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Monday, April 7, 2008

[mukto-mona] Boycott the Beijing Olympics

US Democratic presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Barak Obama as well US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi have urged President George W Bush to boycott the Beijing Olympics opening ceremonies this summer unless China improves human rights. They have cited violent clashes in Tibet and they have never been afraid to express those views. 
 
Some western politicians have played with the idea of boycotts but there is no momentum for a generalized boycott. They need the unity of the Olympic movement to help overcome the difficulties. Their major responsibility is for offering good games to the athletes who deserve them.The athletes deserve and the world expects it, and the unity of the Olympic movement will deliver it. Any politician who is pushing for a boycott is committing a serious error.
 
Gopal Sengupta
Canada
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[ALOCHONA] Neighbours encroach on offshore gas blocks

Neighbours encroach on blocks offered under 3rd round bidding of the 12 blocks India has encroached on five Bangladesh offshore gas blocks, while Myanmar on seven blocks in the prospective Bay of Bengal.

 

The prospect of a dispute over offshore gas blocks in the Bay of Bengal is looming large as neighbouring India and Myanmar have encroached on almost half of the Bangladesh's blocks, said sources.

UK-based prestigious firm Wood Mackenzie reveals recently that 12 out of 28 gas blocks to oil companies offered under the latest offshore bidding round have been wholly or partly licensed by neighbouring countries. "One shallow water block and eleven deepwater blocks have been wholly or partly licensed by other countries," Wood Mackenzie categorically said in its findings.

It said of the 12 blocks India has encroached on five Bangladesh offshore gas blocks, while Myanmar on seven blocks in the prospective Bay of Bengal.

Bangladesh in February last offered a total of 28 blocks for oil exploration, eight are located in the shallow-depth of the Bay called A-type, while the rest 20 B-Type blocks are located in the deep-water.The sale of bidding documents and their submission is set to end May 7 next.Wood Mackenzie in its findings stated that to the west, part of Bangladesh block SS-08-05 was licensed by India (as block NEC-DWN-2004/2) to Santos in 2007.

The Indian block overlaps Bangladeshi third round blocks -- SS-08-09 and SS-08-14. Further south, another Santos block, NEC-DWN-2004/1, overlaps Bangladeshi blocks -- DS-08-14, DS-08-19 and DS-08-24."In the east, seven Bangladeshi deep-water blocks have been wholly or partly licensed by Myanmar," Wood Mackenzie revealed.

Blocks DS-08-22, DS-08-23, DS-08-27 and DS-08-28 all overlap Myanmar's block AD-9, which is operated by ONGC. Further north, Myanmar's AD-8 block (CNPC) covers the Bangladeshi blocks -- DS-08-18 and part of DS-08-17 and DS-08-13.

Furthermore, block AD-7, which was licensed by Myanmar to Daewoo, overlaps part of block DS-08-13."Beyond the blocks with explicit uncertainty over jurisdiction, there are others where no claim of ownership have yet been made, but could be expected in the future," the findings of the UK-based consulting firm noted.

When contacted special aide to chief adviser M Tamim said: "I have heard of the Wood Mackenzie survey. But it would not create any problem for Bangladesh to offer the country's prospective gas blocks to the international oil and gas companies (IOCs).""The IOCs are not worried over it as the issue is more or less known to all," the Special Assistant to Chief Adviser on Energy issues said.

In any case, the IOCs would not face any problem over the issue, as the respective neighbouring countries would settle any such dispute through mutual understanding, he assured.The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) provision is there to resolve such dispute among the neighbouring countries, he added.

"Bangladesh will explore oil and gas within its territorial waters. It will in no way encroach into others' territory." Tamim assured.He also said that dispute among the neighbouring countries over the hydrocarbon blocks is not new in the world.

The countries like Vietnam, China and Thailand have similar disputes and the global oil and gas giants are working in these blocks to explore hydrocarbon.Russia and Japan have similar disputes over the right of oil and gas blocks, Tamim said.

Besides, in the model production-sharing contract of Bangladesh there is a provision for unitization of gas blocks through discussion between the relevant parties if a structure extends into neighbouring territory, he added.

http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/search_index.php?page=detail_news&news_id=30176


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[mukto-mona] breaking news: Hilary caught red-handed with another lie

Watch the ABC news:
 
 
Read the AP report:
 
WASHINGTON - Democratic Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton has stopped telling a story of a pregnant woman's medical tragedy after an Ohio hospital challenged its accuracy last weekend.....
 
 
 


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[mukto-mona] Nepal’s divisive king faces the boot

Nepal's divisive king faces the boot
Nepal's King faces the sack
'King Gyanendra is a non-entity now. He is the most humiliated man in Asia'

KING Gyanendra of Nepal will be the last ruler from his centuries-old dynasty if the Himalayan nation - as expected - abolishes the world's only Hindu monarchy after landmark elections this week.

The April 10 polls are the culmination of a peace deal between republican Maoists and mainstream secular parties that ended a decade-long insurgency aimed at toppling the monarchy and which claimed 13,000 lives. The ex-rebels and the parties have already agreed the king will step down and that Nepal will be declared a federal democratic republic after the polls, which are to elect a body that will rewrite the constitution.

Maoist leader Prachanda said at the weekend that Gyanendra, 61, can remain in the country as an "ordinary citizen" if he wishes. But while it seems the king has all but already been booted out, staunch royalists have warned of a violent backlash. "If the Maoists can take up arms and come to power, Hindus will also take up arms. It will be worse than the Maoists' war and many people will be killed," royal aide Major General Bharat Keshwer Simha said in a recent interview.

The elections come seven tumultuous years after Gyanendra ascended the throne following the massacre of his popular brother Birendra and most of the royal family by the drink-and-drug-fuelled crown prince, who later killed himself. Conspiracy theories linking Gyanendra and his unpopular son Prince Paras to the massacre have made him "the most unpopular man in Nepal," said Kunda Dixit, editor of the English language weekly Nepali Times.

Gyanendra happened to be away from the palace at the time, while his only son, who was present, escaped unhurt. Paras' playboy reputation has also hurt the king, although his son is said to have become more spiritual since suffering a heart attack aged 36. However, many people in the Hindu nation continue to revere the king as an incarnation of the god Vishnu, and consider the monarchy to be important for the small but impoverished country.

"The latest polls have shown about half the population would prefer to keep some kind of symbolic monarchy," said Dixit. "The people make a distinction between a vote for the person of the monarch and the institution of monarchy." Sujata Koirala, daughter of Premier Girija Prasad Koirala and seen as his political heir, said she felt a "cultural monarch" - not the current king - would suit Nepal and its distinct Hindu-dominated culture.

Gyanendra faced huge opposition after firing the government and seizing direct control in February 2005 on the grounds that the parties had failed to end the war with the Maoists. Direct rule lasted 14 months until he was forced to reinstate parliament following weeks of violent pro-democracy protests, during which crowds burnt effigies of him and called him a "murderer."

The move to turn Nepal into a republic would be the final humiliation for Gyanendra, already stripped of his political powers and job as head of the army. The government has passed legislation turning Nepal into a secular state, while the new national anthem contains no mention of the king and many of his properties have been seized by the state.

"He's a non-entity now. He is the most humiliated man in Asia," said Kanak Mani Dixit, managing editor of the respected Himal South Asia monthly. Since Gyanendra returned power to parliament, the once high-profile monarch has virtually disappeared from view and the royal motorcades that used to clog Kathmandu's streets have halted.

This is his second stint on the throne. During upheavals in 1950, he was declared monarch at the age of five after being left behind as insurance when then-king Tribhuvan - his grandfather - fled to India. Gyanendra, educated at a Jesuit school in Darjeeling, India, was once said to be one of the world's wealthiest royals. The crown reverted back to his grandfather when the family returned a year later and Birendra became king in 1972.

"It's Gyanendra who people have a problem with, not the concept of monarchy," said Kapil Shrestha, a political science professor at Tribhuvan University. "People have a hatred for the king... but they're not totally against the monarchy." afp
 
 
 
Prachanda, CPN (Maoist) party chief and former rebel leader, greets supporters while campaigning from door to door in Kirtipur, in the outskirts of Kathmandu yesterday
"If he wants to resist the verdict of the masses, there will be a trial and strong punishment,"    - Prachanda to AFP

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[mukto-mona] Report of the Conference on Political Prisoners

My husband was brutally killed by the Punjab police. My brotherinlawwas detained andthen killed. I have been harassed and tortured. My son, Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar is on thedeathrow.How do you want me to live my life? Should I cry my way to death or should I wait for the Indian system endlessly to become more humane and just?
–Upkar Kaur
 
The only mistake my engineer son, Perarivalan committed was to go the market and buy a 9volt
battery. For that heinous crime he is in prison for the last more than ten years
– T. Arputham Kuyildasan
 
My innocent husband Birkumar Paswan is in Bhagalpur prison in Bihar for the last 22 yearsand that too in a condemned cell on the death row.
–Chandramani Devi
 
My husband Dharmendra Singh is also in the Bhagalpur jail and on the death row
–Lalita Devi.
 
My husband Maninga Majhi is in prison for the last 8 years for resisting land grab
–Maria Majhi, Orissa
 
My son Lakhwinder Singh is in Burail jail for more than 12 years. He has never been let outon parole. He was not granted leave even when his mother and grandmother died.
– Darshan Singh
 
My husband, Shamsher Singh is in Burail jail for more than 12 years. There is no malemember in the family. My family life is in ruins.
Baljinder Kaur
 
The entire report attached in PDF Format
- Abhiyya
 


With Regards

Abi


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[mukto-mona] Atmaghati Kusangskar {Bangla}

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/Pradip_deb/atmoghati_kusongskar.htm

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[mukto-mona] On Taslima again

 
Taslima's Ouster
Genesis of Capitulation and Birth of a Frankenstein
by Sailendra Nath Ghosh 5 Apr 08 (http://mainstreamweekly.net/article628.html)

For long I have been saying that the Indian state's founder-premier Nehru was grievously wrong in defining secularism as the fulcrum of the country's policy. Secularism merely meant that the state would be neutral between religions. In the context of the country's Partition and carnage occasioned by religious hatred, the need was for a policy with a positive content—namely, harmonisation of the psyche and unification of hearts of the deeply divided communities. It needed inter-religious dialogues and soulful reinterpretations of scriptures, which alone could retrieve the pristine values of respective religions. Without a transformational influence, neutrality was a void. Without an upswing of spiritual energy among the feuding communities, the deeply embedded separatist feeling and moulds of thinking at the mass level could never change.
This upswing, in turn, needed floodlights from higher levels—from the ethical and moral values lived by humanity's great teachers like Lord Buddha, Christ, Zarathustra, Mohammad and the great sages of ancient India. India neglected the cultivation and inculcation of these values and threw their living examples into a limbo.
Nehru's second mistake lay in his declaration that "communalism of the minority community was less dangerous than that of the majority community". Communalism is a double-edged sword. It feeds not only the sectarianism it seeks to support but also fuels the sectarianism it seeks to oppose. The question of comparative harmfulness was, therefore, inappropriate. At a time when the Muslims residing in the Indian Union were pensively meditating over the effects of the earlier frenzy for a separate homeland, and were, for the first time, heeding Maulana Azad's rebukes against separatism, this declaration from the Prime Minister stopped their process of rethinking. It killed the soul-search which had just begun.
Then came the era of adult franchise whereby each adult, irrespective of caste, creed or gender got the right to vote. Undoubtedly, adult franchise is the core principle of democracy. But the concomitant concept that the rights and responsibilities are wholly centred round individuals and that the thinking of separate group-based belongingness is taboo in a democracy (which has already guaranteed freedom of individual and collective worship) did not sink in the minds of the people. Hence adult franchise started producing perverse results. Since the Muslim masses remained mostly under the spell of the Islam-mouthing fanatics with mediaevalist mindset, the Muslim votes, by and large, tended to be bloc votes. This induced almost all political parties, barring the BJP, to adopt a policy of not annoying the bigoted Muslim clerics. From Sonia Gandhi to Mamata Banrejee—all are interested in keeping them in good humour in the in the interest of votes. The bigots utilised this opportunity to mount "minority aggressiveness". Expressions of demands as a religious community and as their special right became increasingly loud. Often these demands sought to infringe the human rights of Muslim women and rationally thinking Muslim individuals.
The BJP, which has some confused concepts about Hinduism and would like to garner the Hindu community's bloc votes, if possible, accuses the Congress and the "Left" parties of "appeasement of the Muslims". This indiscriminate accusation has the effect of blurring the fact that the rabble-rousing Muslimists' interests are diametrically opposed to the interests of the Muslim masses. The BJP never cared to see that the Muslimist hate-preachers never talked about poverty alleviation and modern education for their fellow-religionists, evidently for fear that the educated and well-placed Muslims would slip out of their grip. By this tendentious and sweeping accusation, even the saner and non-belligerent sections of the BJP leadership became guilty of pushing the common Muslims harder into the lap of the bigots.
While the Muslim masses have thus remained steeped in educational, social and economic backwardness and ulema-bound in Northern India where communal strifes have been the most virulent during the last three-fourths of a century, the pastors and the clergy among the other religious communities have lost much of their influence, due to successive waves of social and religious reform movements. Their places have been taken by caste-ist professionals whose clamour for rights is of a different nature such as reservation in educational institutions and job sectors.
Even though ijtihad (reasoning and rational judgment) is a core value in the Koran, its suppression in the interest of the Sultanates over centuries has got embedded in the Islamic tradition. This has kept the self-seeking, fire-spitting obscurantists in influential position in most Islamic countries, not merely in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. The leaderships of political parties in post-independence India, unsure of getting support from the educated Muslims of the future, have found safety in maintaining the lead of the obscurantists over the Muslim masses. This constitutes their "vote-bank politics".
India's secularism, therefore, has a misleading face. Here, even the Communists, who are supposed to be the staunchest anti-communalists, practise pseudo-secularism (which feed communalism) for fear of losing the "vote-bank". The insiders of West Bengal know that the Communist leadership there has, over decades, allowed rabid Muslimism to reign in Kolkata's Raja Bazar, Park Circus, Ekbalpur, Kidderpore and Metiaburz areas. From personal experience, I can say that in the district of South 24 Parganas, vast stretches from Magrahat, Kalosh, Sangrampur to Tekpanza, Uttar Kusum and Baneshwarpur and again, certain pockets to the north of Diamond Harbour have remained bastions of separatism. Bonhomie and participation in each other's festival is totally lacking even though Red Flags are ceremonially hoisted in many of these villages and the Communists get their coveted votes. In Magrahat proper, even during the Muslim League regime in the pre-1947 era, there was one High School for boys of all communities. Now, in this supposed communist stronghold, there is one High School for Muslim boys and another for non-Muslims. This has not disturbed the CPM leadership of the district or of the State.
The people of Kolkata know that the violent anti-Taslima agitation of the Muslims last year was engineered by the CPM leadership itself to cover up the massacre at Nandigram which included a large number of Muslim casualties. A Communist Party giving such impetus to Muslimism has no parallel in the world.
As for the Congress-led Government of India, its record is no better. In its craze for Muslim votes, it abjectly surrendered to the Islam-mouthing fanatics and kept Taslima in a virtual "death chamber" in the name of protective custody. Nay, it has done worse. Even convicts in death row are given medical treatment to keep them able-bodied when facing execution. In denying medical treatment to Taslima, the GOI treated her as a worse convict and deprived her of all human rights. The UPA Government has thus become the worst human rights violator and deserves the world's condemnation. It has no right now to claim to be a secular government.
History's Lesson
ALL the major political parties, by thus encouraging the demon of communalism, are patronising the growth of a Frankenstein which will destroy their creators later. Frankenstein never spares its creators or their acquiescent followers.
The latest example from Pakistan should be our eye-opener. The Government of Pakistan had encouraged the growth of vast numbers of jihadis and Talibans to humble India and to control Afghanistan. Today, the Pakistani establishment's own existence is threatened by these jihadis. Pakistan's President is now being forced to invite American troops to fight the Al-Qaeda in Pakistan's own territory. The Pak Army alone is unable to cope with the jihadis.
In India, the culprits are not merely the likes of the Imam of Nakhoda Masjid of Kolkata. Even the well-known theologians like Nadvis and Madanis, who had known that hate-preaching and taking of innocent lives are against the tenets of Islam, and yet kept mum during the decades of manslaughter in Jammu and Kashmir, the bombing of trains in Mumbai, the bomb explosions in the temples of Varanasi and Ayodhya, and the blowing up of markets in Delhi, are equally to blame. The Hindutvavadis like Togadia who preach hate against the Muslims and men like Narendra Modi who believe that all Muslims are incorrigible communalists, and their ideological backers like Advani are all widening the communal divide. And the political helmsmen—from the likes of Sonia Gandhi, Pranab Mukherjee to Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and Prakash Karat—who have been indulging in "vote-bank" politics, are all contributing to the build-up of the Frankenstein. They will have to pay dearly for the cruelties they are now inflicting on conscientious protestors. History's revenge can be terrible.
The masses will some day come to be disillusioned. The Muslims particularly will come to realise how their clerics as well as the practitioners of "vote-bank politics" kept exploiting them. Women—particularly the Muslim girls—will come to know how Taslima bore the cross for them. The liberated women and also the men will then come to venerate her.
The author, who in the fifties was the Secretary of the Economic Unit attached to the Central Committee of the undivided Communist Party of India, is one of the country's earliest environmentalists and a social philosopher.

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[mukto-mona] A MUSLIM RESPONDS TO 'FITNA' By Fatma Aykut [Spiegel]

http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,544454,00.html
 
<<...As a believing but non-practicing Muslim, the film in no way offends my religious convictions. Neither Allah or the Prophet Muhammad are a direct target. Wilders also avoids the mistake Theo van Gogh made by connecting the Koran and sexuality. Van Gogh was murdered in 2004 by a Muslim extremist after directing "Submission," a film that juxtaposed passages from the Koran with stories of men abusing women in Islamic culture and images of a partially-clothed female narrator.

I had no problem with Van Gogh's film, but the explosive violence perpetrated by less tolerant Muslims around the world raised the chances of a violent reaction to Wilders' film.

To that end, "Fitna" surprised me. One can argue that it is overhyped -- Wilders shows nothing but facts, even if they are somewhat one-sided.

"Fitna" was an attempt -- a cheap, transparent attempt -- to lump together every Muslim immigrant in Europe as potential terrorists, as threats to hard-won democracies, as beasts driven by base instinct....>>

----------- 

Spiegel
March 31, 2008:
 A MUSLIM RESPONDS TO 'FITNA'

'I'm Not the Least Bit Offended'

By Fatma Aykut

In his film "Fitna," right-wing Dutch populist Geert Wilders condemns Islam, the Koran and practicing Muslims. Fatma Aykut, a Muslim journalist living in Germany, describes the impact the film had on her -- and why it failed to shock.

A screenshot from Geert Wilders' anti-islam movie "Fitna"
AFP

A screenshot from Geert Wilders' anti-islam movie "Fitna"

Footage of a hijacked airplane slamming into the World Trade Center on 9/11. Hate-mongering mullahs calling Muslims to a holy war. Images of the mangled corpses of victims in the 2004 Madrid train bombings. These are the tools by which right-wing Dutch populist Geert Wilders tries to "shock" his audience.

But it doesn't work.

First, these images lost their impact long ago. We've seen them in the news a thousand times, much like images of Hamas supporters in Gaza, waving machine guns in the air and bellowing anti-Semitic slogans at the camera. It may sound macabre, but they are worn out -- we were desensitized long ago to these inflammatory television images.

A desire to shock also compelled Wilders to include footage from the beheading of a hostage, uncensored and uncut. The camera fixes on the severed head as the scene fades out. The only problem is that the news value of this footage is absolutely zero. The viewer finds herself wondering: "When is Wilders actually going to shock me?"

Moderate Muslims are as appalled by these horrific images as non-Muslims -- both groups turn away with equal disgust. Islamic extremists, meanwhile, judge these pictures callously. "Perfect," they are surely saying, "the Dutchman has portrayed us just right." Such extremists won't be shocked. Just the opposite: Al-Qaida could post Wilder's work as a promotional video on their Web site.

Europe 's Muslims as Christian-haters and homophobes

Wilders' accompanies these "shocking images" with quotations from the Koran, an effort to expose Islam's holiest text as a well-spring of hate. That makes it difficult for me, a totally average Muslim, to defend Islam as a peaceful religion. These quotations are not made up -- they can actually be found in the Koran. Passages from the holy book that rail hatefully against Jews have, unfortunately, long been misused as propaganda. That is tragic, as it is tragic that similar anti-Semitic passages are just as common in the Bible.

The film's title, "Fitna," can be translated as "chaos," and that describes the first 10 minutes of the film. An endless stream of fear-mongering images promotes the cliché of Muslims as savages -- a horde of bearded, dark-skinned men in long white robes. The viewer finds herself asking, "What is this film trying to achieve? What does the film maker want?"

THE GEERT WILDERS DEBATE

SPIEGEL ONLINE is currently working together with the respected Dutch newspaper NRC Handelsblad to bring you the best reporting and broadest perspectives available in English about Geert Wilders' anti- Koran film. Read NRC Handelsblad's coverage at NRC.nl/international.
Then, after the 10th minute, Wilders' goal becomes crystal clear. He doesn't have his sights set on Muslims in Afghanistan, Pakistan or Iraq, but rather on Muslims in Europe. It's not about differences between moderate and militant Muslims. In Wilders' film, every Muslim in Europe is a threat. Every Muslim supports honor killings, opposes Christianity and is homophobic. "Stop the Islamification of Europe," "Take a Stand against Muslims" -- these are tired slogans that can be found tied to right-wing extremists in any local, state or federal election in Germany. They are familiar, and they have long since ceased to be "shocking."

'Fitna' Is Not to be Taken Seriously

Wilders' film offers a prophecy for "Holland's future": bloodied children will cower before their abusive mothers, gays will be hanged and young girls will be subjected to genital mutilation.

If the topic of Muslim integration in Europe weren't so important, it would be tempting to treat the film as a caricature of itself and smirk at it a little. Wilders portrays his subject so mercilessly that it's impossible to take him or his film seriously. It's hardly politically correct to admit, but "Fitna" does have a certain explosive power. On the other hand, is it even possible today to make a film critical of Islam without fear of assassination, protests and violence? I ask this question as a Muslim woman.

I am sure that many people in Holland, and here in Germany, share Wilders' beliefs. Personally, I'd like to know what Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble has to say on the matter.

The tricky thing about the film is that Wilder's does manage to show one facet of the Muslim experience in Europe. Annoyingly, it's even in documentary format. It would be downright foolish to be against the film "on principle." Wilders portrays a mindset that undoubtedly exists in Amsterdam, in Paris and in Berlin.

But he chooses to ignore certain realities of Muslim life in Europe: The high rate of unemployment among immigrants, the slim chances of receiving a good education, the daily encounters with racism and the countless immigrant children -- particularly boys -- who are abandoned.

So which came first -- the chicken or the egg?

Wilders' Offers a One-Sided Argument

As a believing but non-practicing Muslim, the film in no way offends my religious convictions. Neither Allah or the Prophet Muhammad are a direct target. Wilders also avoids the mistake Theo van Gogh made by connecting the Koran and sexuality. Van Gogh was murdered in 2004 by a Muslim extremist after directing "Submission," a film that juxtaposed passages from the Koran with stories of men abusing women in Islamic culture and images of a partially-clothed female narrator.

I had no problem with Van Gogh's film, but the explosive violence perpetrated by less tolerant Muslims around the world raised the chances of a violent reaction to Wilders' film.

To that end, "Fitna" surprised me. One can argue that it is overhyped -- Wilders shows nothing but facts, even if they are somewhat one-sided.

"Fitna" was an attempt -- a cheap, transparent attempt -- to lump together every Muslim immigrant in Europe as potential terrorists, as threats to hard-won democracies, as beasts driven by base instinct.

If politicians hadn't warned people so incessantly of the film's potential consequences and drawn constant comparison to the unrest caused by the Danish cartoon controversy (more...) in 2005, Wilders' "Fitna" project wouldn't have been nearly as successful as an exercise in self-promotion. But shock us he did not. And that's a lucky thing.



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[mukto-mona] Fwd. Announcement: Kashmir Tribunal: Human Rights/Justice

 
 
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Pei Wu <phwu@cryptio.net>
Date: Sat, Apr 5, 2008 at 11:03 PM
Subject:
Announcement: Kashmir Tribunal: Human Rights/Justice
To: Sofia Qureshi <sofiaq@gmail.com>


PRESS NOTE: FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
05 APRIL 2008

INTERNATIONAL PEOPLE'S TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND JUSTICE IN INDIAN-ADMINISTERED KASHMIR

www.kashmirprocess.org


Srinagar, 05 April 2008: The Public Commission on Human Rights, a constituent of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society, with the support of other groups and individuals, announces the INTERNATIONAL PEOPLE'S TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND JUSTICE IN INDIAN-ADMINISTERED KASHMIR.

Stakeholders in civil society across Indian-administered Kashmir state
that they are engulfed by local, regional, and international
political  processes that bypass them, withholding their right to
participation and decision-making. They note that Kashmir is a
flashpoint in conflicts  between India and Pakistan, while the
systemic effects of existing  structures of governance on the lives of
the people of Kashmir are  silenced, trivialized, or rationalized as
necessary. They note that the  fabric of militarization in
Indian-administered Kashmir profoundly affects their lives, while
undermining their capacity to intervene in the  regularized violence
that results. Segments of civil society across  Kashmir ask to be a
part of the international community, to have the right and resources
to speak to the conditions of their life. They state that their
portrayal in media and politics simplifies issues that are intricate,
and dehistoricizes them. They ask the international community  to
participate in rigorously and thoughtfully engaging their experience
of protracted isolation and inquire into the diminishing of cultural
and  public life.

Timeframe:
The Tribunal will hold its investigations and hearings in 2008-2009.

The Tribunal Conveners are:
Dr. Angana Chatterji, Convener. Dr. Chatterji is associate professor
of  anthropology at the California Institute of Integral Studies.
Advocate Parvez Imroz, Convener. Advocate Imroz is a human rights
lawyer  and founder of the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society.
Mr. Gautam Navlakha, Convener. Mr. Navlakha works with the Economic
and  Political Weekly and is a human rights defender.
Mr. Zaheer-Ud-Din, Convener. Mr. Zaheer-Ud-Din is chief editor of
Daily  Etalat and vice president of Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of
Civil Society.

The Tribunal Legal Counsel and Liaison are:
Advocate Mihir Desai, Legal Counsel. Advocate Desai is practising in
the  Mumbai High Court and the Supreme Court of India, and co-founder
of the  Indian People's Tribunal.
Mr. Khurram Parvez, Liaison. Mr. Parvez is programme coordinator for
the  Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society.

Purpose and Mandate:
The Tribunal will inquire into the architecture of military presence,
militarization, and governance in Indian-administered Kashmir, and
their  subsequent and continued impact on civil society, political
economy,  infrastructure, development, local government, media,
bureaucracy, and the judiciary. The Tribunal proposes to inquire into
the actions of the Indian state and its institutions, as widely
established by human rights  organizations, to examine the structure
of militaristic violence on the  part of state institutions, and
examine conditions of injustice therein.

Speaking to the need for an International People's Tribunal in
Kashmir,  Advocate Parvez Imroz stated: "This Tribunal goes beyond
condemnation. It  initiates an international process that looks into
complex, systematic,  and institutionalized repression in order to
engage global civil society  in investigating crimes against humanity
in Indian-administered Kashmir.  This process will inform struggles of
Kashmiris for human rights and  justice."

In defining the urgency for an international tribunal, Dr. Angana
Chatterji stated: "Across India, Kashmir reverberates in the imaginary
as  an icon of unification whose continued possession is a must for
the  assertion of nationalist history and purpose. We call upon the
international community to join us in investigating India's record in
Kashmir, as India, an emergent superpower, argues for a seat on the
United Nations Security Council. We seek accountability under
provisions of the  Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, Constitution of
India, and International Law and Conventions, to insist upon
reparations, justice, and self-determination."

Advocate Mihir Desai added: "The use of harsh laws, lack of
transparency,  and virtual total impunity and disregard for
international law and failure of local institutions cry out for an
independent people's tribunal to  inquire into the real situation in
Kashmir. The Tribunal seeks to unravel  its impact and issues, so as
to bring out the true picture of Kashmir  before the international
community."

Mr. Gautam Navlakha articulated: "As an Indian, 15 years of covering
the  war in Jammu and Kashmir has convinced me that justice is not
available to the people who are aggrieved by the war being perpetrated
by the Government of India. It is, therefore, necessary that one
demystifies the  lived realities of the people in order that the
real issues of people's  democratic right to determine their destiny
is brought out as sharply as  possible. It is therefore imperative
to set up a people's tribunal."

Realities in Kashmir, through neglect, indifference, or complicity,
continue to reproduce cycles of violence that are gendered and
classed,  religious and ethnic in their effects, with ever increasing
social,  political, economic, environmental, and psychological
consequences that  affect private, public, and everyday life. The
Tribunal seeks to examine  charges of, and expand awareness and
understanding regarding, institutionalized violence, social trauma,
and human rights abuses, and develop recommendations for justice,
reparations, and healing, in alliance with ethical, peaceable
grassroots processes and civil society groups and individuals
that dissent such conditions. Mr. Zaheer-Ud-Din explained
that: "The Tribunal proposes to inquire into instances of intense and
regularized violence, such as torture, gendered and sexualized
violence including rape, disablement, killings, executions, enforced
disappearances, interrogations, detentions, and devastations by
landmines." Further, the Tribunal proposes to inquire into if and
how this endangers the survival of the living, such as among Kashmir's
majority  Muslim population, among women, 'half-widows', children, and
other  disenfranchised groups, including the aged and people with
disabilities,  and religious minority groups, and the effects on culture
and society at large in Kashmir, and related spheres in Jammu and Ladakh.

The Tribunal will investigate the ongoing and systemic nature of
violence, and the spiral of brutality. The Tribunal will inquire into
forms of  disempowered, reactive, and violent resistances on the part
of groups  engaged in militancy, and instances of outside
intervention. The Tribunal  will inquire into the probable
intersections between the injustices  perpetrated by Indian military
and paramilitary forces and those enacted  by militants, deepening and
continuing cycles of repression in the  process. Further, the Tribunal
will inquire into the activities of Hindu  nationalist organizations.
The Tribunal will also inquire into forms of  resistance mounted by
civil society, and the corresponding demands for  justice from various
segments in Indian-administered Kashmir, including  people's demand
for the right to self-determination, and its meanings.

Advocate Imroz stated: "The Tribunal will address growing concerns
with,  and allegations of, breakdowns in social, political, cultural,
religious,  gendered, and economic life in Indian-administered
Kashmir, that affect  history and memory, spirit and future. In doing
so, the Tribunal seeks to  increase concern, and ethical,
constructive, and creative participation of the local and
international community toward justice, peace, and security."

Mr. Navlakha clarified that: "Power politics recommends 'Truth and
Reconciliation Commissions' that seek forgiveness without justice. The
Tribunal maintains that there cannot be any reconciliation without
justice."

Advocate Desai clarified that: "The Tribunal will make distinctions
between the 'judicial' and 'extra-judicial' as drawn by the Indian
military and paramilitary forces and ask if and how the structure of
militarization furthers impunity, and impacts legal and moral
accountability on part of the state."

Dr. Chatterji stated: "The Tribunal will investigate the legal,
political, and militaristic apparatus through which 'states of
exception' have been  established and are continued in
Indian-administered Kashmir. The  repression of self-determination
struggles and genocidal violence has left 70,000+ dead and 8,000+
disappeared since 1989. Building on its mandate  from the submissions
of civil society, this Tribunal calls on the  international community
to recognize the juncture at which functions and  failures of
governance intersect with the culture of grief in
Indian-administered Kashmir."

Why Indian-administered Kashmir?
The Tribunal will limit its primary investigations to
Indian-administered Kashmir, and selectively to Jammu and Ladakh,
even as issues in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and those of outside
groups that engage in  militancy are of political, social, and
ethical significance. Also, access to areas that have experienced
heightened military presence and violations in Indian-administered
Kashmir remain limited, and, given the politics of  borders, it is
only conceivable for organizations and individuals working  in
Indian Kashmir to access areas restricted to its current borders
as defined by the Line of Control.

Parameters:
The Tribunal will confine its investigation to the period between
November 2003, when the Indo-Pak cease-fire began, and 2009, with
supporting  investigations related to the period between 1989-2003.
The Tribunal is  constituted as a people's collective, to undertake an
inquiry into the  history of the present in Indian-administered
Kashmir through the  participation of civil society, to reflect on the
past toward energizing  public space in the present, and for
determinations of the future. Based  on the conviction that people's
voices must not be silenced, this Tribunal will investigate existing
evidence, and hear statements and testimonials  through public
processes that maintain transparency. The Tribunal will  solicit the
participation of survivors, those seeking justice, local  communities
and groups, and internal experts from Indian-administered  Kashmir,
and from India and other places in South Asia, and the international
community. The Tribunal will rely on the willingness of  those
affected and others to testify about experiences, events, and
circumstances, and on the participation of credible and competent
persons, and those not enacting political agendas. On completing its
work, the  Tribunal will invite a group of renowned public figures to
constitute a  Council of Justice to deliberate on the Tribunal's
findings, and craft  their statements in response. The Tribunal's
findings and recommendations, and statements of the Council of Justice
will be presented at a public  hearing in Indian-administered Kashmir,
and subsequently to the international community.

Note:
The Tribunal is a non-funded and voluntary initiative.

Press Contacts:
Mr. Khurram Parvez, Tribunal Liaison
Mobile: 91.9419013553 (Srinagar); Office: 91.194.2482820 (Srinagar)
E-mail: khurramparvez@yahoo.com; kparvez@kashmirprocess.org

Dr. Angana Chatterji, Tribunal Convener
Mobile: 91.9906667238 (Srinagar)
Mobile: 001.415.640.4013 (United States); Office: 001.415.575.6119
(United States)
E-mail: achatterji@ciis.edu; Angana@aol.com; achatterji@kashmirprocess.org

Advocate Parvez Imroz, Tribunal Convener
Mobile: 91.9797221612 (Srinagar); Office: 91.194.2482820 (Srinagar)
E-mail: p_imroz@yahoo.co.in; pimroz@kashmirprocess.org




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http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/university_teachers_arrest.htm

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Daily Star publishes an interview with Mukto-Mona
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MM site is blocked in Islamic countries such as UAE. Members of those theocratic states, kindly use any proxy (such as http://proxy.org/) to access mukto-mona.

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Mukto-Mona Celebrates 5th Anniversary
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Mukto-Mona Celebrates Earth Day:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Earth_day2006/index.htm

*****************************************
Kansat Uprising : A Special Page from Mukto-Mona 
http://www.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/kansat2006/members/


*****************************************
MM Project : Grand assembly of local freedom fighters at Raumari
http://www.mukto-mona.com/project/Roumari/freedom_fighters_union300306.htm

*****************************************
German Bangla Radio Interviews Mukto-Mona Members:
http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/german_radio/


Mukto-Mona Celebrates Darwin Day:

http://www.mukto-mona.com/Special_Event_/Darwin_day/index.htm

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               -Beatrice Hall [pseudonym: S.G. Tallentyre], 190




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[mukto-mona] Article in the Financial Express

Dear Members,
 
An article in The Financial Express
 
Thanks for your time
 
 
Regards,
 
Ripan Kumar Biswas
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
 
    Home Page     Dhaka, Tuesday April 8 2008  
     
     
  Bangladeshi political parties, politicians and MPs need to reach consensus on issues
 

Ripan Kumar Biswas

ALTHOUGH Bangladesh started its political journey with parliamentary system right after independence, it was abandoned and replaced by one party system early in 1975. In late 1990, autocratic rule was ultimately defeated by a popular uprising and a general election was held on February 27, 1991. A truly representative Jatiya Sangsad (JS), thus, came into being. To fulfill the long cherished democratic polity, the JS amended the constitution. Parliamentary system of government was restored following the 12th amendment to the Constitution,.

That was the first and last time the country experienced a remarkable positive unity among the lawmakers and politicians in Bangladesh. Though parliamentary elections were hotly contested, parliament did not function as an effective institution to ensure accountability. Regardless of which party was in power, the main opposition party boycotted most of the parliamentary sessions, in this or that pretext.

But the lawmakers from different political parties are now united in defense of material gains like those to "NAM" flats, while they could not reach consensus on national issues during the last 15 years. A number of lawmakers of Awami League, BNP and Jatiya Party of the eighth parliament came together to resist a government move to get the NAM Bhaban flats allocated to them vacated.

The present military-backed interim government directed the housing and public works ministry to initiate steps to cancel allotments of NAM flats to former lawmakers. The former lawmakers described the government move as not legal.

Very few can figure out who is right, the government or the ex-lawmakers. The people are not, of course, against any decision that was passed by parliament. But everyone has a question, why the lawmakers or politicians didn't show their unity in order to be able to continue with the system of a representative government, so that an unelected one could not remain in charge for so long. According to Bangladesh's unique electoral system, a caretaker government is entrusted to oversee the national parliamentary elections, which should under the related constitutional provisions, held within ninety days of dissolution of a parliament under the business-as usual scenario.

The 2006-2007 Bangladeshi political crisis began after the term of BNP ended in October 2006 as the then opposition AL and its allies questioned the immediate past Chief Justice's neutrality and accused him of "being biased towards BNP". None of them was guided by national interest. They lacked the patience to find a way out. The result was political riots and non-holding of the general elections that were scheduled to be held on January 22, 2007. The state of emergency followed on January 11, 2007.

The Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, came up with sweeping charges against the country's politicians. Politicians are not, of course, above criticism. But 'caustic' remarks cost Prof Yunus dearly. After all, all the governments in Bangladesh helped and backed Prof Yunus since the late 1970s.

At that time, Abdul Jalil and Mannan Bhuiyan, representing the two rival political parties, the AL and BNP, tried in vain to find out a common ground. A number of political leaders are now behind bars under corruption charges. A number of them have already been sentenced.

On October 1, 2001, Awami League (AL) leaders responded to their election defeat by announcing a boycott of parliament. They declared that the AL MPs would neither take oath nor attend parliament. When Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), was in the opposition, it too took a similar option.

If these lawmakers or politicians could reach a consensus the people wouldn't have to suffer the denial of freedom of movement, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom of thought and conscience, freedom of speech, or freedom of profession and occupation. There is no parliament in the country for more than one and a half years.

Bangladesh is now experiencing high inflation rate. According to the Untied Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP) reports, Bangladesh's inflation in 2007 stood at 7.2 per cent, which, by now, exceeded 10 per cent, making the market volatile. One of the major factors for this high inflation rate is political and market uncertainty.

Lawmakers of different political parties in India always speak in one voice when they talk about the Kashmir issue. The Bangladeshi lawmakers don't have any common ground to react positively on issues concerning the people, the state, or foreign affairs.

Of course, members of parliament are entitled to appropriate accommodations, perks, and benefits. But as they represent the people, they should look after the interests of the people.

Based in New York, the writer can be reached at ripan.biswas@yahoo.com

 
     
     
 
     
 
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