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Thursday, June 25, 2009

[ALOCHONA] Linking up or giving transit?



Linking up or giving transit?

Ahmed Sadek Yousuf takes a wholesome look at the political and economic reasons for and against the recently approved Asian Highway Project
 
 
 


As soon as the cabinet of ministers officially decided to promulgate the original charter of the Asian Highway as envisaged by the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) on June 15, it officially changed its stance, swaying from the BNP led government's perspective that had opposed the UN ESCAP sponsored routes on the grounds that these would be tantamount to granting neighbouring India a transit corridor.

   By deciding to accept the trade routes, the government has garnered mixed reactions coming from a whole myriad of quarters, giving rise to a debate about the current Asian Highway project, yet to be implemented.

   According to media reports, the proposal, as initially aired by the communications ministry, will be sent to the UNESCAP once approval on the proposal has been obtained from the cabinet.

   If the plan comes to materialisation, then this would see Bangladesh connected to other nations such as Japan, South Korea, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, Nepal, the Philippines, China, Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Bhutan, Georgia, Iran, Kazakhstan, Laos and Malaysia, among others, via a strategic trans-national road highway system.

   The current administration has agreed to include three routes for designation by UNESCAP as Asian Highway routes. They are: the 495 km AH 1 (marking its entry point in Benapole, connecting Dhaka, Kachpur, Jessore, Sykhet and Tamabil in a singular

   route), the 805 km AH 2 (which originates from Banglabandha of Panchargarh, and connects Hati-Kamrul of Sirajganj, Dhaka, Kachpur and Tamabil) and the 752 km AH 41 route (linking Mongla of Bagherhat, Khulna, Dhaka, Jessore, and Teknaf of Cox's Bazar in a single highway).

   Among these three, as per the original proposals, routes AH 1 and AH 2, both of which marks its entry and exit points to India, will be utilised as the international trade routes, while the AH 41 route, which essentially connects the two major sea ports of Chittagong and Mongla to Dhaka, will have a sub-regional status.

   The official line maintained by high-ups within the communications ministry reportedly has been one of optimism, with the communications minister stating that the current administration '…does not want Bangladesh to remain isolated while its neighbours move ahead.'

   According to its proponents, the inking of the deal would eventually lead to Bangladesh multiplying its volume of trade greatly and thus massively contributing to Bangladesh's economic development.

   Detractors

   While advocates of the current iteration of the Asian Highway may point to the perceived economic benefits that stand to be gained from its implementation, there remains a substantial barrage of staunch opposition to the deal.

   'Such a step will inevitably compromise Bangladesh's national security and also pose a variety of other problems,' says Major Hafizuddin, a senior BNP leader about the move. Rather ominously, he mentions that that there is quite a slim but major probability that Indian truck drivers coming to Bangladesh may help spread the dreaded AIDS disease through the general populace in Bangladesh.

   In his opinion, it would serve the nation a lot better if Bangladesh gets the highway to be connected via Myanmar.

   It needs to be mentioned that the Asian Highway proposal was originally put forth in 1995/96, and the UNESCAP, which comprises of 32 nations, had helped draw the trade routes for Bangladesh.

   It aims to bridge together the distant corners of the Asian continent, however, the two international routes mark their entry and exit points to India, and as such, a certain notion had developed within the then-BNP administration that promulgation of such an agreement would amount to granting India undue favours and hence the hesitation.

   Thus the deadline of December 31, 2005 went by and the Bangladesh government was, yet to get out of the official limbo, with regards to signing the agreement.

   Khondoker Delwar Hossain, secretary general of BNP, also opposes the current proposal. He opines, 'the move will greatly undermine Bangladesh's economic prospects as well as compromising national security.'

   Likewise, many experts have also had sound concerns regarding the promulgation of the Asian Highway treaty. Importantly, there remains a school of thought that maintains the current format of the Asian Highway system in Bangladesh will do disproportionate favours to the Indian economy than to the Bangladesh economy.

   'The current format of Asian Highway as agreed upon by the government will only present India with a grossly disproportionate advantage, especially when seen in the context of India's relatively larger economic base and output,' says Dr Mahbub Ullah of the department of Development Studies, Dhaka University.

   He adds, 'the Asian Highway project for Bangladesh necessitated the involvement and inclusion of another nation into the reckoning for maximum economic viability, in this case, Thailand. In the end it will not be Bangladesh that will emerge the victor out of this, but rather India, who will stand to gain more economically.'

   'This latest proposal is very much akin to granting India transit, and as such Bangladesh will not stand to gain much. So is this not granting India undue favours?' asks Farhad Mazhar, a renowned intellectual.

   He feels that economic, ecological as well as environmental evaluations need to be undertaken before granting the project operational status. 'By opening up the nation at vital points to India, this may seriously compromise Bangladesh's security. The current format of the Asian Highway can in no way be deemed as Asian Highway, but rather as 'a transit corridor' for India.'

   Proponents

   The government, meanwhile, sidetracked the issue of providing transit and instead pointed to the overall benefits. Senior AL leaders also pointed out that the routes are yet to be finalised.

   'The various apparent contentious issues, which includes the question of transit, do not arise from the Asian Highway Network agreement, which the Bangladesh government had only expressed the approval to sign,' says agriculture minister and senior Awami League leader Motia Chowdhury.

   'It is only after the signing of this agreement will UNESCAP take on the responsibility to assign the trade routes for Bangladesh.'

   'At this stage, the trade routes have yet to be finalised and confirmed, so how is it that many quarters keep telling that the trade routes will inevitably have their entry-exit points to India?' she asks.

   'Actually a whole, rather indifferent issue has been spun off from this rather small issue of the Asian Highway Network agreement,' says Awami League presidium member Suranjit Sengupta.

   'The aspect of paramount importance is ensuring roadway connectivity to the rest of the world via the Asian Highway. As Bangladesh is surrounded from almost all sides by India, and if the routes all exit and enter Bangladesh via India, then so be it. There is no need to spin a big fuss out of this,' he added.

   'The previous BNP government had a golden opportunity to connect Bangladesh to the rest of the world via the Asian Highway, but they chose to spurn the proposal on the grounds that this would amount to transit for India,' he added.

   'It is utter nonsense. Anyone whose priorities are fixed upon taking Bangladesh up the developmental ladder will definitely take the best decision.'

   Dr Rahmatullah, who was once the director of UNESCAP, agrees. 'When you are almost surrounded from all sides by India, it becomes very apparent that at least one major trade route has to pass through India,' he says..

   He adds, 'the paperwork behind the proposal strictly mentions that the proposal should only take into account the factors and circumstances behind establishment of the road network. Thus it becomes clear that any provision for transport of foreign vehicles be accommodated by a different treaty, which is different and not bound by the original Asian Highway Treaty.'

   The routes

   Rahmatullah informs that under the original format of the Asian Highway route network in Bangladesh, the UNESCAP had chosen Astagram of Sunamganj as the exit point for international routes AH 1 and AH 2 to India. Accordingly, this proposal called for Astagram to be linked to Karimganj, Shiulchor, Imphal and finally Tamu, which lies at the Indian-Burmese border.

   'This idea, was originally pitched by the BNP government who were less intent upon granting approval of the UNESCAP proposed routes. However under the proposal as aired by UNESCAP originally, the AH 41 route which, the then-government preferred as a route to Myanmar, is actually a sub-regional route, and not intended as a cross national route,' he says. He explains that such a policy was back then seen to keeping in line generally with the country's 'Looking East' policy.

   According to Rahmatullah, in late 1995, the Bangladeshi communications ministry, which was then spearheaded by Col Oli Ahmed, had decided to shift the exit point to India from Astagram to its present day location Tamabil. Hence, as an inevitable aftermath, the new, and current charted highway path to Myanmar, which thus connects Tamabil, Shillong, Guwahati, Dimapur, Kohima Imphal and Tamu, resulted.

   However, at about 600 km long, the current route (from Tamabil to Tamu), unlike the previous proposed route (Astagram to Tamu), was almost thrice the length of the earlier proposed route.

   'Thus, it becomes apparent that the new exit point as mandated by the government and agreed upon by the government and the Indian government, only led to an even more lengthy and roundabout route to Myanmar, which is at best uneconomical, especially when seen in perspective of the fact that a previous far shorter route to Myanmar, via India, was available, which started from Astagram. The decision was at best suicidal for Bangladesh,' says Rahmatullah.

   However, according to recent media reports, while denying the charges, the former communications minister accused some officials within UNESCAP, in conjunction with World Bank officials, of choosing Tamabil as the exit point with the sole intention of keeping all entry-exit points only within India. He reportedly further mentioned that he had always tried to advance the notion of connecting Chittagong - Cox's Bazar to Gundum, which would then link up with Myanmar.

   Around late 2004, the then-communications minister Nazmul Huda signed a memorandum of understanding with Myanmar to build a cross national highway to Myanmar (dubbed as the Friendship Road Link), covering two km in Bangladesh, and 23 kilometres in Myanmar. The stretch of the proposed road link was to span from Balukhali, Cox's Bazar and pass through Gundam to Bauli Bazaar in Myanmar. 'This agreement was strictly a bilateral one,' says Rahmatullah.

   As per the original proposal, the Bangladeshi government had decided to wholly finance the construction of this road link. He further claims: 'this stretch of highway was to end at Bawli Bazar, which is not actually quite an important trading point, and furthermore from there, there aren't significant highway linkages to other regions.'

   Rahmatullah asks, given the lack of direct highway linkages between Bawli Bazar and other strategically important trading points in Mynamar, is there any real economic gain to be exacted from building the highway?

   According to Rahmutallah, there were various factors behind the Myanmar government's decision to spurn Dhaka's advances for an Asian Highway route to Myanmar. 'The first reason as cited by the Myanmar administration was that, as mentioned earlier, there is a complete lack of an appropriate highway that can be used as a connecting bridge between the two countries,' he says.

   It is worth mentioning that the BNP government had proposed fusion of the AH 1 route, starting from Benapole, with the AH 41 route that connects Dhaka with the major sea ports of Mongla and Chittagong as well as Teknaf, as marking the first step towards re-routing the AH 1 highway to Myanmar.

   'Not surprisingly, the UNESCAP members, prominently China and India, as well as Myanmar rejected the proposal. However, the actual thorny issue has been a lack of a connecting highway between Bangladesh and Myanmar which obviously is of great need if the Bangladesh government is intent upon securing an Asian Highway corridor via Myanmar,' he informs.

   The above reasoning of the then Bangladeshi administration however is not quite surprising, especially when viewed from the context of economic priorities. The BNP led government, for quite some time had insisted upon building a prosperous economic relationship with the economically successful nations of South-East Asia as well as China. It required a passageway through Myanmar, and thus it heavily hinged upon Myanmar's opinions regarding the revised proposal as pitched by Dhaka.

   It is only member nations of UNESCAP, which has ratified the existing Asian Highway framework, that can suggest and thus call for revisions in the planning and structure of the various routes of the Asian Highway, Rahmatullah further informs.

   Ratification

   In hindsight, though, while a highway route directly through Myanmar will obviously do a whole world of good for Bangladesh, the Burmese government is yet to entertain Bangladesh's requests. However, it would appear rather logical that Bangladesh first ratify the current iteration of the treaty and then only subsequently propose any revisions as Bangladesh sees fit.

   According to a highly placed source, the Burmese government further did not help matters by not undertaking any action to extend the proposed highway from Bawli Bazar. Furthermore the issues regarding the Rohingya refugees, a pressing concern for the Burmese, have yet to be sorted out between the two nations.

   As of recent media reports, Myanmar authorities have reportedly expressed interest of further extending the roadway to China which would therefore be of great economic significance for Bangladesh as well. For the time being, the focus is strictly upon the implementation of the Friendship Road Link. It is only then that steps will be undertaken for extension of the road link into China and Thailand.

   Going back to the Asian Highway issue, some experts also questioned if having international routes making an exit to only one country from a given country is economically sound.

   'This latest move on part of the government will work out fine given certain aspects, in that the same package or level of leeway and rights and privileges be extended for Bangladeshi transport as has been granted for Indian transport vehicles and their drivers,' says Professor Anu Mohammed, a professor of Economics within Jahangirnagar University.

   He concludes, 'equal empowerment of rights and fair enforcement of rules and regulations, on either side of the border, will help ensure success of the Asian Highway network,' he adds.

   At a glance
   * Cabinet officially decided on the Asian Highway Project on June 15, 2009
   * AH 1 and AH2 routes have entry and exit points in India
   * Economically Bangladesh will benefit by linking up with other South-East Asian Nations : communication ministry
   * The original Asian Highway proposal was originally put forth in 1995/96 by the UNESCAP
   * Nation's economic prospects and national security will be compromised: BNP
 



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[ALOCHONA] PM's stand on Moeen's fate intensifies suspicion



PM's stand on Moeen's fate intensifies suspicion
 
M. Shahidul Islam
 
The vicissitudes of history is nowhere as obtrusive and merciless as in Bangladesh. Here, victors of today are the vanquished of tomorrow and today's villains pass off as tomorrow's heroes. It's a vicious cycle that has no set rules, no perceptible direction.

   That is why the man who is on record for showing much heroism and bluster in cracking down on corrupt political leaders and business magnets following the declaration of emergency rules on January 11, 2007 is himself being sued for a number of alleged charges, and, within days of changing into civil attire.
   Sources say at least half a dozen of litigation is under preparation to compel former army chief, Gen. Moeen U Ahmed, to face trial for allegations ranging from unbecoming conduct- through usurpation of Constitution, misappropriation of public fund - to sedition.

   Since moving into an unceremonious retirement on June 15, the former army chief has become a political football for many aggrieved leaders within the ruling party and in the opposition. At least three of the upcoming litigations are being instituted by ruling party leaders and an equal number may come from leaders of the BNP, according to sources..

   Besides, the former four star General also faces the prospect of being challenged through a number of other writs at the High Court and initiation of complaints (GDs) at police stations, which are expected to come from human rights groups, NGOs, members of the civil society and other aggrieved and disaffected victims of the emergency rules' excessive measures against many.
   
   Stolen documents!
   Meanwhile, the Army Headquarters is mulling the prospect of launching an internal investigation to trace sensitive and classified missing documents relating to the imposition of emergency rules on January 11, 2007, activities of the national anti-corruption coordination committee, disposal of funds raised from various business magnates, and, the army's role during the December 2008 elections, sources say.

   The lost classified documents are suspected to have been destroyed or taken away by the departed army chief while moving into retirement on June 15.
   At the same time, some one from the National Defence College (NDC) had leaked to the media the dossier of Gen. Moeen's NDC course details, blaming that he had secured the degree without even attending the 12- month long course and accusing him of deceit, forgery and misuse of power as the incumbent army chief at that time.

   Ironically, the painful ordeal of the former army chief unfolds at a time when his retired life so far has been anything but tranquil; kicking off in the most perturbed manner and being marred until now by serious concerns for personal safety and security due to protests and threats lurking from influential Bangladeshis at home and abroad.
   
   Fleeing homeland?
   Sources say, panged by such developments, the former army chief has recently contacted with the chief of the last caretaker government, Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed - who seems to have wisely grasped the increasingly hostile pulse of the nation and had left the country quietly about three weeks ago - to discuss about his fate and the ongoing ordeal.

   However, despite there being reports of the former army chief's decision to flee from the country, people close to the General say the news of his seeking permission from the Government to travel abroad 'is not true.' Under existing regulations, an officer on Leave Pending Retirement (LPR) is barred from travelling abroad without Government's permission.
   
   PM contacted
   A reliable source, however, confirmed that Gen Moeen has contacted the PM last week in desperation and requested her to ensure that leaders from the ruling party refrain from making things worse for him by joining the demand for his trial.
   The Holiday managed to authenticate the veracity of his recent contact with the PM.

   Perhaps due to having received such a desperate plea from the former army chief - who is alleged to have steered the coming to power of the AL-led alliance through an election in December 2008 in which final results grossly belied public expectation - to stand by him at this critical moment of his life, the PM had angrily released a salvo of stern warnings against her party colleagues during a cabinet meeting on June 22..

   Yet, given the prevalence of a popular perception that Gen. Moeen should be blamed for the unexpected election outcome - and for his 'not so discreet' collaboration with a certain political party and its foreign backers as reasons why there was no uproar like Iran in the aftermath of Bangladesh election in December 2008 - this saga is likely to kick off more dusts in coming weeks. It also explains why, during the cabinet meeting on June 22, Sheikh Hasina warned her party leaders not to join the opposition BNP leaders in speaking against the 1/11 changeover and its architect, Gen. Moeen.

   In the cabinet meeting, the PM sternly ordered her party leaders not to make any more insulting and derogatory remarks about Gen. Moeen and the 1/11 changeover of power in any forum, including in the mass media and TV talk shows. "Such comments from our party leaders will only help our opponents and this is not acceptable," the PM is learnt to have said tersely to her cabinet colleagues.
   Worst still, Sheikh Hasina accused some ruling party leaders of what she said "hatching conspiracy in concert with some opposition leaders with whom they (AL leaders) might have forged some agreement while being in prison during the emergency rule."
   
   Wrong side of history
   Observers say, the PM may have a hidden moral compulsion to stand by the former army chief, but the partisan and un-prime-ministerial stand she took in the cabinet meeting of June 22 is being construed by many as an indication of a festering rift within the ruling party with respect to how the AL-led alliance wants to run affairs of the state. "This is fascism in the making," said one observer.

   Another observer said, "Now that the PM has openly taken a side to shield the former army chief from any perceived or real harm, she has willingly chosen to be on the wrong side of history by evoking serious suspicion of a pre-election 'nexus of interest' between her and the former army chief."
   Others say, it is one thing for the PM to try to save the former army chief from any harm, quite another to dissuade private citizens from challenging him on matters that he is presumed to have committed by usurping power.
   Although a Shakespearean dilemma of 'to be or not to be tried' will prevail for a while with respect to Gen. Moeen's fate - and the nation will await with baited breath to see how the PM reacts to the upcoming legal moves against the former army chief- it will be wise for the ruling party not hasten into something that could be seen to have obstructed justice in any manner.
 



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[ALOCHONA] BDR Carnage: Mobile Call List of Pintu and Jamaat's Razzak Disappeared



We hope justice and dignity prevail and culprits get perished. Let the truth come out. Yours is perhaps what is called terminal bite or "moron kamorh" and I have nothing to say what Allah says - "die of your wrath". Regards. Wohid


From: musasarkar <m_musa92870@yahoo.com>
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Thursday, June 18, 2009 8:34:42 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: BDR Carnage: Mobile Call List of Pintu and Jamaat's Razzak Disappeared

Wohid Sab, you sounded pissed.  There is also strong resemblance between your posting and the way Al Badr chief Nizami is talking lately.  Why don't you make your Rajakari chapabaji and vent your frustration to Ittefaq?  They are the ones who published it.  Why don't you explain it to them and CID why those two mobile companies removed call lists of only Pintu and Razzak for those last few days in February since you are the only one who carries the truth?

If a lot of right-wing extremists can post so many garbage from all types of garbage sources, you cannot even stand one posting from another viewpoint, then isn't it super Munafeqi when you blame somebody as Baksalist unjustly?  You sound far worse than a genuine Baksalist.   A Munafeq is the one who holds somebody to such standard that he himself fails to maintain.   The real truth will come out and the real transgressors (your lord Jamaati leaders) will face the justice insha-Allah very soon.  Furthermore, adding injury to insult they have been abandoned by all of their former masters and creators (i.e., USA , Saudi, and pitiful Pakistan ).  Keep your cool man, otherwise how can you survive the war crime trial? 

--- In alochona@yahoogroup s.com, Wohid <bidrohee@...> wrote:
>
> where chapabazi gets ashamed!!! What else you need Musa Sarkar to to kill the truth, divert the public sentiment and protect your BAList BAKSALite govt ??? Everything has a limit. The transgressors will face the reality one day. Truth will come out one day and expose your lords plots.
>
>
>
>
> ____________ _________ _________ __
> From: musasarkar m_musa92870@ ...
> To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com
> Sent: Wednesday, June 17, 2009 9:37:55 AM
> Subject: [ALOCHONA] BDR Carnage: Mobile Call List of Pintu and Jamaat's Razzak Disappeared
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Source: http://www.ittefaq. com/content/ 2009/06/17/ print0527. htm Messages in this topic (1)
>


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[ALOCHONA] British man details torture claim



British man details torture claim

By Naresh Puri and Dominic Casciani
BBC News home affairs team

Jamil Rahman
Jamil Rahman: Legal action launched
A British man who has accused the government of collusion in his alleged torture in Bangladesh has spoken for the first time.
Jamil Rahman, who is suing the Home office, says he believes MI5 were responsible for his arrest in 2005.
He claims Bangladeshi officers beat him and threatened to rape his wife if he did not confess to being a terrorist.
The BBC cannot verify the claims and the Home Office says it does not condone torture or its use abroad.
In his first interview since launching a legal action against the government, Mr Rahman told the BBC that he was arrested in Bangladesh in December 2005 by the DGFI intelligence agency.
The former civil servant from south Wales had emigrated earlier that year to marry.
Mr Rahman said he believed that two MI5 officers called Liam and Andrew directed his arrest and were aware that he was subsequently subjected to physical and mental abuse.
He was initially held for three weeks before being released. His alleged mistreatment continued at sporadic interviews for another two years.
Speaking for the first time about the alleged abuse, Mr Rahman said that Bangladeshi officers assaulted him after he was taken to an interrogation centre.
"They stripped me naked and said that if I didn't say what they wanted me to say, they would rape me and my wife and burn her and other family members.
"They told me to say I was al-Qaeda and the organiser of the 7/7 [London suicide] bombings."
It was all to do with the British ... Even the Bengali intelligence officer told me that they didn't know anything about me, that they were only doing this for the British
Jamil Rahman
The 31-year-old told the BBC that two British men would question him separately. He later concluded they were the same balaclava-wearing men to whom Bangladeshi officers turned to for orders during his arrest.
"The first time [they interviewed me] they tried to be friendly, they came in trying to show they were my friends, calm and relaxed, nothing wrong. I tried to demonstrate my innocence - I thought this is wrong, because they were British I might get some justice.
"But they just said 'they had not done a good job on you' we need a ten minute break. The DGFI guys would take me to a room and beat me."
Surveillance pictures
Mr Rahman says that he was questioned about bomb plots and shown scores of surveillance pictures taken in the UK.
"They were questioning me on the July 7 bombings, showing me pictures of the bombers. I didn't even know who they were. They showed me hundreds of pictures. Black, white, Chinese, bearded non-bearded, woman, man, young and old. Every time, they came for a new session, same pictures with new ones.
"They showed me maps, terrains of Bangladesh, Pakistan, Afghanistan, UK, they asked me to draw things out and write names next to pictures.
"The main thing they wanted me to be is a witness against another British man in Bangladesh. They pressured me so much to be a witness against this guy in court.
We firmly reject any suggestion that we torture people or ask others to do so on our behalf - Mr Rahman has made a lot of unsubstantiated allegations.
Home Office
"They threatened my family. [The MI5 officers] they go to me: 'In the UK, gas leaks happen, if your family house had a gas leak and everyone got burnt, there's no problems, we can do that easily.
"It was all to do with the British," he said. "Even the Bengali intelligence officer told me that they didn't know anything about me, that they were only doing this for the British."
Mr Rahman admits that he attended meetings in the UK of the radical Islamist group, al-Muhajiroun, but that he rejected their ideology before his emigration for marriage.
In a statement, the Home office said it would respond vigorously to any action that Mr Rahman brings.
"We firmly reject any suggestion that we torture people or ask others to do so on our behalf. Mr Rahman has made a lot of unsubstantiated allegations. They have not been evidenced in any court of law."
The Bangladeshi government has not answered BBC requests for a response to Mr Rahman's allegations.
At least seven former detainees are now alleging British collusion in their mistreatment abroad. Their cases list 19 alleged officers - although it's not clear whether they are all separate people because of the use of pseudonyms.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_ news/8117758.stm



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