controlled government, the former prime minister said, ‘They do not mean trial in any case, but want to convict me at any cost to bar me from taking part in the elections.’
Hasina said that she had challenged the Anti-Corruption Commission’s notification asking her wealth statement and the High Court declared it illegal saying that the law was faulty. The commission amended the law after the High Court verdict which the chief justice struck down.
‘If the law was not faulty, then why was it amended? If this is the independence of the judiciary, how can we expect justice?’
When the lawyers called her attention to the remarks of the Gana Forum president, Kamal Hossain, where he had said the people who were calling for movement to free the detained offenders should to be tried as their associates, Hasina said, ‘How can he [Kamal] speak against corruption after whitening Tk 102 crore?’
‘What are the sources of the money?’ Hasina said.
‘I ensured rice for people for Tk 10 a kilogram and oil for Tk 40 a litre and now they are selling for Tk 40 and Tk 120… It proves who are the corrupt,’ she said.

 

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[mukto-mona] Prof. Akhtar-ul-Wasey on Islamic Studies in India (Interview)

Prof. Akhtar-ul-Wasey on Islamic studies in India
Posted April 27th, 2008 by Tarique AnwarArticles
Indian Muslim By Yoginder Sikand, TwoCircles.net,

Profesor Akhtar ul-Wasey is the head of the Department
of Islamic Studies and the Director of the Zakir
Husain Institute of Islamic Studies at the Jamia
Millia Islamia, New Delhi. In this interview with
Yoginder Sikand, he reflects on the functioning of the
various Islamic Studies Departments in universities
across India.

Q: How do you see the role of the Departments of
Islamic Studies in those universities in India that
have such departments?

A: Very few Indian universities have such departments.
The problem is exacerbated by the fact that those
universities that do have different names for
departments that teach broadly the same subject. So,
Lucknow University has a department of Arab Culture,
in Calcutta University it is called the Department of
Islamic Culture, while in Aligarh, Jamia Millia, Jamia
Hamdard and Kashmir University it is called the
Department of Islamic Studies. Then, in Aligarh they
also have the two Departments of Sunni and Shia
Theology. I think there should be some clarity in this
issue of nomenclature.

Prof. Akhtar-ul-Wasey

While departments of Islamic Theology are meant to be
more concerned with the study of Islamic texts,
departments of Islamic Studies are supposed to focus
particularly on the study of the historical interface
between Islamic texts and changing social contexts.
The point is that no text can be properly understood
without understanding the broader historical context.
I feel that the intellectual crisis and chaos of the
Muslim world today owes largely to the lack of a
proper appreciation of the need for contextual
understanding of the textual tradition and of the
changing social, political, economic and cultural
realities.

Now, to come to your question, yes, our Departments of
Islamic Studies in various universities in India have
been trying to do what was expected of them, but I
cannot deny that there are still many weaknesses that
need to be addressed. To be honest, we have tended to
become ritualistic in our approach to our curriculum,
not reflecting the necessary dynamism and paying less
than sufficient attention to promoting inquisitiveness
and the culture of questioning among our students.

Q: Does this also have to do, at least in part, with
the sort of students who typically opt for Islamic
Studies as a course of study in universities?

A: I think that most students who join Departments of
Islamic Studies do so just for the sake of the degrees
they get. But in this they are not exceptional, of
course, this being the case with other departments,
too. Also, it is clear that many students who opt for
Islamic Studies do so because they do not possess
enough marks to enter other streams. Since the
attitude is that they have to do some course or the
other, they choose Islamic Studies, which they feel is
easier to get admission in. But, then, at least some
of our students, say a fifth or so, join our
Department out of real interest.

Q: Are these students mainly from madrasas or schools?


A: Both. A good many of our students, perhaps half,
come from madrasas, because the Jamia Millia Islamia
is one of the few universities in India to recognise
the degrees of selected madrasas. In this regard, I
must, however, mention that the doors to the
universities have not been opened to madrasa students
so that they can join to study Islamic Studies, Urdu,
Arabic and Persian, as is, unfortunately, generally
the case. The fact of the matter is that they tend to
join these departments because it is easy for them to
score well there because of their madrasa training.
But I don't suppose they learn much, because, if they
have received a proper training in their madrasas,
they would already have learnt much more there than
they would in these Departments.

Enabling madrasa students to join universities is, of
course, a ood thing, but this must be so that they can
join other social science and humanities departments,
so that they can improve and widen their vision.
Combining their religious training and the social
science orientation that they receive from the
universities, they can go on to become effective
leaders of the community and country. But, sadly, that
is not happening on a significant enough scale.

Q: What would you recommend to address this issue?

A: I think that Islamic Studies and Arabic should be
allowed only as optional or subsidiary papers for
madrasa graduates who join universities, so that they
are encouraged to join other social science
departments instead. They should study subjects like
Political Science, Sociology, Economics, History, or
English, Hindi and other languages. I think this would
also prove to be crucial in helping develop more
context-sensitive understandings of religion and would
enable madrasa students to play a more effective
social role than at present. I am sure that madrasa
graduates can do well in these other departments
because in the madrasas they are taught to work very
hard.

Q: How would you consider the research output of your
Department?

A: The quality of the theses submitted to our
Department is, of course, mixed. The Islamic Studies
Department in Jamia was established in 1975, and some
thirty doctoral theses have been submitted to it so
far. More than half of them have been published.

Q: There is a distinct lack of a tradition of
empirical research in the Departments of Islamic
Studies in India. The focus is almost wholly on texts
and Muslim history. Very little attention is actually
paid to the study of the lived realities, including
religious, of Indian Muslims in their contemporary
context, which, as you said at the outset, should also
be a focus of the Departments of Islamic Studies. What
do you feel about this?

A: That is, unfortunately, true, although I must say
here that several of our students have, in their
theses, focused on issues of contemporary concern,
such as women's rights, inter-faith dialogue, the West
and Islam and so on. One student of ours recently did
a field-based study on empowerment of Muslim women,
based on her experiences in Kashmir and Delhi. That.
However, was an exception.

Needless to say, we need much more research of this
sort too, but this is hampered by the lack of funds
for field research. Most of our students come from
lower-middle class families and cannot afford this
themselves, and there is little or no funding from the
University Grants Commission for this sort of research
for our students. The Department also does not have
resources for this. Nor has the community thought of
doing anything about this.

Q: In this regard, what do you feel about the fact
that while there are literally thousands of institutes
for Islamic Studies, including madrasas and maktabs,
in India, there is not a single Muslim social science
research institute in the entire country that does
serious research on the empirical conditions of
India's Muslims?

A: Sadly, that is true. I think this has to do, in
part, with the very low level of social consciousness
in the Muslim community. Almost all our organizations
and jamaats are concerned with promoting sectional,
sectarian and personal interests. Indeed, in many
cases, jamaati and personal interests are one and the
same, since jamaats often act as personal properties
and are controlled by particular families.

I think that the Aligarh Muslim University and the
Jamia Millia Islamia should have taken the lead in
promoting serious social science research on the
Indian Muslims, because this is part of their mandate.
Sadly, they have done little in this regard, although
of course in the past they did produce some brilliant
scholars of Indian Muslim history and politics. Their
various social science departments could have taken up
Muslim social issues in the form of research projects,
both at the micro and the macro level. I think one
reason for the reluctance to do so is the fear of
being wrongly accused by communal forces of pursuing a
particular 'agenda'. It also has to do with
indifference and lack of vision. And sheer laziness,
too. So, you have the situation, and I think in some
ways it is also heartening, that better social science
as well as journalistic writing has been done on the
conditions of the Indian Muslims by non-Muslims than
by Muslims themselves. Yet another reason is the
widespread view that giving money for madrasas and
mosques is a means to acquire a place in heaven, while
donating to a school or a hospital or a social science
research centre is not so! That also explains the lack
of such efforts on the part of the community.

I think one needs to understand all this in terms of
the anxieties about threats to their religious
identity, real as well as imaginary, that many Indian
Muslims perceive, which, in turn, means that
institutions such as madrasas and mosques receive more
importance than social science research or community
development as priorities for the community. And,
then, the so-called Muslim Ashraf or self-styled
'upper' caste elite have generally cared but little
for the woeful social and economic conditions of the
Muslim masses, whose issues are not on their agenda
but only get lip-sympathy.

For the sort of serious social science research you
are talking about one needs social awareness and true
organic intellectuals. But, sadly, the Indian Muslims
suffer from a lack of this on all fronts. We have made
polemicists, not real thinkers, our leaders. And,
generally, our leaders do not realize that there is
often a fine line between bravery and stupidity. In
the name of bravery they often lead Muslims to
perdition.

Q: Could you elaborate on this a little more?

A: At the risk of generalization, one can say that the
Muslim political leadership has fed Muslims only
half-truths, which are more dangerous than blatant
lies. So, they tell them that iron can be broken with
iron, which is true, but only partly so, because they
do not tell them what sort of iron needs to be used
for this. Hot iron can only be broken with cold iron,
not with hot iron, but they conveniently leave this
unmentioned or else tell them to combat hot iron with
another piece of hot iron! What I want to say is that
they have unnecessarily got Muslims involved in heated
controversies in response to the attacks of
adversaries.

For its part, the Muslim religious leadership explains
that all that befalls us comes from God. This is, of
course, true, but they do not also say that, as the
Quran explains, God does not grant us anything without
our having to strive for it, and that one has to
strive and work hard and leave the rest to God.

So, as a result, what Muslims have been doing is that
they have been trying to do whatever is actually God's
work themselves, while the work that they should have
been doing they have left to God! Naturally, that has
caused chaos and has put us in the unenviable position
that we are in today.

Q: Let's come back to the question of serious social
science research on the Indian Muslims.

A: Yes. I want to add that government-funded academic
institutions such as the University Grants Commission,
the Indian Council for Historical Research and the
Indian Council for Social Science Research should
seriously consider special academic programmes and
research on these issues. They must remember that this
is vital not just for the Muslims alone but also for
the future of the country's peace, development, social
justice and communal harmony as a whole.

The community also has to come forward to set up
institutions to sponsor this sort of research. These
must be independent, free of political strings and
economic bondage. The future of the community is not
going to be determined by the beauty of the Taj Mahal
or the grandeur of the Red Fort or the height of the
Qutb Minar that the Muslims of the past built, and
which we never tire of glorifying, but its
intellectual capital.

Now, this is in line with the work of God. According
to the Quran, when God created Adam, the angels
protested. God asked the angels to tell Him the names
of things, but they could not whereas Adam could, and
so the angels bowed before Adam, as God commanded them
to. This means that God has decided that those who do
not know must accept that those who truly know are
above them. This is Allah's sunnat and Muslims should
understand this. So, if Muslims are to be spared
bowing before others, there is no other way than
seeking knowledge, and, of course, the sort of social
science research and knowledge that we are discussing
about is part of this.

Muslims must also remember that the future of Islam is
joined with that of the future of Muslims, and that
the future of Muslims is not separated from that of
the future of others. Questions that confront Muslims,
such as poverty, illiteracy, inequality and injustice,
are problems that afflict other communities too, as
these do not recognise barriers of religion. So, in
addition to the important social science research that
you have mentioned, I would also say that it is
crucial for Islamic scholars to seek to reflect on
what answers Islam can provide to these common social
problems and issues that afflict all communities. This
will also provide a firm basis for good
inter-community relations.

Indian Islamic scholars must play a more pro-active
role in promoting inter-community dialogue, not
because Muslims are a minority in India, but because
Islam demands so. We should remember that this is, or,
at least, should be, the age of dialogue, not conflict
and polemics. The Prophet came to communicate, and
communication is the solution. So, one thing that are
students of Islamic Studies in our universities must
do, although this has not really happened on a
significant scale at all in India, is to get involved
in seeking to communicate, through words and deeds,
with people of other faiths, to work together with
them for the common good based on their religious
commitment. Minorities need to compensate for their
numerical weakness by working extra hard, including
even in this regard, but I regret to say that instead
of being hard workers, most of our scholars and
so-called 'experts' are 'hardly-workers'.

____________________________________________________________________________


Sukhia Sab Sansar Khaye Aur Soye
Dukhia Das Kabir Jagey Aur Roye


The world is 'happy', eating and sleeping
The forlorn Kabir Das is awake and weeping


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Re: [mukto-mona] Aparthib's quantum analogy and racial discrimination.

JitenDa

IRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto- mona/message/47991

 

I will come to you on this later. For now I just want to remind you that yes it is you who wrote the following:

 

"It (an electron) has to move with that speed to counter-balance strong nuclear force."

 

Just say that it was slip of the pen. And then every thing will be over.

 

You are again wrong (to a person who wrote two Ph.D. disserattions on nuclear physics, I should rather say 'slip of the pen'.) JitenDa, the net force acting on a swirling stone is not zero. Since it is constantly changing its direction, even though it may be moving with a constant speed, it has a net acceleration and hence a net force. This argument must apply to the orbiting electron too.

 

There is another mistake (or slip of the pen!) The force on the ball is not tangential, it is radial. Depending on the case, it is either electrostatic (electron) or gravitational (the earth) or the force applied by my finger on the string to the other end of which has been tied the stone.  

 

Regards.

 

-Subimal   __._,_.___

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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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[mukto-mona] Gang rape at Nandigram?

 
The following post-ed hints at 'got-up' of gang-rape at Nandigram by CPI(M) goons/hirelings, but ought to have followed the reports carefully. Inner vests of Radharani Ari, who coulddn't but revealed that she was raped on 14 March 2007 and in the 3rd week of April this year, by same persons, were not returned by the the docs of Seth Sukhlal Karnani Memorial Hospital. Evidence of rape was hushed up. Besides that, the article by Saonli Mitra in Dainik Statesman, after meeting the victim, seems authentic as Mitra does not belong to any party.
Sankar Ray

Cruelty of political competition

Kolkata calling: Shikha Mukerjee 28 Apr 08 (http://dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=STATES&file_name=state12%2Etxt&counter_img=12)

Atrocity cannot become a convenient political weapon, for the violations that it describes cannot become cheap sensation inducing tricks. Yet another victim, yet another gang-rape, yet another political campaign hopeful of gaining mileage through befriending the victim of an atrocity in West Bengal's polarised politics is a measure of how low the State has sunk in terms of its sensibilities.


In the context of Nandigram, on the eve of the crucial Panchayat elections, the unveiling of a gang-rape is sensational. If the Trinamool Congress can be accused of using the oldest of prods to mobilise hatred of its enemy, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) within the electorate, it would be both immoral and unethical to excuse the deployment of rape as just one more of those things that are part of the regular repertoire of politics. If the CPI(M) is fiercely defensive in declaring the reported gang-rape a got-up story to boost the Trinamool Congress' image, the party cannot step away from the challenge of using the incident to tar its opponent.



The use of atrocity to score political points, especially an atrocity against a woman, is cruel. To rake up an earlier case to prove the falsification of fact by the Trinamool Congress is equally deplorable. By naming the victim, by putting the victims family on record is worse. But political parties seem to be doing so regardless of the ugliness of their actions.



The stakes, of winning in the panchayat elections, matter more than the niceties of behaviour. Having decided to fight alone, against an increasingly united Left coalition, the Trinamool Congress is determined to use anything and everything to tarnish the CPI(M)'s image. The CPI(M) is equally determined to trash the Trinamool Congress because it is greatly anxious about the outcome of the panchayat elections, in the post-Nandigram, post-Singur situation.



With the CPI(M) anxious to demonstrate that its popularity has not waned post Singur and post Nandigram, Banerjee anxious to gain some numbers to show that Trinamool Congress remains a force to reckon with and the Congress under the new leadership of Priya Ranjan Das Munsi, the 2008 panchayat elections will certainly be the most stressful of all such exercises, ever.



After the CPI(M)'s spectacular election results in 2006, the party's image has been seriously battered. The politically clumsy and insensitive handling of the land for industry issue, first in Singur and then in Nandigram, giving birth to the various "committees" to save peasant land holdings from forcible eviction/acquisition, has certainly shaken the CPI(M), which continues to fear that there may be a backlash. Till the panchayat elections are over, the votes are counted and the party can figure out whether its popularity is undiminished or destroyed, the campaign will be ugly and insensible.



The success of the bandh, in Kolkata, over price rise and the injuries to Mamata Banerjee during her visit of sympathy to the allegedly fraudulently described site of the gang-rape of Radharani Ardi, has only increased the CPI(M)'s nervousness. Coupled with the unfortunate death of CPI(M)'s east Midnapore party boss, Sudhir Giri, it has made the party more vulnerable than it already felt. The signals, transmitted through the elections to the local school boards in which the CPI(M) has suffered reverses in every district, has contributed to its rising tension.



While the Trinamool Congress cannot expect to seriously destabilise the CPI(M) in the forthcoming panchayat elections, it clearly hopes to make the ruling party uncomfortable, at least during the campaign. Banerjee's anxiety must be acute given the party's disastrous performance in Malda in the recent by election to the Khabra constituency. Having been catapulted into place as the State's leading opposition party through the ineptness of the CPI(M)'s leadership over Singur and Nandigram, Banerjee must be anxious to acquire sufficient numbers in the panchayat elections to giver herself a fresh lease of life. For her life does depend on rebuilding her image as a winner; she must win in the 2009 general election to remain in the political arena. Without numbers, without bases, without partners, the Trinamool Congress is fighting with its back to the wall. Sensation, therefore, seems to be a fair weapon.



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[ALOCHONA] Long voice of the theif Dr. Kamal

কামাল হোসেন ১০২ কোটি টাকা সাদা করেছেন

 

হাসিনার তথ্য প্রকাশ

কামাল হোসেন ১০২ কোটি টাকা সাদা করেছেন

কামাল বললেন নো কমেন্টস

স্টাফ রিপোর্টার : কারাবন্দি আওয়ামী লীগ সভানেত্রী শেখ হাসিনা জানতে চেয়েছেন, গণফোরাম সভাপতি ডক্টর কামাল হোসেনের কালো টাকার উৎস কি? এ টাকাই বা রেখেছেন কোথায়? তার মতে, ১০২ কোটি টাকা সাদা করেছেন কামাল হোসেন। গতকাল বিশেষ আদালতে শেখ হাসিনা সাংবাদিকদের কাছে এ তথ্য প্রকাশ করেন। সন্ধ্যায় আইনজীবী কামাল হোসেনের মন্তব্য জানতে চাইলে তিনি মানবজমিনকে বলেন, নো কমেন্টস। শেখ হাসিনা বলেন, ড. কামাল সম্পর্কে অনেক কিছুই জানি। দুর্নীতির মাধ্যমে তিনি কালো টাকা অর্জন করেছেন। সে টাকা পরবর্তী সময়ে সাদা করেছেন। আসলে যারা দুর্নীতি করেন তাদের কিছু হয় না। আমরা দুর্নীতি করিনি, তারপরও আমাদেরকে জোর করে দুর্নীতিবাজ বানানোর চেষ্টা করা হচ্ছে। জনগণ অবশ্যই একদিন দুর্নীতিবাজদের বিচার করবেন। উল্লেখ্য, মাত্র একদিন আগে ড. কামাল হোসেন বলেছিলেন, যারা দুর্নীতিবাজদের পক্ষ নিচ্ছে, তাদেরও বিচার হওয়া উচিত। কামাল হোসেন অভিযোগ খণ্ডন না করে 'নো কমেন্টস' বলায় সংশয় তৈরি হয়েছে।
http://www.manabzamin.net/page1.htm
 
Why kamal don't dare to comments?
 
 

ড. কামাল হোসেন কালো টাকার মালিক। কালো টাকার মালিকদের নির্বাচনে অযোগ্য ঘোষণা করার আন্দোলনের প্রবক্তা হয়েও তিনি ২০০৬-০৭ অর্থ বছরে আড়াই কোটি টাকার বেশি কালো টাকা সাদা করেছেন। ২০০৪-০৫ অর্থ বছরে তিনি তার প্রদর্শিত আয় দেখিয়েছেন মাত্র ১৫ লাখ ২২ হাজার ৯৯৯ টাকা। আর নেট সম্পত্তি দেখিয়েছেন মাত্র ৩৩ লাখ ৫১ হাজার ৯৬৭ টাকা। ২০০৫-০৬ অর্থ বছরে প্রদর্শিত আয় দেখিয়েছেন ৭ লাখ ৬৮ হাজার ২২১ টাকা। নেট সম্পদ দেখিয়েছেন ৭৭ লাখ ৮ হাজার ৮৪ টাকা। তার মতো একজন আইনজীবী দেশ, জাতি ও সরকারের সঙ্গে এমন প্রতারণা করতে পারেন এটা বিশ্বাস করতে কষ্ট হয়।
আশির দশকের একশ এক ছাত্র নেতার অভিযোগ
কেউই আইনের ঊর্ধ্বে নয়, এসব অভিযোগ সত্য হলে আমারও বিচার হওয়া উচিত। আমাকে চিরদিনের জন্য রাজনীতি থেকে নির্বাসনে পাঠানো উচিত। সকলেরই বাকস্বাধীনতা আছে। সুতরাং তারা (ছাত্রনেতারা) বলতেই পারেন। তবে তথ্য-প্রমাণ ছাড়া বললে সে ক্ষেত্রে মানহানি কিংবা লাইবেলের বিষয়টি আমার দিক থেকে আমিও বিচার করবো। তাই যারা এমন অভিযোগ করেছেন তারা মিথ্যা কথা বলে আমাকে হেয় করার চেষ্টা করলে মানহানির দায়ে আইনের কাছে জবাব দেয়ার জন্য তাদের প্রস্তুত থাকা উচিত।
ড. কামাল হোসেন
একশ এক ছাত্রনেতার অভিযোগের জবাবে
 
Is Dr. kamal ready to sue them? more than onemonth has passed?


হে আল্লাহ, অত্যাচারী,প্রতিক্রিয়শীল মঈনের অদক্ষ আর তাবেদার
উপদেষ্টাদের হাত থেকে বাংলাদেশের দরিদ্র মানুষকে মুক্ত কর


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Re: [mukto-mona] Aparthib's quantum analogy and racial discrimination.

WRT: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/47971
 
Subimal Said:
"Looks like finally you have agreed that it is not the nuclear force, rather the electrostatic force that keeps the electron in its orbit."
 
Reply:
I have nothing to agree here. I know what the nuclear force is, and I should know the difference between a nuclear force and an electrostatic force. After all I wrote two Ph.D. dissertations, one on the experimental Nuclear Physics, and the other on the theoretical Biophysics. I think I lost my credibility here with you? I did not say nuclear force keeps electrons in the orbit. I do not know what caused this misunderstanding. When I say that nuclear attractive force on electron that is obviously electrostatic. I did not think that you will have such a hard time to interpret that statement.
 
Subimal Said:
"My humble question was .... Does it mean that net force on the electron is zero?"
 
Reply:
In the equilibrium condition, the resultant force is zero. Atoms in its ground state configuration is in equilibrium condition, and the resultant force* on the electron in the atomic orbit is zero. This condition has to be fulfilled. If this equilibrium is broken, electron will not be able to stay in that orbit. Just like the whirling stone and the rope equilibrium. If the rope breaks, the stone flies away. Why? Because the radial tension in the rope does not exist any more to balance the centrifugal force, arising from the velocity of the stone. The tension in the rope, in case of the stone, is equivalent to the electrostatic force on the electron. If the atomic electron is given sufficient extra energy, it's equilibrium condition will break and it could be ejected from the orbit. In that case atom will be ionized, and go into an excited state.
 
*Note: instantaneous directional force on a revolving object is non-zero but, due to the changing directions, the resultant vector becomes zero. The force on the ball is tangential, and the attracing force is causing the change in direction of the ball. According to Newton's third Law: every action has equal and opposite  reaction. The rope exerts inward  (centripetal) force on the ball, and the ball exerts equal amount of outward (cetrifugal) force on the hand. That's how centrifugal force comes into being. You are right, centrifugal force is a pseudo force, which is introduced for explaining the circular motion of an object following the Newton's third law. 
Jiten Roy
 
 

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[mukto-mona] Magic of Making-Mumbai

 
The Seagull Foundation
for the Arts presents
28 april - 4 may 2008
11am - 7pm
Coomaraswamy Hall
Prince of Wales Museum
Kala Ghoda, Mumbai
click here for online exhibition

 

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[mukto-mona] Kolpoloker golpokotha-part-8 {Bangla}

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[mukto-mona] Re: News No. 70/2008 - Sajek settler attack: victims holds press conference in Dhaka



Sajek settler attack: victims holds press conference in Dhaka

chtnews.com
News No. 70/2008, April 27, 2008


Victims of Sajek settler attack held commander of Baghaihat Zone Lt. Col. Sajid Md. Imtiaz and businessman Golam Mowla responsible for it.

Five of the victims who came to Dhaka for the press conference were speaking to the newsmen at Reporters Unity at Segoon Baghicha today, Sunday. (photo attached)

Reading out a written statement Binoy Chakma alleged that the 20 April incident was preplanned. He said prior to the incident settlers from Merung and Kobakhali in Dighinala and Marishya and Longudu in Baghaichari were gathered together, while on 19 April a leader of the so-called Samo Odhikar Andolon, a platform of the illegal settlers, Selim Uddhin Bahari, came to Baghaihat to confer with Lt. Col. Imtiaz.

He further said "at around 9:45 pm approximately 200 settlers first proceeded towards Dane Baibachara. When they saw the Jumma villagers in an organized way, they went back. Afterwards they came along with the army personnel and burned down our houses. They began the attack by torching the house of Nirmol Kanti Chakma. This was soon followed by the burning down of houses in the villages of Purbopara, Retkaba and Gangaram. They even burned down a church and two village schools (Para Kendra) run by Unicef. In Retkaba village, they settlers destroyed a mixed fruit garden developed with financial assistance from UNDP and then put up a signboard of Baghaihat Jeep Employees Association."

Binoy Chakma said the attackers also looted away almost everything that is movable including furniture and utensils. "Even the cows bought with the financial assistance from UNDP were taken away" he alleged.

He said "we tried to resist the attackers. However, when we saw the military we had no other option than to run away."

Background info
The victims narrated many incidents that ultimately culminated in the 20 April attack. They said 90 percent of the Jummas inhabiting the affected areas were previously displaced due to army and settler attacks. Despite continued military repression, they had been living in peace with a small Bengali community who had come to Sajek on business purpose.

They said "since January this year this scenario began to change" as the settlers grabbed lands belonging to the Jummas.

In the written statement, Binoy Chakma cited 13 instances of intimidation, land grabbing and measures of economic strangulation of the Jummas.

Damage


He said besides a church and two Unicef-run schools, a total of 77 Jumma houses were burned down. These includeded 28 houses out of 33 in Purbopara, 11 out of 47 in Gangaram, 5 out of 94 in Retkaba and 33 out of 100 in Dane Baibachara. He said property worth of Taka 15,000,000 was damaged.

Injured
He said that three Jummas were injured in the attack. They are Newton Chakma alias Kalabo, Bijoy Singh Chakma and Ratan Chakma.

Aftermath of the incident


According to the victims, after the incident the military has been putting pressure on the settlers to build houses on the Jummas' land. They said on 22 April, two settler families mounted on a Chander Gari (jeep) to leave Baghaichari; however one Kashem pulled them down and showered them with abusive language. On 23 April, zone commander Imtiaz dropped a group of settlers at Bana Vihar area lying between Dane Baibachara and Retkaba and ordered them to construct houses on burned land. On 24 April, Zone commander Imtiaz held a meeting at his headquarters in which elders from both the communities took part. At the said meeting he warned the Jummas that "if anything happens to the Bengalis in the future, I will kill all of you in brushfire. You have no need to live in this country."

Binoy Chakma said the Jumma villagers were living in fear. "We have to live in constant fear of losing our lands" he wailed.

The culprits
They said commander of Baghaihat zone, Lt. Col. Sajid Md. Imtiaz and Golam Mowla, a businessman in Baghaihat bazaar, were mainly to blame for the attack on Jumma villagers on 20 April. The motive of the attack was to grab the Jumma people's lands after evicting them.

Demands
The victims placed the following demands before the government: 1. adequate compensation to all the Jumma victims and their proper rehabilitation; 2. arrest of Lt. Col. Imtiaz, Golam Mowla and their cohorts and to take legal actions against them; 3. putting an end to intimidation, coercion and torture resorted to by Imtiaz to subdue the Jumma villagers; 4. to stop land grabbing and implantation of settlers in Sajek and to withdraw all the settlers from Sajek area; and 5. to stop attack on religious institutions such as churches and Buddhist temples; return all the grabbed lands belonging to Banani Bana Viahr, to rebuild Bishwa Moitree Bouddha Vihara at its previous site and to provide monetary compensation for the damage caused to the Kuthir (temple) built for the use of Rev. Jogashiddhi Bhikkhu at Gangaram.

The press conference was also attended by Gyanendu Chakma (Retkaba Mukh), Clinton Khisha (Gangaram Mukh), Shanti Bikash Chakma (Dane Baibachara) and Dino Mohan Chakma (Retkaba).
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chtnews.com is an independent and voluntary online news service dedicated to projecting and analyzing the current events in the Chittagong Hill Tracts from the perspective of the Jumma people's struggle for right to self-determination. For further information please contact at: chtnewsonline@gmail.com

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