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Sunday, June 12, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Strategic dimension of Indo-Bangladesh relations



Strategic dimension of Indo-Bangladesh relations



India got involved in Bangladesh liberation movement ... also for meeting India's own political and strategic interests.
-- JN Dixit (Liberation and Beyond p-270)

India's redoubtable National Security Adviser did not however elaborate those politico strategic interests in his book; neither have those been conclusively known from any other source. They are also obfuscated by myriad other bilateral issues of day to day urgency: the border, migration, trade and so on and related problems connected with them. As a result we are left only with conjecture to trace out strategic strand, if any, in our relations.

Viewed, however, against a bigger time frame of contemporary history few can miss the developments -- that could have been catalyst for a major political change in the region. The decade of 1960 had rather been significant in this regard. In 1962 India suffered humiliating defeat in the hands of Chinese and the myth of Hindi-Chini fraternity exploded -- in favour of her arch rival Pakistan which moved closer to China by setting her border disputes with the latter. Earlier Pakistan already entered into defence pact with the US.

In the meantime, India's military setback in NEFA, a major battle field in Sino-Indian conflict, ever intensifying insurgency in India's North-East, the spread of naxalite movement in West Bengal and Pakistan's dabbling in the sub-region's backyard -- all combined to obsess India's policy-makers of a looming threat from across the Himalaya -- greater in intensity that it was in 1962. In the context a China-Pakistan nexus and growing Sino-American rapprochement could not but figure prominently in India's security calculus. Although a part of India's anxiety had been the product of the sub-continent's politics, Indo-Pak rivalry and alleged extra regional linkages of the neighbours -- particularly of Pakistan -- Indian physical problem on ground was no less real, especially in her North Eastern region the geo-politics of which was indeed intriguing.

India's experience in the area stretching over 255,085 square kilometres of tribal lands populated by the people of Tibeto-Mongoloid stock with primordial loyalty to their ethnic norms has been anything but savoury. Truly speaking the region did not exactly belong to classical India the world is familiar with from its well recorded history of over two thousand years; neither did the area and lives of its myriad tribes ever conform to the civilisational pattern of any period of Indian history. The imperial reaches even of the great Mouryas, the Guptas and the Mughals could not encompass them. Notwithstanding the efforts of North Indian and Bengali Brahmins right from the Ahom period neither Sanscritisation could strike its roots among the tribals nor could Aryanisation penetrate into the area.

The problem began right from the moment India stepped into this deceptively tranquil region at Independence. It only sparked the emotions of the tribesmen who disputed India's control of their land which they argued, was colonised by the British like India had been. With the British transfer of power the sovereignty ought to be restored to the people of respective territories, they asserted. Ever since the Indian rule is resisted in its turbulent North East now comprised of seven tribal and semi-tribal states popularly known as seven sisters.

As a matter of fact the North East has been a great crossroad -- its valleys and passes being witness to the centuries of migration as tribal people moved southward from across the Himalaya. It represents an ethno-cultural frontier bearing the distinct traces of Mongoloid heritage. It has also been a complex transition zone of linguistic, racial and ethno-cultural stream. Obviously enough all efforts of integrating the region with the rest of India right from the Ahoms down to British who dislodged them (the Ahoms) from the area failed.

It is thus no wonder that since the partition the region is India's Achille's heel and Bangladesh with its sheer juxtaposition holds a key to lessening India's predicament. The partition of 1947 had virtually separated the North-East from India's heartland which is connected to the region by less than one per cent of its external border. To make things worse for the North-East the main arteries of its communications through railway and inland water as well as the traditional market and entreport Chittagong were all lost after the partition. The limitation imposed on India by partition with regard to her grip on the North-East was further compounded by Pakistan's hostility and hobnobbing with the tribal rebels who were allegedly trained by Pakistanis in Chittagong Hill Tracts. (Naga rebel Dr. Phizo made his way to London through Dhaka with the help of Pakistanis).

It may be debatable whether the Pakistan factor in the North-East worked behind India's decision-making with regard to the latter's support to Bangladesh liberation movement, there are however enough pointers to suggest that India did want to get rid of Pakistanis hobnobbing in the area and foist a dispensation in its place friendly to India. Whether that dream of India has been fulfilled or not can constitute another debate, but the policies pursued by India since Bangladesh's independence do demonstrate her eagerness to tighten her grip on the troubled North-East. To that end India tried for opening up trade corridor, transit facility of goods or their transshipment including turning Chittagong a free port and held out baits of enormous profit for Bangladesh out of them. In fact the underlying idea of 25 years friendship treaty between India and Bangladesh was to allow India some leeway in the area involving Bangladesh.

Bangladesh, however, persistently refuses to be drawn into the sub-region's power game and is reluctant to put her finger in the North-East's cauldron. But India does have a stake in Bangladesh making some concessions and continues to woo Bangladesh. Until an Indian quest for some solution is achieved it will remain a factor in bilateral relations and reappear again and again in some guise or other in our inter-state ties.

Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS

http://www.thedailystar.net/2004/07/12/d40712020326.htm



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[ALOCHONA] Yellow Culture Intrudes in Bangladesh



Yellow Culture Intrudes in Bangladesh

Dr. Muhammad Abdul Mannan Chowdhury

We are facing a grave cultural crisis. Sexual harassment, rape, violence, naked concert, nude dances, cyber porn culture, porno-films, eve-teasing, drug addiction etc. have become the regular events of our society. If such events are allowed to continue uninterrupted, the future of our existence will be at stake; our serene culture and golden Islamic tradition will be completely ruined. In such a critical moment, we must not remain silent. We must take positive steps to protect our culture from complete ruination. Allah (SWT) said, "You do not throw yourselves by your own hands towards ruination. Perform good deeds nicely. Allah (SWT) loves those who perform good deeds." (2:195). Viewed in this perspective, below is an attempt to analyze the nature and causes of cultural aggression with some practical examples and to suggest some pragmatic measures to overcome the crisis so as to protect our culture and heritage from total collapse.

A vulgar show was staged at Dhaka's Army Stadium on December 10, 2010 in which Shahrukh Khan appeared in front of roughly 25,000 people. The show was watched live by millions of TV Spectators, as Bangladeshi Channel Baishaki got this show on their live broadcast. In this show half nude Russian girls were exhibiting their exposed bodies to public in the name of dancing. The Bangladeshi flop actresses like Shimla also went at the Army Stadium wearing a western type dress, almost exposing their bodies. Shahrukh Khan alone took US$ 3, 00,000 for this show while another significant amount of money was taken by other members of his team. It is said that most of the Russian girls who accompanied the entourage of Shahrukh Khan were suspected to be sex workers in Mumbai. (http:www.weeklyblitz.net/1168/Shahrukh-Khan-vulgar-show-in-bangladesh).

Event Management Group Antar Showbiz organized this event. This organization already arranged a series of big show with major international artistes like Adnan Sami, Shaan and the band Junoon. The main target of this show was to smuggle crores of money from Bangladesh in the name of organizing such entertainment event, especially at a time when countrymen were suffering badly from financial crisis and poverty. The elders in the family were feeling ashamed and uncomfortable when their children were watching this vulgar show in TV. Sanskritik Aggression Protirodh Manch (SAPM), a cultural forum and some political parties seriously protested against this vulgar show.

Indian films are now at the epicentre  of the culture wars. The critics were incensed by the wanton sexuality in Indian films. They are corrupting our youth. Satellite television is everywhere with 20-30 channels. Indian films are everywhere in Bangladesh. There are about ten Indian channels, showing movies and movie songs round the clock. VHS tapes have been eclipsed by the VCD, on which Hindi films are the biggest sellers. It is said that there is an increase in rapes in the city of Dhaka due to the influence of Hindi films and TV series. The newspapers argue that everyone is watching the sex sizzle on the screen, but their reality is nothing like it – so they are driven to rape.

We are quite appalled at many of the shows in Indian TV channels that are apparently for children. The Indian channels are full of contests when ten year old girls are dressed up and made up like Bollywood actresses, gyrating to some hit Hindi songs, making all those suggested moves in front of an ecstatic audience and approving panel of judges. Then there are singing contests where again, little boys and girls sing out their hearts some raunchy Hindi number against the backdrop of a gaudy, glittery stage. We also find the identical shows in our own channels with the same ridiculous dance sequences performed by preteens, wearing layers of makeup and making moves that would put any Dhaliwood film extra to shame. Where are the children, we begin to wonder. Oh No! They have been replaced by mini-adults.

Proper cultural exchange is a powerful tool for minimizing hostility between nations or communities. However, it is quite surprising to note that even in this age of information technology, India is not as liberal in exchanging information with Bangladesh as one would expect. On the other hand, Bangladesh has a very lenient policy in allowing cable operators to transmit all the electronic media (almost all channels of the Indian TV) of India. But in West Bengal, the cable operators usually do not transmit any Bangladeshi TV channel programs presumably due to some restrictions imposed by the Indian government. This, in turn, largely deprives the Indian people in general and the people of West Bengal in particular of a more vividly understanding of the Bangladeshi people. Indian policy in this case is more inclined to a sort of cultural intrusion or aggression than the creation of healthy cultural exchange.

Similar is the case with the exchange of books. A walk through the College Street, the biggest book market of Kolkata is a case in point. In this famous book mall, it is not easy to get books published from Bangladesh. Even the books of eminent writers like Humayun Ahmed, Shamsur Rahaman, Syed Shamsul Haque, Showkat Ali, Imdadul Hoque Milan, Al -Mahmood, Nirmalendu Goon are not available due to some restrictions on book import from Bangladesh. As Subimal Basak, a dedicated editor of a little magazine in Kolkata said, "The central government of India is cautious about Bengali nationalism. That is why it does not want to develop any long cultural ties with Bangladesh."

The sexual harassment or stalking of women has taken the form of a menace for our society. Increasing numbers of women have been falling prey to unwarranted and unsolicited attention from wayward youths, who have clearly developed the feeling that they can get away with their sinister activities. Of course, a principal focus, all the way from the citizen's level to the government, has been a raising of awareness of the issue and the ways and means by which it can be rolled back. Allah (SWT) said, "Say to the faithful so that they control their eye-sight and protect the special organ of their body. This is the best for them. Certainly Allah is quite aware about what they do." Prophet Muhammad (SAW) said, "There are more than seventy branches and sub-branches of faith. The highest branch is to say 'La Ilaha Illallah' ( There is no God but God) and the lowest branch is to remove the obstacles from the road. "In this connection I like to mention one event of Prophet Muhammad (SAW). Once Prophet Muhammad (SAW) was riding on an ass during the Farewell Hajj. A young companion was sitting on the ass behind him. The companion was looking at a beautiful woman. Prophet (SAW) turned his (the companion) eyes straight. The companion was again looking at her and Prophet (SAW) turned his eyes straight. When Prophet (SAW) turned his eyes straight for the third time, the companion stopped looking at the woman any more. This implies the fact that man should not look at woman with a sinister motive or without any good reason to do so.

Both the state and the family have to play their role in offsetting the menace of sexual harassment. The legal and punitive action against the stalkers should be enforced strictly with no exception or relaxation. The laws against eve-teasing or sexual harassment should be widely circulated so that people from all walks of life can become aware of the fact. The provision to punish stalkers through an operation of mobile court is a positive step in the right direction. However, the concerned authorities should be careful in ensuring that the innocent do not suffer and the laws against stalking are not misused or abused by individuals or groups to settle personal scores. The law enforcers and security forces should be responsible to track down the elements who harass woman by threatening them or using abusive and profane languages by mobile phone. Above all, children must be imbued right from the beginning with the ideas of morality and a sense what constitutes a stable, educated and fair social order where men and woman are partners in all spheres of life. Beside schools, the parents have a role to play in this regard. They must teach their children the fundamental value of life in line with their respective religions and moral beliefs.

Our youngsters are being misled, but we are not protecting them. Cyber sex culture has already occupied the young minds. Many incidents of making porno films by cheating girl friends are reported by the news paper. The days are not far away when our children will take their sex partners inside our home and introduce them to us, like they do in the western world. We are facing culture violence in the form of a rising graph of rape and abduction of minor girls and young woman by social miscreants, so to speak. Among others, neo-colonialism and globalization may be held responsible for this sort of cultural aggression, so to speak. When the ex-colonies were becoming independent one by one in the aftermath of the Second World War, the neo-colonialists accepted the policy of cultural aggression as one of the tactics to maintain or sustain their influence and market. Specially, after being defeated in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Mozambique etc., the neo-colonialists became sure that at present it is very difficult to win by dint of military might alone against a nation. Rather, it is easier to weaken and bring under control the nation by destroying its culture. So, they infuse into the LDCs sexual pervasion, drug addiction, pornography and porno-films, mentality to depend on the neo- colonialists, brain-wash intellectuals etc. They try to divert the people of LDCs, especially to keep away the young minds from revolution or any change in life. The cultural aggressors think that preventive power of a nation will certainly be destroyed, if its culture is destroyed.

Globalization has gobbled the whole world. There is virtually no part on earth which has not been hit and bit by the enormous fang of the monster. All aspects of life have come under the sinister impact of globalization, growing and dwelling in the shadow of capitalism. It dazzles like the sun and blinds normal vision.

With its apparent grandeur, it ensnares people, though it is hollow in its core. Literature has now assumed new dimension in recent decades in the face of globalization, focusing on issues like diasporas, hybridity and cosmopolitan culture. It has been ushering in a system of internationalism dismantling the barriers of narrow nationalism. So, the dream of a world without borders hovers over the horizon which may be a matter of pleasure for some quarter. However, globalization has brought more hazards than comforts. A mechanical and materialistic view of life has been imported and incorporated, through the vehicle of globalization, into oriental space hitherto basking in the complacency of idealism. It has gnawed at the ethical base of this region. It has been a great loss for humanity: a colossal moral defeat.

Globalization preaches the philosophy of hedonism. Consumer goods are spread around and mantra is whispered: "Consume, consume, consume. You have no work other than consumption." Thus globalization has made the human soul spiritually sick, morally bankrupt and intellectually pretentious. It has posed a genuine threat to indigenous cultural and language across the globe. The dominant culture is out there to suppress the meek and mild. The affected, with the loss of their culture and language, fall into a vacuum, suffering from an identity crisis. They become alienated from and in themselves. Some may take it as a harmless outcome of the spontaneous interaction between multifarious cultural and linguistic imperialism or aggression.

Globalization has taught the world corporate trickery. The West is the breeding ground of big corporate scandals. Corporate culture seeks to influence the government machinery through fraudulence and corruption for the interest of the vested quarters, the bourgeoisie. It promotes the motto of maximizing profit, by means fair or foul. It suggests a heartless handling of business affairs, where human life carries no value. Life becomes mere a commodity. Money stands at the centre of all activities. Everybody runs after money when money itself is stationary. It flows to the people who have already got enough; it is not meant for the penniless, the subaltern, the marginalized.

Bangladesh will face a great threat to cultural autonomy unless pragmatic steps are taken to resist the silent cultural aggression which loomed large before the nation. There is need for the younger generation to understand and appreciate Bangladesh's cultural heritage and it is the responsibility of the older generation to ensure this continuity of culture. Cultural aggression is multi-faceted. Its machination range from distorting history to changing the way people dress. People even change from simple ways of address and greeting. In this connection I like to quote the remarks of some eminent personalities of our country made in a seminar on "Protecting Bangladesh's Cultural Identity", so as to realize the nature of cultural domination by the neighboring country upon us:

Eminent economist Prof. Mahabub Ullah said. "There has been a dehumanization of our culture resulting in horrific crimes like murder committed by the younger generation. On Pahela Baishakh, processions are brought out with models of peacocks, the national bird of India.  What is wrong with our national bird doel? This was not a part of our culture. This is not the Bangladesh we sacrificed our youth for." Political analyst Dilara Chowdhury said, "The blatant effect of cultural intrusion is the impact of Indian TV channels, especially on children. They are not only imbibing Indian culture, but also the uncultured side of Indian culture in clothes, language, habits etc. This is having a negative influence on our country and nation. We do not call for ban on Indian TV, but some restrictions."

Asma Abbasi, an academic and cultural personality said, "We no longer sing our traditional songs at weddings, but dance to Hindi film numbers. I was on the film censor board and we were quite strict about censorship. But what is the use? The things they show on the Indian channels are much worse. Look at our education, syllabus etc. It does not reflect our culture. They highlight various Indian characters, but no mention of the life of our Prophet (SAW). Let us not forget, our culture is not just Pahela Baishakh, but Shab-e-Meraj also."

Singer Arif Akbar said, "We rush to India for our recordings, but do not try to create more musicians and build up the industry here. Second grade Indian Idol singers come here for concerts and the multinationals rush to sponsor their programs. The media splashed huge pictures and reports about them."

Hasanuzzaman, Secretary General of Nandonik Natya Sampradaya said, "The country has become independent, but its cultural growth has been hampered. Everything has been politicized, even culture. We speak of enhancing cultural ties, but what has happened? It is a one-way road –Indian cultural aggression is obvious from the fact that Indian TV channels flood our TV screens, but our programs are not shown in India. Bangladesh TV channels are seen all over the world, in America, England, and Australia and in many other countries, but not in our closest neighboring country India."

Mahfuzullah, senior journalist and TV personality said, "Unless strength is garnered immediately to resist the silent aggression aimed at Bangladesh's culture, the culture of this country will lose its cultural autonomy. The older generation has failed to inspire the younger generation to promote and nurture national culture. Cultural aggression is multifaceted. Its machinations range from distorting history to changing the way people dress. People even change from simple ways of address and greeting. That's why today we see TV anchors faltering over saying, 'Allah Hafez' or 'Khuda Hafez' at the end of a program. The unique culture of Bangladesh which emerged after independence must be protected. We must be ever alert so that no alien or foreign culture swallows it."

Sadeq Khan, a senior journalist said, "Whatever entertainment and activities we may get involved in; at the end of the day the people go to the mosque. This is a significant statement in the context of our culture. We must actively endeavor to promote and protect our culture and heritage from outside incursions."

Ours is a young country and though slow, is still going through a phase of transition. Much is left unexplored, day to day discoveries in the country baffle us, and the waging wars between the powerful and the weak is an everyday issue. In fact, Bangladesh represents Darwin's quintessential concept of 'survival of the fittest.' The transition and discoveries in Bangladesh have always been flanked by the forever effort to protect our culture from foreign infiltration. In fact, the war against Pakistani military junta which was fought four decades ago, was not only to liberate our land and preserve our mother tongue, but was also an effort to safeguard our culture. The media, around the world, seems to be all bent on forcing children into adulthood to wear grownup clothes, talk like them, behave like them and even think like them. It is about time we let Children be just what they are supposed to be, children. We must stand on our own feet. We must preserve our own culture, identity and heritage. We must learn to borrow good things from other and reject all the bad things. We must love our culture, identity and autonomy. In this connection I like to mention one event to find solution of our existing cultural problem. Once an old man went to an experienced doctor and said, "Doctor! I do not see well with my eyes." The doctor said, "It is because of your old age." Then the old man said, "I also feel pain in my waist." The doctor said, "It is also due to your old age." The old man said. "When I walk on foot, I can not breathe well." The doctor again said, "Your old age is responsible for it."

The old man said. "My memory had become very weak. I can not remember anything." The doctor said, "It happens due to your old age." Then the old man became very angry and said, "Oh foolish doctor! Did you not study anything other than old age in your medical science?" The doctor said, "You have become angry with an innocent doctor like me. This is also because of your old age." Similar is the case with our cultural crisis. Our cultural crisis has occurred due to only one reason- we are deviated from the true path of Islam. We are not following the teaching of the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah in our day-to-day life although we claim ourselves to be Muslims, the follower of Prophet Muhammad (SAW).We do not have 'Takwa' for Allah (SWT). We do not have true respect for the Prophet (SAW) and his ideals, we are not afraid of the Day of Judgment and for our endless life in the world hereafter. This implies the fact that solution to all sorts of cultural evils like excessive luxury, stupidity, audacity, drug addiction, sexual harassment, eve teasing, homo-sexualism, moral degradation, nudity etc. lies in Islam. Islam is the most practical religion. It is a complete code of life for all people irrespective of caste, creed, race, sex and religion of all the places of the world for all time to come. Needless to say, only the proper implementation of Islamic way of life can establish everlasting peace and happiness in Bangladesh through preservation of decent culture and noble heritage of our people. The government and all the institutions concerned have a vital role to play to do the needful in this regard.

(The writer is a Professor, Department of Economics, and Chittagong University)He can be reached at <amchycu@yahoo.com>

http://www.perspectivebd.com/yellow-culture-intrudes-in-bangladesh/


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[ALOCHONA] Media survey on hartal



Media survey on hartal




http://www.amardeshonline.com/pages/details/2011/06/13/87025


http://www.amardeshonline.com/pages/details/2011/06/13/87038


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[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh leases African land - Clinton warns Africa of 'neo-colonialism'

Why these Bangladeshi Investors don't buy some un-inhibited islands, clean them up, develop Farmland, implant Bangladeshi Workers there and grow Rice themselves?
There are hundreds of such islands for sale in this world but the cheapest could be in Pacific Ocean northeast of Australia. Population congestion would also reduce this way.
-----------

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, "Mir Monaz Haque" <haque@...> wrote:
>
> Neo-Colonialism?
>
> Bangladesh has leased tens of thousands of hectares of farmland in Africa as part of a government drive to improve food security in the poverty-stricken South Asian nation, an official said recently.
> Two Bangladeshi companies have leased 40,000 hectares of land in Uganda and Tanzania and another firm will sign a deal for a further 10,000 hectares in Tanzania this week, foreign ministry director Farhadul Islam said.
> “The government strongly supports companies leasing farmland in Africa. The aim is to bring most of the farms’ output back to Bangladesh to ease food shortages,” he said.
>
> Bangladesh’s 150 million citizens have been hit hard by sharp increases in the price of rice, the staple grain, which was up by an average 50 percent year-on-year in April, according to official figures.
>
> Since Bangladesh identified overseas farming as a key way of improving food security late last year, local businessmen have also scoured Africa for suitable land to lease, Islam said.
>
> Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina gave a green signal to a proposal that Bangladesh leases land in some African countries and send farmers there to grow crops like rice and cotton for its consumption as well as export.
>
> *Why the reports of Bangladesh farming mega deals in Africa sound "neo-colonialism"*
>
> One of the most intensely discussed international economic phenomena in recent years is that of companies from across the globe coming to farm crops for their home markets in Africa.
>
> Opinions about this trend span the ideological spectrum. Doubters and outright opponents seem to have the loudest voices, but this has not discouraged foreign investors who see Africa as the next big farming frontier, nor accommodative African governments hoping these deals will kick-start their moribund agricultural sectors and spur broader-based overall economic development.
>
> The latest reported deal-of-the-month are plans by Bangladesh investors to lease land for a similar purpose in a number of African countries. Very little is known about the claimed Bangladesh farming deals, an opacity common to these arrangements and one of their most criticized aspects. What little has come out in news reports has almost all been from the Bangladeshi entities reportedly involved, with no word yet from the African partners. The question is, *is it neo-colonialism*?
>
> The latest farming deals are all being reported from the Bangladeshi side, with an almost we-can't-believe-we-have-negotiated-such-good-deals breathlessness. There has been no word heard at all so far from the governments of Uganda and Tanzania, two of the countries named as willing, even eager to lease tens of thousands of hectares to Bangladeshi companies.
> Under the plans, the Contract Farming System will enable Bangladeshi companies to get at least 60% of the produce. In return Bangladesh will train African farmers in rain-fed rice cultivation, seed conservation and irrigation.'' On the other hand, Bangladesh Government says (and also Mr. Abdul Matlub Ahmad, owner of Nitol Group says) that, “under the deal, we can bring some 80 percent of our output back to the country after payment of some annual fees. We shall employ some 25,000 Bangladeshi workers â€" some 90 percent from Uganda,” he said. But in Africa foreign leasing of large tracts of land can be a very sensitive topic.
> My Remarks
> Bangladesh is planning a new innovation (or should I say a new invasion to Africa) without any social-anthropological analysis. This plan is not sustainable; because sustainable development is a pattern of resource use that aims to meet human needs while preserving the environment so that these needs can be met not only in the present, but also for generations to come. That means it should meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs, or - Environment, Local People, Future (ELF).
> A new plan made only by politician in Bangladesh cannot be sustainable. Where are our Sociologists, Anthropologists, Socialreformers, and Philosophers?Society becomes an object of curiosity when people feel the need to make sense out of rapidly changing social realities. As long as the social order in which we live seems stable and unchanging, we tend to take it for granted and think little about it; it appears so natural and normal to us. But when we are confronted with sudden changes in our social environment, our lives transformed by forces that we do not understand. We are bound to ask questions such as: What causes such changes? Where will they lead us? Are they changes for the better or for the worse?
> Clinton warns Africa of 'new colonialism'
> U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton on Saturday warned Africa of a creeping "new colonialism" from foreign investors and governments interested only in extracting the continent's natural resources to enrich themselves and not the African people.
> Clinton said that African leaders must ensure that foreign projects are sustainable and benefit all their citizens, not only elites. A day earlier, she cautioned that China's massive investments and business interests in Africa need to be closely watched so that the African people are not taken advantage of.
> "It is easy, and we saw that during colonial times, it is easy to come in, take out natural resources, pay off leaders and leave," Clinton said. "And when you leave, you don't leave much behind for the people who are there. We don't want to see a new colonialism in Africa."
> Clinton said the United States didn't want foreign governments and investors to fail in Africa, but they should also give back to the local communities.
> "We want them to do well, but also we want them to do good," she said.
> "We don't want them to undermine good governance, we don't want them to basically deal with just the top elites, and frankly too often pay for their concessions or their opportunities to invest."
>
> -Monaz Haque, Berlin
>


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RE: [ALOCHONA] New Yorker - Notes from an apprenticeship by Jhumpa Lahiri



Intersting reading. Thanks for sharing.
 


From: rkhundkar@earthlink.net
Date: Tue, 7 Jun 2011 09:41:35 -0500
Subject: [ALOCHONA] New Yorker - Notes from an apprenticeship by Jhumpa Lahiri

 

Trading Stories

Notes from an apprenticeship

by Jhumpa Lahiri

New Yorker

June 13, 2011

www.newyorker.com/reporting/2011/06/13/110613fa_fact_lahiri#ixzz1Ob6IQvKx

 

Books, and the stories they contained, were the only things I felt I was able to possess as a child. Even then, the possession was not literal; my father is a librarian, and perhaps because he believed in collective property, or perhaps because my parents considered buying books for me an extravagance, or perhaps because people generally acquired less then than they do now, I had almost no books to call my own. I remember coveting and eventually being permitted to own a book for the first time. I was five or six. The book was diminutive, about four inches square, and was called "You'll Never Have to Look for Friends." It lived among the penny candy and the Wacky Packs at the old-fashioned general store across the street from our first house in Rhode Island. The plot was trite, more an extended greeting card than a story. But I remember the excitement of watching my mother purchase it for me and of bringing it home. Inside the front cover, beneath the declaration "This book is especially for," was a line on which to write my name. My mother did so, and also wrote the word "mother" to indicate that the book had been given to me by her, though I did not call her Mother but Ma. "Mother" was an alternate guardian. But she had given me a book that, nearly forty years later, still dwells on a bookcase in my childhood room.

 

Our house was not devoid of things to read, but the offerings felt scant, and were of little interest to me. There were books about China and Russia that my father read for his graduate studies in political science, and issues of Time that he read to relax. My mother owned novels and short stories and stacks of a literary magazine called Desh, but they were in Bengali, even the titles illegible to me. She kept her reading material on metal shelves in the basement, or off limits by her bedside. I remember a yellow volume of lyrics by the poet Kazi Nazrul Islam, which seemed to be a holy text to her, and a thick, fraying English dictionary with a maroon cover that was pulled out for Scrabble games. At one point, we bought the first few volumes of a set of encyclopedias that the supermarket where we shopped was promoting, but we never got them all. There was an arbitrary, haphazard quality to the books in our house, as there was to certain other aspects of our material lives. I craved the opposite: a house where books were a solid presence, piled on every surface and cheerfully lining the walls. At times, my family's effort to fill our house with books seemed thwarted; this was the case when my father mounted rods and brackets to hold a set of olive-green shelves. Within a few days the shelves collapsed, the Sheetrocked walls of our seventies-era Colonial unable to support them.

 

What I really sought was a better-marked trail of my parents' intellectual lives: bound and printed evidence of what they'd read, what had inspired and shaped their minds. A connection, via books, between them and me. But my parents did not read to me or tell me stories; my father did not read any fiction, and the stories my mother may have loved as a young girl in Calcutta were not passed down. My first experience of hearing stories aloud occurred the only time I met my maternal grandfather, when I was two, during my first visit to India. He would lie back on a bed and prop me up on his chest and invent things to tell me. I am told that the two of us stayed up long after everyone else had gone to sleep, and that my grandfather kept extending these stories, because I insisted that they not end.

 

Bengali was my first language, what I spoke and heard at home. But the books of my childhood were in English, and their subjects were, for the most part, either English or American lives. I was aware of a feeling of trespassing. I was aware that I did not belong to the worlds I was reading about: that my family's life was different, that different food graced our table, that different holidays were celebrated, that my family cared and fretted about different things. And yet when a book was in my possession, and as I read it, this didn't matter. I entered into a pure relationship with the story and its characters, encountering fictional worlds as if physically, inhabiting them fully, at once immersed and invisible.

 

In life, especially as a young girl, I was afraid to participate in social activities. I worried about what others might make of me, how they might judge. But when I read I was free of this worry. I learned what my fictional companions ate and wore, learned how they spoke, learned about the toys scattered in their rooms, how they sat by the fire on a cold day drinking hot chocolate. I learned about the vacations they took, the blueberries they picked, the jams their mothers stirred on the stove. For me, the act of reading was one of discovery in the most basic sense—the discovery of a culture that was foreign to my parents. I began to defy them in this way, and to understand, from books, certain things that they didn't know. Whatever books came into the house on my account were part of my private domain. And so I felt not only that I was trespassing but also that I was, in some sense, betraying the people who were raising me.

 

When I began to make friends, writing was the vehicle. So that, in the beginning, writing, like reading, was less a solitary pursuit than an attempt to connect with others. I did not write alone but with another student in my class at school. We would sit together, this friend and I, dreaming up characters and plots, taking turns writing sections of the story, passing the pages back and forth. Our handwriting was the only thing that separated us, the only way to determine which section was whose. I always preferred rainy days to bright ones, so that we could stay indoors at recess, sit in the hallway, and concentrate. But even on nice days I found somewhere to sit, under a tree or on the ledge of the sandbox, with this friend, and sometimes one or two others, to continue the work on our tale. The stories were transparent riffs on what I was reading at the time: families living on prairies, orphaned girls sent off to boarding schools or educated by stern governesses, children with supernatural powers, or the ability to slip through closets into alternate worlds. My reading was my mirror, and my material; I saw no other part of myself.

 

My love of writing led me to theft at an early age. The diamonds in the museum, what I schemed and broke the rules to obtain, were the blank notebooks in my teacher's supply cabinet, stacked in neat rows, distributed for us to write out sentences or practice math. The notebooks were slim, stapled together, featureless, either light blue or a brownish-yellow shade. The pages were lined, their dimensions neither too small nor too large. Wanting them for my stories, I worked up the nerve to request one or two from the teacher. Then, on learning that the cabinet was not always locked or monitored, I began helping myself to a furtive supply.

 

In the fifth grade, I won a small prize for a story called "The Adventures of a Weighing Scale," in which the eponymous narrator describes an assortment of people and other creatures who visit it. Eventually the weight of the world is too much, the scale breaks, and it is abandoned at the dump. I illustrated the story—all my stories were illustrated back then—and bound it together with bits of orange yarn. The book was displayed briefly in the school library, fitted with an actual card and pocket. No one took it out, but that didn't matter. The validation of the card and pocket was enough. The prize also came with a gift certificate for a local bookstore. As much as I wanted to own books, I was beset by indecision. For hours, it seemed, I wandered the shelves of the store. In the end, I chose a book I'd never heard of, Carl Sandburg's "Rootabaga Stories." I wanted to love those stories, but their old-fashioned wit eluded me. And yet I kept the book as a talisman, perhaps, of that first recognition. Like the labels on the cakes and bottles that Alice discovers underground, the essential gift of my award was that it spoke to me in the imperative; for the first time, a voice in my head said, "Do this."

 

As I grew into adolescence and beyond, however, my writing shrank in what seemed to be an inverse proportion to my years. Though the compulsion to invent stories remained, self-doubt began to undermine it, so that I spent the second half of my childhood being gradually stripped of the one comfort I'd known, that formerly instinctive activity turning thorny to the touch. I convinced myself that creative writers were other people, not me, so that what I loved at seven became, by seventeen, the form of self-expression that most intimidated me. I preferred practicing music and performing in plays, learning the notes of a composition or memorizing the lines of a script. I continued working with words, but channelled my energy into essays and articles, wanting to be a journalist. In college, where I studied literature, I decided that I would become an English professor. At twenty-one, the writer in me was like a fly in the room—alive but insignificant, aimless, something that unsettled me whenever I grew aware of it, and which, for the most part, left me alone. I was not at a stage where I needed to worry about rejection from others. My insecurity was systemic, and preëmptive, insuring that, before anyone else had the opportunity, I had already rejected myself.

 

For much of my life, I wanted to be other people; here was the central dilemma, the reason, I believe, for my creative stasis. I was always falling short of people's expectations: my immigrant parents', my Indian relatives', my American peers', above all my own. The writer in me wanted to edit myself. If only there was a little more this, a little less that, depending on the circumstances: then the asterisk that accompanied me would be removed. My upbringing, an amalgam of two hemispheres, was heterodox and complicated; I wanted it to be conventional and contained. I wanted to be anonymous and ordinary, to look like other people, to behave as others did. To anticipate an alternate future, having sprung from a different past. This had been the lure of acting—the comfort of erasing my identity and adopting another. How could I want to be a writer, to articulate what was within me, when I did not wish to be myself?

 

It was not in my nature to be an assertive person. I was used to looking to others for guidance, for influence, sometimes for the most basic cues of life. And yet writing stories is one of the most assertive things a person can do. Fiction is an act of willfulness, a deliberate effort to reconceive, to rearrange, to reconstitute nothing short of reality itself. Even among the most reluctant and doubtful of writers, this willfulness must emerge. Being a writer means taking the leap from listening to saying, "Listen to me."

 

This was where I faltered. I preferred to listen rather than speak, to see instead of be seen. I was afraid of listening to myself, and of looking at my life.

 

It was assumed by my family that I would get a Ph.D. But after I graduated from college, I was, for the first time, no longer a student, and the structure and system I'd known and in some senses depended on fell away. I moved to Boston, a city I knew only vaguely, and lived in a room in the home of people who were not related to me, whose only interest in me was my rent. I found work at a bookstore, opening shipments and running a cash register. I formed a close friendship with a young woman who worked there, whose father is a poet named Bill Corbett. I began to visit the Corbetts' home, which was filled with books and art—a framed poem by Seamus Heaney, drawings by Philip Guston, a rubbing of Ezra Pound's gravestone. I saw the desk where Bill wrote, obscured by manuscripts, letters, and proofs, in the middle of the living room. I saw that the work taking place on this desk was obliged to no one, connected to no institution; that this desk was an island, and that Bill worked on his own. I spent a summer living in that house, reading back issues of The Paris Review, and when I was alone, in a bright room on the top floor, pecking out sketches and fragments on a typewriter.

 

I began to want to be a writer. Secretly at first, exchanging pages with one other person, our prescheduled meetings forcing me to sit down and produce something. Stealing into the office where I had a job as a research assistant, on weekends and at night, to type stories onto a computer, a machine I did not own at the time. I bought a copy of "Writer's Market," and sent out stories to little magazines that sent them back to me. The following year, I entered graduate school, not as a writer but as a student of English literature. But beneath my declared scholarly objective there was now a wrinkle. I used to pass a bookshop every day on the way to the train, the storefront displaying dozens of titles that I always stopped to look at. Among them were books by Leslie Epstein, a writer whose work I had not yet read but whose name I knew, as the director of the writing program at Boston University. On a lark one day, I walked into the creative-writing department seeking permission to sit in on a class.

 

It was audacious of me. The equivalent, nearly two decades later, of stealing notebooks from a teacher's cabinet; of crossing a line. The class was open only to writing students, so I did not expect Epstein to make an exception. After he did, I worked up the nerve to apply for a formal spot in the creative-writing program the following year. When I told my parents that I'd been accepted, with a fellowship, they neither encouraged nor discouraged me. Like so many aspects of my American life, the idea that one could get a degree in creative writing, that it could be a legitimate course of study, seemed perhaps frivolous to them. Still, a degree was a degree, and so their reaction to my decision was to remain neutral. Though I corrected her, my mother, at first, referred to it as a critical-writing program. My father, I am guessing, hoped it would have something to do with a Ph.D.

 

My mother wrote poems occasionally. They were in Bengali, and were published now and then in literary magazines in New England or Calcutta. She seemed proud of her efforts, but she did not call herself a poet. Both her father and her youngest brother, on the other hand, were visual artists. It was by their creative callings that they were known to the world, and had been described to me. My mother spoke of them reverently. She told me about the day that my grandfather had had to take his final exam at the Government College of Art, in Calcutta, and happened to have a high fever. He was able to complete only a portion of the portrait he had been asked to render, the subject's mouth and chin, but it was done so skillfully that he graduated with honors. Watercolors by my grandfather were brought back from India, framed, and shown off to visitors, and to this day I keep one of his medals in my jewelry box, regarding it since childhood as a good-luck charm.

 

Before our visits to Calcutta, my mother would make special trips to an art store to buy the brushes and paper and pens and tubes of paint that my uncle had requested. Both my grandfather and my uncle earned their living as commercial artists. Their fine art brought in little money. My grandfather died when I was five, but I have vivid memories of my uncle, working at his table in the corner of the cramped rented apartment where my mother was brought up, preparing layouts for clients who came to the house to approve or disapprove of his ideas, my uncle staying up all night to get the job done. I gathered that my grandfather had never been financially secure, and that my uncle's career was also precarious—that being an artist, though noble and romantic, was not a practical or responsible thing to do.

 

Abandoned weighing scales, witches, orphans: these, in childhood, had been my subjects. As a child, I had written to connect with my peers. But when I started writing stories again, in my twenties, my parents were the people I was struggling to reach. In 1992, just before starting the writing program at B.U., I went to Calcutta with my family. I remember coming back at the end of summer, getting into bed, and almost immediately writing the first of the stories I submitted that year in workshop. It was set in the building where my mother had grown up, and where I spent much of my time when I was in India. I see now that my impulse to write this story, and several like-minded stories that followed, was to prove something to my parents: that I understood, on my own terms, in my own words, in a limited but precise way, the world they came from. For though they had created me, and reared me, and lived with me day after day, I knew that I was a stranger to them, an American child. In spite of our closeness, I feared that I was alien. This was the predominant anxiety I had felt while growing up.

 

I was my parents' firstborn child. When I was seven, my mother became pregnant again, and gave birth to my sister in November, 1974. A few months later, one of her closest friends in Rhode Island, another Bengali woman, also learned that she was expecting. The woman's husband, like my father, worked at the university. Based on my mother's recommendation, her friend saw the same doctor and planned to deliver at the same hospital where my sister was born. One rainy evening, my parents received a call from the hospital. The woman's husband cried into the telephone as he told my parents that their child had been born dead. There was no reason for it. It had simply happened, as it sometimes does. I remember the weeks following, my mother cooking food and taking it over to the couple, the grief in place of the son who was supposed to have filled their home. If writing is a reaction to injustice, or a search for meaning when meaning is taken away, this was that initial experience for me. I remember thinking that it could have happened to my parents and not to their friends, and I remember, because the same thing had not happened to our family, as my sister was by then a year old already, also feeling ashamed. But, mainly, I felt the unfairness of it—the unfairness of the couple's expectation, unfulfilled.

 

We moved to a new house, whose construction we had overseen, in a new neighborhood. Soon afterward, the childless couple had a house built in our neighborhood as well. They hired the same contractor, and used the same materials, the same floor plan, so that the houses were practically identical. Other children in the neighborhood, sailing past on bicycles and roller skates, took note of this similarity, finding it funny. I was asked if all Indians lived in matching houses. I resented these children, for not knowing what I knew of the couple's misfortune, and at the same time I resented the couple a little, for having modelled their home on ours, for suggesting that our lives were the same when they were not. A few years later the house was sold, the couple moving away to another town, and an American family altered the façade so that it was no longer a carbon copy of ours. The comic parallel between two Bengali families in a Rhode Island neighborhood was forgotten by the neighborhood children. But our lives had not been parallel; I was unable to forget this.

 

When I was thirty years old, digging in the loose soil of a new story, I unearthed that time, that first tragic thing I could remember happening, and wrote a story called "A Temporary Matter." It is not exactly the story of what had happened to that couple, nor is it a story of something that happened to me. Springing from my childhood, from the part of me that was slowly reverting to what I loved most when I was young, it was the first story that I wrote as an adult.

 

My father, who, at eighty, still works forty hours a week at the University of Rhode Island, has always sought security and stability in his job. His salary was never huge, but he supported a family that wanted for nothing. As a child, I did not know the exact meaning of "tenure," but when my father obtained it I sensed what it meant to him. I set out to do as he had done, and to pursue a career that would provide me with a similar stability and security. But at the last minute I stepped away, because I wanted to be a writer instead. Stepping away was what was essential, and what was also fraught. Even after I received the Pulitzer Prize, my father reminded me that writing stories was not something to count on, and that I must always be prepared to earn my living in some other way. I listen to him, and at the same time I have learned not to listen, to wander to the edge of the precipice and to leap. And so, though a writer's job is to look and listen, in order to become a writer I had to be deaf and blind.

 

I see now that my father, for all his practicality, gravitated toward a precipice of his own, leaving his country and his family, stripping himself of the reassurance of belonging. In reaction, for much of my life, I wanted to belong to a place, either the one my parents came from or to America, spread out before us. When I became a writer my desk became home; there was no need for another. Every story is a foreign territory, which, in the process of writing, is occupied and then abandoned. I belong to my work, to my characters, and in order to create new ones I leave the old ones behind. My parents' refusal to let go or to belong fully to either place is at the heart of what I, in a less literal way, try to accomplish in writing. Born of my inability to belong, it is my refusal to let go.





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[ALOCHONA] Zia, army & Islamization by Masood Ashraf Raja

-----Forwarded Message-----
>From: Sukla Sen
>Sent: Jun 12, 2011 4:50 AM
>To: foil-l <foil-l@insaf.net>
>Subject: [foil] Zia, army & Islamization
>
>http://www.viewpointonline.net/zia-the-army-and-the-islamization-project.html#comments
>
>Zia, army & Islamization<http://www.viewpointonline.net/zia-the-army-and-the-islamization-project.html>
>by Masood Ashraf Raja
>
>*The fact that the West-Pakistani army committed thousands of recorded and
>unrecorded atrocities against their own countrymen further proved that Islam
>alone could not build a nation and that on both sides the incipient regional
>and ethnic differences had resurfaced, differences that Islam was unable to
>bridge*
>*
>*
>
>To suggest that the Pakistan army became completely Islamized during the Zia
>regime would be an extreme exaggeration and a false assertion and I am not
>suggesting that at all. My purpose in this brief article is to offer a sort
>of genealogy of Zia's Islamization project, its role in defining certain
>aspects of military life, and, most importantly, its strategic role in
>legitimizing Zia's illegal and unconstitutional rule.
>
>Zia came into power at a very turbulent time in the history of Pakistan:
>Pakistan had already lost East Pakistan and thus the idea of a religious
>identity capable of forging a strong national identity had already been
>squashed. The Bengalis, despite being predominantly Muslim, had relied on
>the concepts of ethnic identity against the supremacy of the West-Pakistanis
>to fight and create a separate nation. The fact that the West-Pakistani army
>committed thousands of recorded and unrecorded atrocities against their own
>countrymen further proved that Islam alone could not build a nation and that
>on both sides the incipient regional and ethnic differences had resurfaced,
>differences that Islam was unable to bridge.
>
>Also, for the first time in Pakistani history a seemingly secular political
>party (PPP), having lost East Pakistan, was contesting elections against a
>conglomeration of nine Islamist political parties. The 1977 election, thus,
>was an election that had the potential of defining Pakistan's future as a
>complex democracy or as a pseudo Islamized state. By eliminating Bhutto,
>Zia, within the logic of his coup, automatically foregrounded the Islamist
>view of the nation. So, in a way, Zia was not really an agent—no one is—but
>an important tool within the logic of Pakistan's struggle to define itself.
>
>Those of us who are old enough to remember are aware that Zia, who had
>promised to hold elections in ninety days, was not the die-hard
>Ameer-ul-Momineen that he presented himself to be in his later years: he was
>in fact a Dunhill-smoking mediocre general raised to the level of COAS
>simply because of his meekness his suitability to Mr. Bhutto. But, as is
>often the case, the seemingly meek general eventually came to take upon the
>persona of a modern day Mujahid and savior of Islam.
>
>In order to sustain his regime, Zia needed to court two important
>constituencies at home: the mullahs and the zamindars. He was able to court
>both these groups successfully, promising Islamization to the former and a
>status quo on land reform to the others. It is no wonder that both these
>groups, by and large, remained loyal to Zia throughout his years of illegal
>rule. The other major power source that was needed to legitimize Zia's
>regime—like that of all other Pakistani dictators—was the support from the
>United States. The US, we should remember, was already predisposed to
>supporting Zia for forestalling leftist tilt of Z. A. Bhutto, but the Soviet
>entry into Afghanistan rehabilitated Zia and created, once again, Pakistan's
>client status within the instrumental logic of US policy in the region.
>Thus, these national and international forces came together to give Zia,
>whose regime was also buttressed by the most innovative verdict ever to be
>given by a court of Law [the law of necessity argument!], the support
>required to sustain his regime.
>
>So did the army become completely Islamized during Zia regime: the simple
>answer is no. Majority of army officers remained in that liminal space where
>one can find an Islamic cultural identity merged with a modern secular
>world-view, but in symbolic terms a lot of things became possible for the
>Islamist groups to start having an impact on the rank and file of the army.
>
>For example, as young officers we were never told to go to the mosque or
>forced to become outwardly religious, but imperceptibly one knew that
>holding and displaying a sort of Islamized identity could not hurt one's
>career. I will dwell on the influence two religious organizations that I
>witnessed first hand during my career. I must point out that these
>organizations did not have the official recognition of the Zia regime, but
>as the climate was altered to suit a purely Islamist view of the nation and
>the world, more and more officers were lured into the arms of such
>organizations.
>
>The first to reach the officers group was the Tablighi Jamaat. A pacifist
>organization, though extremely conservative in its interpretation of the
>Sharia, the Jamaat encouraged young officers to grow beards, dress in a
>Muslim fashion, and to give their time for Tabligh and regular *chillas*.
>One interesting instance that I remember was from my tenure as a student at
>the School of Infantry. One of our brilliant instructors had converted to
>the ways of the Jamaat and could be usually seen roaming our campus in the
>evenings in a traditional white tunic with a nice white turban. Pretty soon,
>his students caught on and instead of learning the skills in classroom to do
>well in the course, the smart ones amongst us "converted" to the ways of
>their instructor and spent valuable time in learning the ways of their
>master. It was, to be honest, quite a comical situation but its consequences
>were grave: in whatever limited way, an outside the army religious
>organization had enough symbolic power to govern the conduct of Army
>officers. This symbolic power reached a level where the said officer, if
>required to choose, was more prone to listen to his religious mentors
>instead of following the military chain of command.
>
>The other more dangerous and more insidious organization that was making
>inroads into the officer corps—not in large numbers though—was Doc. Israr
>Ahmed's Tanzeem-e-Islami. I am more familiar with their working as I was,
>during the last two years of my service, seriously courted by the local
>leaders of this organization to join. While I never really joined the
>Tanzeem, I did spend quite a lot of time reading Doc. Israr's work and
>listening to his recorded lectures. A vehement critic of Shia Islam, Doc.
>Israr Ahmed was opposed to electoral politics and spent most of his life in
>theorizing an Islamist system of government. His main political theory is
>contained in one slim volume: *Munhij Inqalab Nabvi* [The Basis of Prophet
>Muhammad's Revolution]. According to Doc. Israr, the Prophet's life provides
>a staged account of success of the Prophetic revolution and the main feature
>of this historical revolution is not popular but elitist. So, the Tanzeem
>believed, and maybe still does, that if you could convert a large segment of
>the national elite—including the army officers—to the Tanzeem's religious
>views then a staged revolution could be launched. The major phase of this
>revolution—as described by Doc. Israr—was the pacifist phase, in which the
>Tanzeem, having gathered enough elite members, was to declare its intentions
>in open hoping to be persecuted by the state. It was hoped that seeing what
>was being done to the lovers of God, people would join the revolution and
>the entire edifice of Pakistani state would be reconstructed in the true
>image of the ninth century Arabia.
>
>Exceptionally masculinist in his views, Doc. Israr was a strict
>*Batinite* scholar
>and interpreted the Qur'an as a self-referential text and hoped to share the
>true meaning of the Qur'an by finding the most unsullied roots of the Arabic
>words used in the Qur'an. In such interpretation, only a purist retrieval of
>the original message of God could save the Muslims, thus marrying the future
>of Islam to a purely Islamic past retrieved only through an incisive
>interpretation of the Qur'an. In other words, as we literary critics
>understand it, the sacred text was transparent and held hidden meanings that
>could be retrieved through a masterly grasp of Arabic. Needless to say, I
>was deeply impressed by Doc. Israr's erudition and grasp of Arabic language,
>but was able to escape any deep indoctrination simply because I could not
>bring myself to even imagine that I, being a single human being, somehow had
>the capacity to truly understand the mind of God.
>
>By far the most damaging symbolic influence for the Pakistan army and
>Pakistan was Pakistan's involvement in the Soviet-Afghan war. I have written
>extensively on this topic, so I will only briefly rehearse my position. The
>Afghan Jihad became the core legitimizing narrative for Zia regime: it
>enabled Zia to latch on to power in the name of Islam and in the cause of
>Afghanistan against an "infidel" power, thus solidifying his national
>constituencies, and it also provided Zia a crucial spot within the logic of
>American regional interests. Pakistan, thus, became a staging ground for
>training, supporting, and launching of all kinds of Jihadist groups into
>Afghanistan and of course it is during this time that ISI also developed
>into the masterly agency that it is now. While Afghans died in thousands,
>their puppet masters in the United States and Pakistan coordinated weapons
>supply, training, housing, and medical care.
>
>In symbolic terms, Pakistan's articulation of Afghan civil war in Jihadist
>terms, linked all forms of male Muslim identity to a jihadist and
>masculinist subjectivity. And it is this legacy that we are dealing with
>right now. In way, then, The Zia regime, the United States, and the Saudis
>(who funded the war) were all responsible for moving Pakistan into a kind of
>Islamism that is inherently masculinist and relies on a perpetual threat
>from outside—ideological and material—to sustain its violent and ruthless
>practices. In terms of instrumentalizing the Islamists for strategic
>purposes, even Pervez Musharraf—who built his legitimacy by investing in
>secular values—used the fundamentalists as volunteer fighters in his
>misadventure in Kargil.
>
>Another by-product of this entire experience is the cadre of retired and
>some serving officers who are still caught up in those old supranational
>ideologies of Khilafat and a purist Islamist system. The fact that this
>system is driven by a Wahabi or Deobandi interpretation of Islam is yet
>another aspect of militant Islam in Pakistan. The problem with the teachings
>of Abdul Wahab and his followers is that it interiorizes Islam to that of a
>private affair by foregrounding *Tauhid* as the core principle. Thus,
>emphasis is placed on *Ibadaat* and the every day actions or interactions
>cease to matter so much. In the end, one finds a subjectivity created
>through material and discursive modes that is essentially male, self
>righteous, and unapologetically atavistic.
>
>How is Islam likely to survive as a viable way of life with its ninth
>century interpretations of the sacred is beyond my limited grasp; it has
>already become the most hated religion in the world partially due to
>ignorance about it but mostly due to the actions of its most visible
>advocates and adherents.
>
>So, did Pakistan army play a major role in this turn to fundamentalism? The
>answer is yes and no. Yes, in a sense because the Zia years did foreground a
>religious identity in all aspects of political life, and no because not all
>army officers are religious fanatics or terrorist sympathizers. Is there a
>cadre of retired and serving officers invested in Jihadist ideologies and
>sympathetic to entities outside the military chain of command? I think only
>people with more current and expansive knowledge of Pakistan army and its
>affiliated institutions can seriously answer that. But if there is such a
>group, I hope the ISI is keeping a better track of them than they did in
>case of the most wanted terrorist in the world.
>Author of *Constructing Pakistan* (Oxford UP, 2010) Masood Ashraf Raja is an
>Assistant Professor of Postcolonial Literature and Theory at the University
>of North Texas, United States and the editor of *Pakistaniaat: A Journal of
>Pakistan Studies*. His critical essays have been published in journals
>including *South Asian Review, Digest of Middle East Studies, Caribbean
>Studies, Muslim Public Affairs Journal*, and *Mosaic*. He is currently
>working on his second book, entitled *Secular Fundamentalism: Poetics of
>Incitement and the Muslim Sacred*.
>--
>Peace Is Doable
>_______________________________________________
>Foil-l mailing list
>Foil-l@insaf.net
>http://insaf.net/mailman/listinfo/foil-l_insaf.net

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RE: [ALOCHONA] Use of 'bismillah' in the Constitution is Blasphemous!



Knowledge in Islamic faith is characterized by not only knowledge but activism and spirituality. Any person lacking a single facet of these requirements can be said to have limited knowledge.  

 

A true knowledgeable person is known only to the Creator. But we, human beings are given limited knowledge, sufficient enough to determine who is the right person to learn from and follow.

 

Some characteristics of the person of knowledge is his/her immense fear of Allah and His punishment in the Hereafter and love for Him and His Prophet (SWS). Which manifest itself in the use of decent language, modesty, tolerance, moderation, standing up for justice, taking care of the creations (men and animal) of the Creator.

 

When a person uses rough language to have dialogue with opponents, attacks Islamic values like modesty (Hijab), social activism (political participation), and the concept of brotherhood (or sisterhood) in terms of being critical of any or all Islamic entities just to name a few then there is serious question of that person's having Islamic knowledge.

 

My response will be understood exactly as one understands the issue at hand so it is quite useless to delve into hair-splitting discussions.

 

Based on the above criterion one can easily find which political party, intellectual or a common person stands for what.

 

Aziz Huq  

June 12, 2011

 
 

To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: farida_majid@hotmail.com
Date: Wed, 8 Jun 2011 17:28:24 -0400
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Use of 'bismillah' in the Constitution is Blasphemous!

 
         Mr. Aziz Huq wrote about my plea to the Parliament for the removal of 'bismillah' from the Preamble in the Constitution of Bangladesh:
       
  "Couching personal  political opinion with limited knoledge".
 
      My response:
 
              Rabbi zidnee ailmaa
 
    Even illiterates, semiliterates, schoolgoing children, garments'er meye, sabziwalla, rickshawalla, bricklayers, smithies, peasant men and women, fishermen and women, and all the other people of "limited knowledge" in this nation know that invoking Allah's name for the purpose of falsification, for the pupose of fooling others and to hide a deceitful, illegal act is kufri and charom gonahgari kaj.
 
        Putting 'bismillah' in the Constitution of Bangladesh by a Martial Law ordinance promulgated by the wish of a single ruthless Military Dictator was done with an evil political purpose, not because he was some kind of a devout religious preacher who had no better idea about the people's War of Independence in 1971. The Constitution of Bangladesh is meant to guarantee fundamental rights to EVERY citizen. It is not a place for the State to advertise the preference of one religion over all the other religions or ethnicity of non-Muslim inhabitants of the state. It is ironic that this was done under the supposed aegis of Islam, a religion known for its keen sense of equal justice for all. Besides Qur'anic guidance, we have the Sunnah to give us models to follow.
 
      Vandalisation of the Constitution is akin to condoning the Genocide of 1971, or the mass murder of civilians and fellow citizens who fought to oppose the oppression of a State (Pakistan) created in 1947 on the false premise that Muslims cannot live peacefully with people of other religions or ethnicity.
 
            Rabbi zidnee ailmaa
 
         And if Allah sub hana t'ala very kndly granted me greater knowledge than what I have now, would I have "impersonal political opinion" as opposed to having my personal political opinion? 
        
          What am I couching my personal political opinion in? Hope Mr. Aziz Huq will oblige with an answer in his infinite wisdom. 

               Rabbi zidnee ailmaa
 
                 Farida Majid
                

To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: azizhuq@hotmail.com
Date: Tue, 7 Jun 2011 23:14:18 +0000
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Use of 'bismillah' in the Constitution is Blasphemous!

 
Wow! Couching personal  political opinion with limited knoledge.
 

From: farida_majid@hotmail.com
Date: Mon, 6 Jun 2011 19:26:55 -0400
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Use of 'bismillah' in the Constitution is Blasphemous!

 

Use of 'bismillah' in the Constitution is Blasphemous!

 

                     Farida Majid

 

           Sentimental objection against removal of "bismillah"s  placement in the Constitution of Bangladesh has begun just as I apprehended.  This is a familiar trick reminiscent of Hitler's campaign rhetoric stoking popular racial and ethnic sentiments in 1930s Germany. Later the Catholic Church of Austria used religious sentiments to persecute the Jews and oust them from Vienna. The lesson to be learned is that the word of God, when politically manipulated, can bring massive human destruction. The Genocide of 1971 is scorched in our memory.

 

         When I raised the issue of illegally placed "bismillah" above the Preamble of the Constitution of Bangladesh in the internet forums, I got angry responses. Accused of being anti-Islam and a paid servant of Zionist masters, I was asked: "Why "Bismillah" is a problem for you?"

 

          'Bismillah' is not a problem for me.  It is a constant and trusted companion. Besides using it in prayers, I love saying it at the commencement of any good work, and I love writing it.  Give me a minute or two, and any old pen, and even without practice, I will write 'bismillah' in Arabic in passable Nashtaliq calligraphic style.

 

          I do have a problem though with a thing called Martial Law. There is no such thing called 'Martial Law' in the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.  'Bismillah' should not be put above the Preamble of the nation's Constitution by an unlawful usurper of civilian power who called himself Chief Martial Law Administrator.   The use of 'bismillah' for such crass political purpose behind the clout of illegal Martial Law by a Proclamation Order in 1977, thereby betraying the trust of 150 million people should surely count as the most shocking and egregious blasphemy! It is pure kufri!

 

          See the Holy Qur'an for a strong interdiction against invoking Allah's name in an unlawful act like this in Sura Hud (11: 18):

 

 Waman athlamu mimmani iftara AAala Allahi kathiban ola-ika yuAAradhoona AAala rabbihim wayaqoolu al-ashhadu haola-i allatheena kathaboo AAala rabbihim ala laAAnatu Allahi AAala alththalimeena

 

And who (is) more unjust/oppressive than who fabricated/cut and split on God lies/denials/falsifications? Those, they are being displayed/exhibited/shown on (to) their Lord, and the witnesses/testifiers (the angels) say: "Those (are) those who lied/denied/falsified upon their Lord." Is not God's curse/torture on the unjust/oppressors?  …11:18

 

           Anything that bears the sign of preference for one particular religion, be it the religion of a large number of natives, is debris from the illegal acts of constitutional vandalism. Surely it is blasphemous to use the hallowed name of Allah as a mark to legitimize such an act of unjust vandalism. By upholding the welcome repeal of the Fifth Amendment, Act 1979, the Supreme Court has fulfilled the duty of the judiciary in the service of preserving and defending the Constitution of Bangladesh. Now it seems that a Parliamentary process should be put in place to remove this heinous blasphemy and restore the sanctity of the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.

 

            Independence from the British rule, and then from Pakistan's oppression, must mean freedom from the dreadful colonial practice of categorization of people and computation of demography by the professed faith of a person or a group.  Counting people by their religions means everyone is forced into a pre-selected classification that ignores other principles of grouping. We must stop the practice of depicting majority/minority on the basis of religion alone.

 

           The Parliament should do its part to fulfill the obligation of preserving and protecting the Constitution that represents our valiant fight for independence from a false statehood (Pakistan) whose existential basis was this weird notion of computation of people by their religion.  Pakistan was a disasterous experiment in a bad idea!  The birth of Bangladesh in 1971 proved conclusively that Muslim Bengalis do not need a separate state as Muslims only and no one else.  They can live with people of other religions and ethnicity as they have happily and prosperously done so for centuries.

 

                                                                                                                               ©2011, Farida Majid

 

 






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