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Tuesday, May 26, 2009

[ALOCHONA] Radio boost for marginalised women



Radio boost for marginalised women

By Supriya Menon
BBC India Business Report

T Manjula
T Manjula is helping the community radio concept to catch on

In the hot and arid countryside of Andhra Pradesh, T Manjula goes from house to house checking the year's harvest.

Born on the fringes of Indian society, she has fought her way up through hard work and guts.


A volunteer with the Deccan Development Society (DDS), she now tries to help other poor women, most of whom are Dalits, the lowest group in the Indian social hierarchy.

But while food distribution is a vital part of what she does, Manjula is more excited about her role as a radio journalist. And it is in this job that she thinks she can really make a difference.

The local radio station has a state-of-the-art studio in a very ordinary looking house in Pastapur, 100 kilometres (60 miles) from Hyderabad.


'Many benefited'

Its daily two-hour broadcasts are peppered with small titbits on farming, medicine, health and music.

Older ladies singing at the radio station

"It's a great way for us to document all the local knowledge that otherwise would have just remained within families," she explains.

"Many people have benefited because of this and everyday I am learning something new as well."

In fact the community radio concept has caught on so well that many women from the village have become regular contributors..


H Lakshmamma is one such example.  Along with her job in farming, every month she makes nearly ten hours of programming for the community radio.

She says that she gets paid about $10 (£6.30) a month for the radio work she does, and it is extra money that she uses to buy food for her family.

Lakshmamma was abandoned by her husband many years ago. Not only has she managed to raise her daughter all by herself, but she has also become a key member of the DDS.

It is a tough life for these women in the village. Most of them have not been to a formal school and work in the nearby fields.

Until the radio station came along, they knew very little about new technology in farming, or better selling practises.Most of their information was gleaned from chatting to neighbours or swapping stories while they worked.


Microphone not spade

But technology now means that the women in Pastapur and surrounding areas can get their tips, information and news from the radio, spreading their message of empowerment and more efficient working wider, and with more impact in the local community.


Algole Narsamma in the community radio station
The radio station helps spread tips about efficient working

And it is not just the younger women who have benefited from the radio. Senior citizens are also learning to incorporate it into their daily lives.


As well as listening to the radio shows, some of the older women have even recorded songs for broadcast. These women have struggled all their lives and it is a big deal for them to hear their own voices on the radio.

The station's entire two-hour daily broadcast is put together by two women, and 25-year-old Algole Narsamma is one of them.


She comes from a family of farmers and for her the programme is a ticket to another world."If I hadn't become a radio producer I would be in the fields like others in my family," she explains. "And instead of the microphone there would have been a spade in my hands."


For many women the radio station has had a profound effect on their lives, and the hope for DDS is that it can continue the project and expand it to other regions and villages.At the moment it is funded by money from development organisations, though the station hopes to make a profit selling advertising in a couple of years.


More than entertainment

P V Satheesh is one of the founders of DDS and says that the radio station has helped women in the region become more confident.

He explains that the idea was to get local voices to talk to the local people on issues that were close to their hearts.

And while the start of the station may have been a success, he admits that there are many challenges ahead.


Not least the problems of finding enough cash to keep going, and keeping up with fast-moving changes in technology.

In the meantime, the plan is to focus on the local community, where slowly but surely, listening to the radio is catching on.

And while for many of the audience it is a bit of entertainment, for the women involved it is a lot more than that.


It is a means of asserting themselves in this rural setting, of finding a voice and putting themselves in greater control of their own destiny.


http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/8061327.stm




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[ALOCHONA] Fw: Re: Articles on Hindu persecution in Bangladesh





--- On Tue, 5/26/09, saeva@aol.com <saeva@aol.com> wrote:
Oops! My email was inadvertently sent before I could complete the sentence -- Two organizations - HRCBM and Hindu-Christian-Buddha Oikya Sangstha are at the forefront of assault against Bangladesh. These organizations and the above leaders (C.R. Dutta, Ajoy Roy, Nim Chandra Bhowmik, Ravindranath Trived) have often pulled information from some dailies like the Daily Star to support their views. They have frequently made use of Dr. Barakat's sloppy 'research' work  (Dr. Barakat is known amongst his friends as an atheist with an anti-Muslim, Islamophobic agenda).

Sorry for any inconvenience,
Habib


-----Original Message-----
From: Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com>
To: Dhaka Mails <dhakamails@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, 26 May 2009 10:12 pm
Subject: Fw: Articles on Hindu persecution in Bangladesh



--- On Tue, 5/26/09, saeva@aol.com <saeva@aol.com> wrote:
In the last few years, in the aftermath of 9/11, some anti-Muslim zealots within the Hindu community, e.g., C.R. Dutta, Ajoy Roy, Nim Chandra Bhowmik, Ravindranath Trivedi, have aggressively propagated a very distorted image about Bangladesh.

Two organizations - HRCBM and Hindu-Christian-BMany a times, they have pulled information from some dailies like the Daily Star to support their views. They have also frequently made use of Dr. Barakat's sloppy 'research' work  (Dr. Barakat is known amongst his friends as an atheist with an anti-Muslim, Islamophobic agenda).

These zealots have often approached government officials in the USA, UK, India, just to name a few countries, to solve their "plight." Unfortunately, there does not seem to be a concerted effort within our intelligentsia to confront the massive propaganda campaign that soils Bangladesh's and Muslim people's image around the world. See, the links below, as some random examples --

http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/6560
http://truthofbengal.blogspot.com/
http://ihindu.wordpress.com/2008/05/30/hindus-lost-26-lakh-acres-of-land-in-bangladesh/
http://islamicterrorism.wordpress.com/2008/05/15/bangladesh-hindus-lose-land-one-crore-forced-to-leave-as-allahs-islamic-terrorists-loot-plunder-rape-and-decimate-hindus/#comment-418

The questions I have are: are there any truth to such claims? If not, what is the truth on such matters? [BTW: I am grateful to Mr. Shah A. Halim for his piece refuting Dr Barakat's ludicrous claims about 'fundamentalist economics' in Bangladesh.]




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[ALOCHONA] Fw: Articles on Hindu persecution in Bangladesh





--- On Tue, 5/26/09, saeva@aol.com <saeva@aol.com> wrote:
In the last few years, in the aftermath of 9/11, some anti-Muslim zealots within the Hindu community, e.g., C.R. Dutta, Ajoy Roy, Nim Chandra Bhowmik, Ravindranath Trivedi, have aggressively propagated a very distorted image about Bangladesh.

Two organizations - HRCBM and Hindu-Christian-BMany a times, they have pulled information from some dailies like the Daily Star to support their views. They have also frequently made use of Dr. Barakat's sloppy 'research' work  (Dr. Barakat is known amongst his friends as an atheist with an anti-Muslim, Islamophobic agenda).

These zealots have often approached government officials in the USA, UK, India, just to name a few countries, to solve their "plight." Unfortunately, there does not seem to be a concerted effort within our intelligentsia to confront the massive propaganda campaign that soils Bangladesh's and Muslim people's image around the world. See, the links below, as some random examples --

http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/6560
http://truthofbengal.blogspot.com/
http://ihindu.wordpress.com/2008/05/30/hindus-lost-26-lakh-acres-of-land-in-bangladesh/
http://islamicterrorism.wordpress.com/2008/05/15/bangladesh-hindus-lose-land-one-crore-forced-to-leave-as-allahs-islamic-terrorists-loot-plunder-rape-and-decimate-hindus/#comment-418

The questions I have are: are there any truth to such claims? If not, what is the truth on such matters? [BTW: I am grateful to Mr. Shah A. Halim for his piece refuting Dr Barakat's ludicrous claims about 'fundamentalist economics' in Bangladesh.]



__._,_.___


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[ALOCHONA] Fw: Re: Zia That I Knew: A Flashback





--- On Tue, 5/26/09, saeva@aol.com <saeva@aol.com> wrote:


From the link in NFB: http://www.newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=265512, it is obvious that Mr. A.O. Chowdhury is not the person whose account on Zia we are reading, but that he is simply relaying information from an admirer of Ziaur Rahman (see, e.g., the statement: "Retrospect - This is a story related to me by a friend, who preferred to remain anonymous"). This kind of posting is problematic in the sense that it does not allow the reader to know who actually is the author, and therefore, whether or not, one can trust him. If the author is serious, he ought to disclose his identity and let people judge the credibility of his story. To me, the write-up appears to come from a blind supporter of the BNP who wants to salvage Zia's image on some controvesial issues.

The writer's account of the 1971 Pakistani crackdown in Chittagong is somewhat difficult to believe and is at variance with the accounts provided by Major Rafiq in his "The Tale of the Millions". How did the 8th Bengal revolt and under whose leadership on the night of March 25? What happened to Zia's own family members, including wife? Note that 8th Bengal's  no. 2, Maj. Zia, himself was on his way to the port for unloading arms for the Pakistan Army. Before that night, Maj. Rafiq says that both Zia and M.R. Chowdhury were opposed to take arms against the Pakistani soldiers. In his lifetime, Zia never challenged Rafiq's version of20history. As a prize for their trust with the Pakistan Army, Col. M.R. Chowdhury was the first senior officer of Bangladeshi origin who was killed by the Pakistani forces in Chittagong on the night of March 25. Not only that some 1200 Bengali new recruits were killed in Halishahar, only a couple of miles from my home. If either of them had a little doubt about their "trusting" Pakistani brethren many observers and analysts believe that most of those lives would have been saved.

The report below also seems to be a revisionist attempt in doctoring history. It says, "
Here on March 27, 1971, Zia made his famous declaration of independence at the Kalurghat Radio Station. According to Oli, he was instrumental in the making of the declaration. He even claimed to have made Zia. Shamsher told me that he drafted the final version of the declaration. So much for the controversy over the declaration of independence made by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the night of March 25, 1971." I remember very well seeing a copy of Sk. Mujib's telegraph material on the evening of March 26. I have no clue who wrote that piece, how it was sent and to whom. It had Sk. Mujib's printed at the bottom, giving the impression that it was sent on his behest. Thus this material which was later to be called the declaration of independence by Sk. Mujib was seen by me and many others in Chittagong at least 24 hours before I heard Zia's short speech in broken Bengali over the radio. If the declaration was written by Shamsher M. Chowdhury, it is news to us. I don't recall the ex-U.S. Ambassador claiming such.
Only two doors next to our home "Prantik" on Zakir Hossain Road lived Bangladeshi Capt. Moslemuddin and Punjabi Capt. Rizvi. If I am not mistaken Moslem was with the Signal corprs and had shown the copy to elders in our locality. After Chittagong fell to the Pakistan Army he fled from his home (and probably joined the retreating Bangladeshi forces like Zia and many others that survived). I have, therefore, serious doubt about Oli's version and find the report below to be a sly attempt to distort history.

This statement of mine should not be interpreted as belittling Zia's, Shamsher's and Oli's contribution during our liberation war. What I am cautioning against is that in our love for anyone, we need not rewrite history to undeservingly give credit to someone when it is not due. When we do that we only soil their image. Unfortunately, in a highly partisan atmosphere of ours, I see many such blind supporters who are doing disservice to our nation.

Intellectuals within our community have to rise above petty, narrow partisanship (above idol worship of their iconic figures) to be taken seriously.

Regards,
Habib Siddiqui

-----Original Message-----
From: bd_mailer@yahoo.com
To: Dhaka Mails <dhakamails@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, 26 May 2009 11:13 am

Zia That I Knew: A Flashback

Abu Obaid Chowdhury New York, USA
 

 

Following my defection from Pakistan Army in 1971 and after being cleared by the Indian and Mujibnagar authorities, I was posted to 'Z Force' of Lt Col Ziaur Rahman in the eastern theater of Bangladesh liberation war. The nearly 20-day journey took me from Lahore to Khemkaran to Ferozepur to Delhi to Kolkata to Agartala and finally to Masimpur, the 4 sector headquarters of Lt Col C R Dutta (later Major General).
 
As I reached my temporary accommodation, I heard a familiar voice next room. He was talking to Col Dutta. I went to check and found a gentleman in uniform, somewhat tired, half lying on the bamboo made platform, used as bed. It was dark and I could not see the face clearly. I wished him and introduced myself. He sat down and said, "So you are the Captain who came to raise my artillery unit. Sit down."
 
I still could not make out who the person was, though looked familiar. 2/Lt Sajjad Ali Zahir (later Lt Col), another defectee from West Pakistan and posted to my unit, joined me at Agartala. He followed me to the room. As I introduced Sajjad to the man, almost instantly the name flashed across my mind.
 
"He is Col Ziaur Rahman", I said to Sajjad. Earlier, then Major Ziaur Rahman was an instructor in the military academy when I was a cadet and his solid, deep voice was well known to me.On his query, I had to tell Col Zia my defection story—how I crossed the Lahore-Khemkaran border in a military jeep, how I sur vived after falling with the jeep in the Kasur River, who I reported to at India's Rajoke cantonment etc. He seemed to know the route and area pretty well. Somewhat surprised, I asked how he knew the names of those villages, tracks, BRB canal, barriers etc. "I was fighting the Indians there in 1965 with 1 E Bengal Regiment", Zia said.
 
After dinner, Zia left for his headquarters at Kailashahar. Before leaving he told me to take stock of my unit at Kukital and report to him in a day or two to find out what I needed to make the unit battle worthy within the shortest possible time. Capt Oli Ahmed (later Col and BNP Minister) and my Sialkot time friend Capt M A Halim (later Maj Gen), Brigade Major and Quartermaster respectively at Z Force, were very helpful in providing me with the material support I needed.
 
Whole Bangladesh is Firing Range
About two weeks later, Col M A G Osmani (later General and Minister), C-in-C of the Mukti Bahini, was visiting the area. Zia brought him to my camp with a view to showing the readiness of my guns for operation. I arranged a mock gun firing drill for the visiting team. Lt (later Capt and late) Sheikh Kamal, ADC to the C-in-C, told me afterwards, "Sir, the C -in-C was very impressed with the exercise.. I heard him saying so to Col Zia." Of course, Osmani himself appreciated the preparedness and congratulated those who participated in the drill. At the luncheon at my camp, I asked him if I could conduct a practice firing before going to the real one, for which I needed a firing range.
"The whole Bangladesh is your firing range, my boy", said Osmani, "go ahead." He gave me a blank check.
 
After a day or two, while returning from forward positions, I noticed a large convoy of vehicles carrying soldiers passing by. Initially I thought they were Indians, but with a closer look I recognized they were our Mukti Bahini soldiers. In those days, we had the same OG (olive green) uniform worn by the Indian army in that area. After a while, I found Col Zia coming in a jeep. He stopped when he saw me. I asked him what was all that.
 
"That's my 1st Bengal", Zia brimmed with pride."Where are they going?" I asked.He got off his jeep and asked me to follow him. We went up on a high ground from where we could oversee the convoy passing."They are going to Atgram, to take up positions in preparation for the attack on the Pakistanis" , Zia said as he was preparing to sit down. He briefly explained the plan for a 3-prong attack in north eastern Sylhet with his 1st, 3rd and 8th Bengal regiments.

"Am I not part of your brigade?" I asked, suppressing my disappointment.
"Of course you are", Zia asserted.
"Then why am I left out of this?" I demanded.
"Are you ready?" he asked me.
"Anytime", I replied.
I cannot describe in words the expression of happiness and pride that I noticed in Zia's face at that moment.
 
"Fine", he said, "you are going in support of 8th Bengal, possibly tonight. On my way, I will talk to Brigadier (I don't remember the name who was Zia's Indian support counterpart) to issue the ammunition and gun towers (trucks) to you on a priority basis. See me at headquarters later tonight. I will give you further details."
My excitement knew no bounds and was about to run away to arranged the details for the D-day I was waiting for.
 
Fight the War Our Way
"Wait, sit down", Col Zia stopped me, "there is time. Give me company while I see my unit clear away." As the convoy moved on, our discussion shifted to different directions. I told him how Pakistanis in the west had been conducting misleading propaganda about our war, our heroes and our future. In Pakistan, Zia and many others were already dead. I discovered a different Zia from the reclusive and serious one that most people knew. It looked like he wanted to open his mind.
 
We talked about the war, the strategy, its conduct and the policy makers in Mujibnagar. He expressed his frustration at the style and pace the war was going. He didn't like too much dependence on India for the conduct of our war.
 
"It is our war, we should fight it our way, not on someone else's convenience", he said. He did not hide his dislike for Col Osmani, the Mukti Bahini chief. "That man with white moustache", Zia said referring to Osmani, "has no idea about the situation in the war fronts and the enemy. Just passing orders off the map at someone else's dictation. I don't like it".
 
I was a bit embarrassed that he would open up like that with a subordinate and junior officer. But I also knew Zia, for whatever reasons, developed a liking for me and could confide.. Our association continued till I met the president last in September 1980..
 
The sun was setting when we got up to leave. I told Col Zia that I could be late to reach his headquarters tonight because I had a number of errands to complete before I moved out. "Don't worry", Zia assured me, "I don't go to bed early". I later learnt that Zia usually worked till early hours of the morning in those days. He slept very little.
 
I came to Zia's headquarters around 11 pm and found him working in his tent, dimly lighted by a lantern. Our meeting was brief. He showed me the deployment of 8 Bengal Regiment off the map and I was to place guns suitably to support its attacks and advances. He called his BM Capt Oli and DQ Capt Halim to provide me whatever I needed.
 
My unit's first operation in Baralekha, Sylhet was a huge success. Next morning, an overjoyed Col Zia, accompanied by Capt Oli, visited my gun position. Greeting with a warm handshake, he told me, "You made history in our liberation war". He went round and shook hands and congratulated every man I had. Before Col Zia left, I told him that I would be going to the forward locations of 8 Bengal as FOO (Forward Observation Officer) soon.
"Make sure the gun position is well taken care of. These guns are very precious for us", Zia advised.

"It is in good hand, sir", I assured him.
Sometime in 1973, then army deputy chief Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman was on a visit to Chittagong where I was a staff officer to Col (later Lt Gen and BNP Minister) Mir Shawkat Ali, the local commander. At a luncheon for Zia at the commander's Flag Staff House where Brigadier Khalilur Rahman (later Maj Gen, Defense Adviser to Khandakar Mushtaque and AL MP), just repatriated from Pakistan, was also present. Zia and Khalil were discussing our liberation war. At one stage, Zia called me to tell the brigadier how I raised my artillery unit and how long it took me to train and make it ready for the war.
"The whole thing took me less=2 0than 3 weeks", I said.

A skeptical brigadier asked, "If you are given the men and material, would you be able to accomplish the same now?"
"Definitely, sir; however, it may take a little longer time," I replied.
"Please bear in mind, sir", I added, "it was wartime, that too a liberation war. Our only mission was to fight and win. We used every minute of our time, day and night, to get ready. I had some excellent trained artillery men from former Pakistan army. They formed the core, the rest were ordinary soldiers, students and others.
 
You got to see their spirit to believe it, sir. The beauty was, the unit that went to operation on a Ramadan afternoon without prior practice firing, had its very first shell falling right on the target, a Pakistani concentration in Baralekha, Sylhet, readying for an attack on 8 Bengal positions. That unexpected (Pakistanis never knew before that Mukti Bahini had artillery power) and devastating artillery shelling forced the disarrayed enemy to start a process of retreat leading to a complete defeat in that area."
I could see a proud Gen Zia enjoying our conversation standing nearby. He perhaps desired to highlight my contributions20in our liberation war to the one who missed that chance.
 
The Revolt in Chittagong
Once at Kailashahar, Capt Oli told me the story how 8 E Bengal revolted at Halishahar in Chittagong on the night of March 25, 1971. The facts were later corroborated by Major Shamsher M Chowdhury, a batch mate (later Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to the US), Brigadier Chowdhury Khaluquzzaman (later Ambassador), and Capt Mahfuzur Rahman (later Lt Col and hanged following the assassination of Zia). They were all serving in 8 Bengal at that time.
 
Lt Col M R Chowdhury of East Bengal Recruits' Center (EBRC), Major Ziaur Rahman, Second-in-Command of 8 Bengal, Capt Rafiqul Islam (later Major and AL Minister) of East Pakistan Rifles and a few other officers had a number of secret coordinating meetings in Chittagong to cope with the situation if Pakistanis attacked the Bengalis. They sent messages to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to inform that Pakistanis were preparing to disarm and attack the Bengali elements of the military and sought his advice and direction. They did not receive any. (Please see "A Tale of Millions" by Major Rafiqul Islam..)
On the night of March 25, 1971, operation Search Light , designed to annihilate the Bengalis by Pakistan Army, started in the cantonments, including Chittagong. Shamsher confirmed that elements of 20 Baluch and 31 Punjab regiments were advancing towards Halishahar. 8 Bengal then decided to revolt and resist the Pakistanis.
 
They arrested the Pakistani officers, including the Commanding Officer Lt Col Rashid Janjua (these officers were later killed) and wanted Ziaur Rahman to take command. At that moment, Zia was being taken, under naval escorts, to the Chittagong port, ostensibly to help unload the Chinese armaments from HMV Swat. According to other versions, Zia was actually on his way to his final journey! Khaliquzzaman rushed to get Zia and luckily found him waiting by the roadside while his escorts were clearing a barricade at Agrabad area. Khaliquzzaman whispered to Zia of the decision of 8 Bengal and then went to the navy Lt to say that Col Ansari, the new Punjabi Commandant at the EBRC, wanted Zia at Chittagong cantonment immediately. The Punjabi Lt did not suspect any foul play.
 
Zia and Khaliquzzaman rushed to the unit and found a truncated unit ready for action. Half of the men deserted out of fear and confusion. Major Shawkat recently arrived from Quetta after completing staff college course and was temporarily appointed Adjutant of 8 Bengal.=2 0As he was new in the unit, other officers could not take him into confidence at first. Some young officers were not sure if Shawkat was a Bengali at all. Shawkat was at his quarter and knew nothing about all that was going in the unit at that moment. Upon arrival, Zia went to Shawkat and asked if he would join the revolt. Shawkat thought for a while and then decided to join the group.
 
Though 8 Bengal readied itself to meet the attacking Pakistanis, they were outnumbered. Zia decided to fall back to Kalurghat and reorganize. They fought pitch battles and suffered heavy casualties in the process. Capt Harun Ahmed Chowdhury (later Maj Gen and Ambassador), Shamsher and others were mortally wounded and captured by the Pakistanis.
 
Here on March 27, 1971, Zia made his famous declaration of independence at the Kalurghat Radio Station. According to Oli, he was instrumental in the making of the declaration. He even claimed to have made Zia. Shamsher told me that he drafted the final version of the declaration. So much for the controversy over the declaration of independence made by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the night of March 25, 1971.
 
Audacity to Distort Zia's Role
Lately, a few AL ministers and parliamentarians started disputing Zia's participation in the war of liberation. Former minister Prof Abu Syed and one Dr. Mina Farah of New York, who chose to incinerate her Muslim son instead of burial, had the audacity to claim in recent talk shows that Zia was not a freedom fighter at all. I can only say that these persons need to get their brain checked.
 
Special Mission
In September 1980, I was sent to Dhaka on a special mission concerning military cooperation in one of the middle-eastern countries. My meetings with Minister Prof Shamsul Huq and Foreign Secretary SHMS Kibria were not positive. Army chief General H M Ershad and chief of the general staff Maj Gen Abdul Manaf were hesitant. I wanted to talk to the president. While I was waiting in the office of the Military Secretary to the President Col Sadequr Rahman Chowdhury in Bangabhaban, President Zia suddenly burst in and asked me, without any prelude, "What kind of proposal is it? How can we agree to this? We have no capability to undertake such a task. Besides, we can't afford to enter into a kind of rivalry with a superpower."
 
I understood the president came straight from the meeting deliberating on the same issue. While coming to the Bangabhaban, I saw Ershad there.
"Sir, give me a few minutes", I requested the president, "and I will explain the stake involved, how it can be made possible and what we stand to gain. There is no superpower rivalry, and I believe you were not given the correct picture by our foreign office." The president tried to defend the foreign office though.
 
We sat down and I stated what I thought right. I also said something to the president in confidence which only I could dare say. I pointed out that peripheral and invisible resources (I even listed those resources) of our military would be more than enough to make an initial commitment.. In return, we can seek financial assistance and resources to raise more units, modernize, equip and train our forces. It would be an ongoing process..
That did the job! I could see a glow in the face of the president.
"Please do not say 'NO', sir," I begged the president, further adding, "for the first time, a rich friend requested Bangladesh for something".
 
"Wait a moment=E 2, he told me and turned to the MSP, "Sadeq, get hold of Ershad, he was leaving. I need to talk to him again". The president went out of the room and I was hoping for the best. After half an hour, the president came back and told me, "Ok, you tell them, we accept the proposal in principle. But, we need to discuss further. We may have to send a team of experts to examine the details".

"Thank you, sir. But, it needs to be conveyed by our foreign office", I humbly submitted."I will talk to the foreign minister," the president said.
A little relaxed, I now had time to exchange usual pleasantries with the president. At one stage, he picked up a newspaper, I thought it was Holiday, from the desk of the MSP and proudly showed me a news item that said Bangladesh would export certain type of quality rice.

"How can we do that?" It was my time to be surprised now.
"We will do it, you will see", asserted a confident president.
I later learnt that the Foreign Office maintained its original position. I felt a huge overseas opportunity for our defense forces was sabotaged. (I am unable to detail the opportunity here).
 
That was the last time I saw Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman.
After his death, I went to Bangladesh on vacation. My wife and I visited a bereaved Begum Zia at her residence. Brigadier Mahtab (late), an old friend, was with me. Begum Zia talked very little, but acknowledged receipt of my condolence letter. In course of our discussion, she asked me, "What do you think should happen now and how the things should be run?" I could not figure out what she meant. Mahtab clarified that who I should think to take the leadership and carry forward ideals of Zia at that juncture.
 
I was not prepared for such a question and had no idea what Begum Zia was trying to lead me to, least of all her political ambition. I just fumbled that if anybody could come close to the stature of Ziaur Rahman, I thought it would be General M A Manzur. Unfortunately, he was the man behind the assassination of the president. (At that time, we were made to believe it was Manzur who masterminded the bloody coup in Chittagong. Later, however, I had different view about Manzur's complicity.) I expressed my inability to name a successor to Zia.
 
Years later, I said to myself in retrospect, "Stupid, the right answer should have been: you Madam." In a letter to General Ershad commending his efforts in quelling the Chittagong rebellion, I said, 'given the peoples' love and respect Shaheed President Zia received (reportedly 2 million people gathered around Dhaka airport when his coffin was brought in from Chittagong and attended his final Janaza), a Zia-like death is worth million times'. I also submitted that he had huge responsibilities for the stability in the military, as well as the nation. Ershad was kind enough to reply saying he was 'working' on some ideas and would seek our support. I later learnt what he was 'working' on.
 
We Have Been Orphaned
I went to the Bangabhaban again, this time to see Justice Abdus Sattar, the acting president. As I was waiting at the office of Col S R Chowdhury, the MSP related an experience. While on a visit to Zia's mazaar at one night, he found an old man crying by the grave. Sadeq went to share the feelings and console the man. He came all the way from Rangpur to pay his respect to the shaheed president. "'Badsha' Zia had walked through my front yard", the old man continued to cry, 8 0how can I forget that? We have been orphaned."
 
During a courtesy call on Maj Gen Mohabbat Jan Chowdhury (later Minister of Ershad), Director General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), I asked how come his intelligence failed when such a tragedy took place in Chittagong? Gen Chowdhury said that they knew something was in the offing in Chittagong and warned the president accordingly, but the president did not take it seriously. They also reminded the president on more than one occasion that Gen Manzur was going out of control, often refused to follow orders and instructions from army headquarters and mostly did things his way. According to M J Chowdhury, the president never believed them; he would rather rebuke them (repatriated and non-freedom fighter officers) instead, saying that they were jealous of Manzur who was far more superior in intellect and competence.
 
A footnote: The President's rehabilitation of the repatriated officers in high positions in the military enraged the young freedom fighter officers. The coup that killed the president was staged by freedom fighter officers. During a discussion with Gen Manzur in his office in Chittagong in 1979, I discovered how bitter he was against the non-freedom fighters. At the same time, I knew Zia and Manzur enjoyed great cordiality, mutual con fidence and close relation. After the November 7, 1975 Sepoy-Janata Uprising, situation in the military was almost out of control and its discipline was at its lowest. Zia brought in Brig Manzur from New Delhi, where he was the military adviser, and appointed him the chief of the general staff. It was Manzur who brought back order in the military.
 
Incorruptible Zia
President Ziaur Rahman's austere and honest lifestyle was legendary. Even his worst enemy can not dispute that. Critics, however, blamed him for doing little against corrupt practices of some of his ministers and political leaders.
In late 1972, I called on then Brigadier Zia at his residence to introduce my newly married wife. Other than being overwhelmed with the extraordinary beauty of Begum Zia, my wife noticed that Zia was wearing an ordinary leather sandal having repairs done.
 
It was a common knowledge what was found in Zia's broken suitcase at the Chittagong Circuit House following his assassination on May 30, 1981—a few change of clothes that included a torn vest.Here is a story I heard from Hussain Ahmed, a former IGP and Secretary. An SP came to his20residence at a late hour of night with a request to cancel his posting to a distant place. A much annoyed IGP dismissed the request. Before leaving, the disappointed SP pointed to his accompanying gentleman who remained absolutely silent the whole time, "Sir, do you know him?" The IGP replied in negative.
 
"He is Mizanur Rahman, brother of the President", said the SP. Naturally, the IGP became a little soft and more accommodating now and asked the SP to see him in the office. He, however, did not recall if that request was ever met.
 
Later, the IGP casually related the story to Air Vice Marshal Islam, then DGFI. A day or two later, IGP's red phone rang at around 3 am. Somewhat disturbed to be awakened at that odd hour, he picked up the phone and received a thunder.
 
"I heard that b—— went to you for a favor?" It was the president and it took time for the IGP to understand what he was referring to. The IGP tried to pacify the president saying that his brother just accompanied the SP and did not utter a word at all. "I would like to have a full report tomorrow", the president insisted and dropped the phone.
 
Reportedly, president Ziaur Rahman sent out circulars to all departments that personal requests by his family members should be directed to him immediately.
 
Everybody knew the fact that Zia refused to intervene when his son Tarique was thrown out of Shaheen School. During an official visit to Zambia, High Commissioner A N Hamidullah was briefing the president on the program, repeatedly mentioning of an appointment with president's brother Rezaur Rahman who was working there as an engineer. The president did not like it. He rebuked the High Commissioner for putting his brother's appointment in the official program. "I know my brother is here. I will meet him at my own convenience, and it is my personal matter", the president reminded the High Commissioner.
 
Another story from Hussain Ahmed. The almost daily Bangabhaban evening meetings used to run for long hours and working dinners were served from the house. The menu was more than simple–rice or roti with one curry and dal. Minister Moudud Ahmed found difficulty to take that any more. At dinner time, he requested the president if he could be excused as he had promised his childre n to eat together. The president smiled and let him go.
 
One may recall that Ziaur Rahman introduced Toyota Corolla as the official car at all levels, including for himself. A few Mercedes that Bangabhaban had were used only for foreign dignitaries during official visits.
 
Alas, the Zia family seemed to have failed to keep the clean image that Zia had in his lifetime!




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Re: [ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?



I personally don't have any problem when a Bangladeshi (origin) person claims to have contacts and access to Bangladesh Intelligence forces. Even if some one does not have direct access, it is not too difficult to manage to get there if he/she wants to (as almost all of us know some one in some place who can help us get there).
 
I do have major problem when someone (of Bangladesh origin) claims to have sources (I assume that means access through the sources as well) at not only Bangladesh Intelligence, but also with RAW, ISI, CIA, MI6, SVR (I am lost on this one!), MOSSAID!! Give me a break! PLEASE!
 
I must have missed out on the bidding process as I don't get paid by RAW although I don't subscribe to your beliefs (please note I did not say "your logic" as your arguments are always formed around your beliefs observing the writings I have seen on this forum). You must be making a lot just being paid by all these agencies now. Can you do me (and may be some others on the forum) a favor, and use your sources to give an update on Sunita Paul as we are missing her on the forum -- she has very similar beliefs and writings as yours and we are getting worried not seeing her presence on the forum lately (she can write at lightning speed comparable to yours I think). Keep up the "good" work, but cut down the number of sources as even they would not feel comfortable sharing inside info with you (as you might pass it on to the others) any more.
 
- mashuque


From: M.B.I. Munshi <MBIMunshi@gmail.com>
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Thursday, May 21, 2009 8:07:24 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?


Actually I have had excellent access to Bangladesh intelligence and far greater than you can imagine or will ever personally have. I have also sources on RAW, ISI, CIA, MI6, SVR, MOSSAD. If you write and work in these areas you are bound to acquire a wealth of information. So in other words all the RAW stooges here are entirely wrong and since they have not read the book either they are making wild and uncorroborated assumptions. Of course, I believe many who now hold the Indian position have actually prostituted themselves out to the highest bidder so their opinions and attitudes may be safely disregarded. Their fear is that the truth is now out it needs to be repressed at all costs. They no longer have an opinion of their own and have lost their souls so they can now only abuse and insult on instructions form higher authority. It is truly sad when you lose your identity as a human being but that is the cost of working for RAW.

--- In alochona@yahoogroup s.com, Cyrus <thoughtocrat@ ...> wrote:
>
> Do you have any access to the intelligence community in Bangladesh? or Indian or Pakistani intelligence community with credible intelligence reports?



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RE: [ALOCHONA] Border guards anxious about job, future



I only but strongly hope that we are not going get a new 'Gatio Rakhkhi Bahini' in the name of 'Bangladesh Border Force'.
 


To: alochona@yahoogroups.com; dhakamails@yahoogroups.com
From: thoughtocrat@yahoo.com
Date: Mon, 25 May 2009 18:59:58 -0700
Subject: Re: [ALOCHONA] Border guards anxious about job, future



I saw the interview of the guy who is in charge of this overhaul or rebranding of the BDR (I am drawing a blank. Can't remember his name), and he said that the govt. has executive 52 "decisions" to evaluate BDR, but he didn't mention which ones. I am not surprised. Like most of the things BAL govt. would do, this would be a hogwash, half-assed job of reorganizing our border forces. They will change the image of BDR, but I doubt things will change in its core. Our Army would continue to dominate over it, and resentment will grow. BAL's attempt to re-brand BDR shows its lack of foresight or competence, and total absence of leadership on the PM's part. Enough said!
 
C


From: Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com>
To: Dhaka Mails <dhakamails@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Saturday, May 23, 2009 8:10:51 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Border guards anxious about job, future


Opposed to change in name, uniform, logo and motto 

Borders guards are working in the frontiers with anxiety and disappointment over the government's move to restructure the Bangladesh Rifles after the February 25–26 rebellion n its headquarters in Dhaka.
   Spot visits to frontiers such as Boikari and Bhomra in Satkhira, Benapole in Jessore, Moghalhat, Durgapur and Baniyatari in Lalmonirhat and Tamabil, Shreepur and Jaintapur in Sylhet on Thursday showed that border guards in the areas were anxious and bereft of hope.


   Although the guards claimed borders were secure, local residents alleged that cross-border smuggling had increased in recent days as the BDR soldiers were guarding the borders amid anxiety.
   The visits also found that nayek subedars were commanding soldiers in the border outposts and subedars in company offices.


   Some nayek subedars and subedars told New Age they were commanding the soldiers in guarding the borders at the directive of their officers in the army. The officers sometimes visit the outposts and company offices, they said.


   Expressing disappointment at the government move for the BDR reorganisation, the border guards said they were anxious about their jobs and future after they came to know of the move from media reports and their fellows.
   The Bangladesh Rifles has become an icon of national security for the performance of the soldiers since Bangladesh's war of independence in 1971, they said, adding the paramilitary force should not be destroyed in the name of reorganisation.


   They also differed with the views expressed by some ministers about taking help from neighbouring countries for the reorganisation of the Bangladesh Rifles.
   Such a move will be disastrous for the national security, they said.
   It will be better not to change the name, uniform and the logo of the force, they said, adding that the people involved in the rebellion and the killing should be punished in an open, fair trial, but innocent soldiers should in no way be harassed.


   They also observed the rebellion had resulted from longstanding grievances of soldiers and such grievances should be addressed properly to stop the recurrence of any such incident.
   The New Age correspondent in Khulna said a soldier, working in the Bhomra frontier, said, 'We are patriots. We have proved it by working in remote frontiers. So the Bangladesh Rifles should not be destroyed in the name of reorganisation.'


   'As members of a disciplined force, we have nothing to do but to follow all the government decisions,' said a havildar working in the Satkhira border.
   Qualitative changes can be brought about in the Bangladesh Rifles, but it would be better not to change the name, uniform, logo and moto as the force has a long, glorious past, he said, adding the people involved in the rebellion and killing should be punished.


   A nayek subedar said they were worried about their jobs and future.
   The correspondent in Sylhet said the border guards in the outposts of Tamabil, Shreepur and Jaintapur seemed anxious.
   When they were asked about their condition, they said the countrymen knew well about the situation they were facing.
   A soldier said, 'We hope the government finally will make a positive decision about the Bangladesh Rifles.'


   Another soldier said they had lost their moral strength after the rebellion and the government move to restructure the Bangladesh Rifles. 'We want to serve the nation as we earlier did.'
   Help from neighbouring countries for BDR reorganisation will not be wise 'as they are our counterparts,' he said.


   Tamabil company commander nayek subedar Zaynal Abedin and Jaintapur border outpost commander nayek subedar Younus claimed that the frontiers were secure.
   Local residents of frontier upazilas such as Companiganj, Jaintapur, Goainghat, Kanaighat and Jakiganj, however, said the guards could not discharge their responsibilities properly as they were anxious about their future.


   A lcoal trader of Shantinagar near the Sangrampunji BDR camp at Tambil, said the guards could not work properly for which goods smuggling increased.
   According to sources in the Bangladesh Rifles, officials of the Sylhet sector headquarters are not so active in overseeing the activities of border guards in frontiers.


   Operation officer of the 21 Rifles Battalion under the Sylhet sector headquarters, Major Benjir, however, claimed their supervision of the border situation and efforts to curb smuggling remained normal.
   The correspondent in Jessore said the solders at the Benapole check post were performing their duties anxiously being panicked about their future.
   A number of Benapole port policemen said the border guards were panicked about being arrested, although the guards doing their duties in the frontiers were not involved in the rebellion.


   The BDR soldiers said they were worried about their job as the government initiated a move to restructure the Bangladesh Riles.
   A soldier on guard near the border said, 'We have noting to do, but to hope that what the government does may be good for us.'
   Another soldier said, 'What can we expect but that the government should not do anything to the soldiers who were not involved in the rebellion?'
   There are 13 BDR outposts along the Benapole border where about 80 solders perform their duties.


   A labour leader of the area told New Age all the BDR soldiers along the border were panicked about their future.
   The correspondent in Lalmonirhat said almost all of the soldiers on guard along the border of the district had expressed their dissatisfaction at BDR reorganisation.
   Some solders of the Moghalhat outpost camp in Lalmonirhat seemed worried. A soldier said they were not satisfied at the reorganisation of the Bangladesh Rifles.


   Some soldiers at the Durgapur outpost camp at Aditmari and Baniyatari said they were facing problems in border villages after the rebellion as the local residents insulted them.
   Change in name, uniform, moto and logo of the Bangladesh Rifles will only add to the insult of the soldiers, they said

 

http://www.newagebd .com/2009/ may/24/front. html






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[ALOCHONA] Govt prefers political appointment in key missions



Hi J. A. Chowdhury,

If BNP Jamat regime did the same thing like BAL regime it does not become jaiz. I heard the BAL regime is "din bodoler sarkar". That is in fact true in a sense they are much way ahead of their counterparties. BNP-Jamat regime changed all VCs and BAL regime is not only changing but BALizing and BAKSALizing with placing political cults of BAL in those public places. That really complies din bodoler manifesto. Regards.



From: J.A. Chowdhury <Chwdhury@hotmail.com>
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, 25 May, 2009 1:48:01 PM
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Govt prefers political appointment in key missions

Nirob Dor-shok,
U make me smile.You asked Akbor where he was when a renowned BAList was recently appointed as the VC. Can I ask Mr.where u have been when BNP Jaamat govt changed all VCs when they come in power in 2001?

Rgds
 
Chowdhury 


To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com
From: nistabdhota@ yahoo.com. au
Date: Sun, 24 May 2009 13:11:53 -0700
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Govt prefers political appointment in key missions



Hi Akbar, you are talking about wisdom and something from the discarded domain of ethics, but all they are doing is part of their BAKSALization and BALization agenda. You are talking only about appointment of diplomats, where have you been when a renowned BAList cult was recently appointed as the Vice Chancellor of the foremost university of the country? If what they did with regard to the topmost institution of education in the country is simply "jaiz" to them then their policy with regard to the diplomatic missions must be "wajib" or "farz" for them at minimum. If you like this policy, speak up your voice but if you don't you better shut up lest those lurking around you will assault on you immediately. You better take care of yourself otherwise they have thousand ways to prove and incriminate you as a "jongi" if you are not liked to them.



From: Akbar Hussain <akbar_50@hotmail. com>
To: alochona group <alochona@yahoogroup s.com>
Sent: Sunday, 24 May, 2009 4:40:00 PM
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Govt prefers political appointment in key missions

Key diplomatic appointments on the basis of political affinity are not an idea based on wisdom. This is truer in unstable and nascent democracies. In the corrupted and bitterly polarized political culture of Bangladesh this step will make diplomacy unstable and aimless and parochial. Diplomats should be chosen by their experience not by their political affiliation. In this connection I would say that the Bangladeshi diplomatic missions abroad do not perform as they are supposed to do. Their performances do not replicate the modern art of diplomacy. A lethargic and home oriented atmosphere is visible every where. The idea of political appointment will make situation more worse.

 

Akbar Hussain





To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com
From: ezajur.rahman@ q8.com
Date: Sun, 24 May 2009 08:59:50 +0300
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Govt prefers political appointment in key missions




Govt prefers political appointment in key missions
Courtesy New Age 24/5/09

The Awami League-led government seems to prefer contractual appointment on political considerations in key Bangladesh missions abroad such as the United States, India and the United Kingdom rather than sending career diplomats there.
   Such political appointments in strategically important missions, foreign policy experts said, may create resentment among the diplomats who have dreamt of such postings throughout their career.
   The government has already decided to send former Bangladesh ambassador to the United States Tariq A Karim to India and former Rahshahi University vice-chancellor Saidur Rahman Khan to London as high commissioners on a contractual basis.
   The government is also set to appoint Syed Muazzem Ali as Bangldesh's ambassador to the United States.
   Former ambassadors close to the government, however, feel there is nothing wrong with contractual appointments as the countries of assignment give importance to the ambassadors who are 'close to top government leaders.'
   Sources in the government told New Age the government wanted to begin with a rejuvenated team to attain extended goals of the ruling party's domestic policies and to fulfil the people's expectations reflected in the electoral mandate.
   'Our ambassadors and high commissioners must act as alter egos of the head of the government. Those people [persons made heads of missions] must reflect the state policy and programme to get better access to their designated destinations,' Mostafa Faruque Mohammad, a former high commissioner in New Delhi, told New Age on Saturday.
   Mostafa Faruque, also a member on the parliamentary committee on foreign affairs ministry, said such assignments these days were economic as well as political jobs and therefore people need to have expertise and experience.
   A former senior diplomat said career diplomats could serve better than politically appointed people because of their expertise in related jobs.
   'It is not guaranteed that a people having a good political contact with the government serves better than a diplomat,' he said. 'Such appointments outside the service may create frustration among serving diplomats waiting for such posting.'
   Referring to Bangladesh's previous posting in New Delhi, the diplomat said four, out of the 10, high commissioners including Faruq A Choudhury, Farooq Sobhan, CM Shafi Shami and Hemayetuddin later worked as foreign secretaries.
   He said working in strategically important missions give them a chance to prepare themselves for the post of top diplomat of the country.
   The government has also already appointed Saiful Haque, an expatriate Bangladeshi businessman in Russia, as the country's ambassador in Moscow, replacing Mohamed Mijarul Quayes, who is considered a candidate for the post of foreign secretary.
   The government is also set to appoint Abul Barakat, an economist and teacher of Dhaka University, as head of the Bangladesh's permanent mission in Geneva, former Bangladesh high commissioner in London Giasuddin as ambassador to Germany, Dhaka University teacher Neem Chandra Bhoumik as ambassador in Kathmandu, Abahani Limited director Shahed Reja, also a close friend to the late Sheikh Kamal, as ambassador in Kuwait and the finance minister's younger brother Abul Momen as ambassador to Saudi Arabia.

 




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