Re: [ALOCHONA] ‘HAZAR SALO KA BADLA LE LIA’

Mr. Ullah

Can you provide thecomplete citation from MT Hussain's article where Indira Gandhi allegedly said 'HAZAR SALO KA BADLA LE LIA' . Where did she say and to whom and where was this published. Is it based on primary documents or secondary sources or hearsay!

Furthermore some information about the author will be useful as well. What does he do and his academic and scholarly background would be very useful in undertanding the context of this article.

Thank you for your consideration in advance.

Robin Khundkar

-----Original Message-----
From: Enayet Ullah
Sent: Apr 12, 2009 11:28 AM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com, chottala , khabor@yahoogroups.com, odhora , mukto-mona
Cc: emancipation 4 <4_emancipation@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: [ALOCHONA] 'HAZAR SALO KA BADLA LE LIA'

1971 that Indira Gandhi herself on the 16th December 1971 victory exuberance stated, 'HAZAR SALO KA BADLA LE LIA' (We have avenged the defeat of one thousand years). Here are some untold story about Seikh Mujib's legacy after 37 years. There are some declassified document of the government of the USA since then is made public on the 14th February 200. It is a matter of history now about 34 years ago, and also that the leader curiously used the term 'civil war' after three years of independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan that some of his blind followers would not accept at ease as they have been picking up quarrels on the use of the term at this time. Why could not he coin the term independence war, liberation war, freedom war, etc? Despite the fact that the Sheikh was well known to be a person guided more by heart and little by head, of average IQ and questionable farsightedness as many would know like Sohrawardy, Bhashani etc. but he was not that fool to be incapable to make difference between 'civil war' and 'independence war'. He knew very well that what happened in Pakistan in 1971 was a fratricidal war between two opposing groups of people of the same country, in the instance, Pakistan, that is what the definition of 'civil war' as any English dictionary provides. Not only this. He did not have much ado in the game of 1971 except that as he told the people on the 7th March, 'EBARER SANGRANM AMADER MUKTIR SANGRAM; EBARER SANGRAM SWADHINATAR SANGRAM'. The speech I had fortune to listen to with my own ears and saw many things around with my own eyes being present there in the then Ramna Race Course quite close to the rostrum, apart from having views of his body language, and ending the 17 minute extempore speech abruptly and then left the stage in an unusual hurry. Neither had he cared to hoist the proposed Bangladesh flag that had been kept ready for hoisting in a bamboo mast. I recall clearly another incident in the matter. A friend of mine Safar Ali (Marhum) and a M.P. of the party from Narayanganj told me with all certainty beforehand that the leader would not declare independence from the meeting that I found to be true not only I heard him ending saying Joy Pakistan (LATER ON ERASED FROM THE TAPE) along with Joy Bangla (Joy Bangla slogan was initially coined by now the late Professor Aftab Ahmad, a brilliant Student League leader in late 1960s). Coming back to the talk, one would argue that as he was then having conversation with the Foreign Secretary of the USA, Henry Kissinger, a renowned diplomat, he had to use the term 'civil war' for the US government's stance of the 1971 period was more close to and sympathetic with Pakistan and officially little with Bangladesh movement, could be somewhat tenable. There were, however, other points involved. None, he did not make the UDI (Unilateral Declaration of Independence) that possibly he could do for Bangladesh if he would seriously ponder about the matter and would not care to take blame on his own shoulder to dismember Pakistan. On this issue there remained a but, a big BUT. Neither did he make any formal declaration on the 25th March ('71) night before he was taken on detention by the law enforcing agency (Army) from his residence, very curiously he asked his last of comrades present with him to go on with ANDOLON and in specific HARTAL on the 27th March next!. On looking into the big BUT, one may sift out many other evidences. The first is his intimate relation ( See, Sarder Muhammad Chowdhury, The Ultimate Crime, 1994/99) with Yahya Khan, the Army President and Martial Law Chief of Pakistan even since before the days of his forcibly taking over State power from the previous Amy president Ayub Khan in March 1969 (Late Mahmud Ali's personal information passed on to me). Both Ayub Khan ( reference is made in the 30th October 1974 Document referred to ) and Yahya offered Mujib the position of the Prime Minister of Pakistan and that he was eagerly willing to accept 'even for one hour' (his verbatim) rather than becoming the Prime Minister/President of seceded and smaller East Pakistan/ Bangladesh. There is another evidence received from the source of his chief lawyer in the sedition case of 1971, A.K Brohi, who not only confidently certified that Mujib was in no measure a secessionist but a patriotic Pakistani so much so that he offered to speak in the PTV and appeal to the people of East Pakistan to resist Indian aggressive war in middle of the 1971 India Pakistan December war for thirteen days (See, Impact International, London, 28th September 1987). The war victory for India gave Mujib no choice except to accept the fait accompli or de facto Bangladesh. Even so, he promised to Bhutto, the new President of Pakistan, before leaving Pakistan as a free man from the custody on the 8th January 1972 that he would have confederation with Pakistan (West) of independent Bangladesh (See, Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, 1993 OUP, Delhi). On his way back to Dhaka, Mujib reiterated on the 9th January in London the position of 'Confederation' with the British (formerly Pakistani) journalist Anthony Mascarenhas. If one would care to have some tidbits but significant acts of the leader, one should ponder about Mujib's continued distancing away and in condemnation of Tajuddin Ahmed, the chief architect of secession of East Pakistan and independence of Bangladesh, who ended up in prison within two years of Mujib's taking over Bangladesh rule in January 1972. One might further take an insight look as to why Mujib did not care to visit the first capital of Tajuddin's Government in Exile, euphemistically called Mujibnagar, after his charismatic name. Mujib had all sympathy not only for Bhutto and Pakistan but also for all war prisoners, even for the alleged 'war criminals' that he showed magnanimity for their safe return home with due dignity and 'forgiven' their all sins in 1971 war. He had, in addition, sympathy for the non-Bengalis long settled in East Pakistan/ Bangladesh since after the 1947 partition. He offered stay for those 400,000 or so who accepted Bangladesh as fait accompli, and asked Pakistan to accept the other 300,000 who opted for Pakistani citizenship. That the fait accompli and de facto Bangladesh ditched him and the country into Indian trap of domination and hegemony soon became crystal clear to him. The unpalatable position of subservience was manifested in the conversation between him and Kissinger when he wished in the conversation for the US to treat Bangladesh 'not with someone else (India)'. Possibly it took some time, not very long, to discover afresh Indian hegemony and machinations on many issues, like water sharing downstream of the rivers Ganges/Padma, Teesta, etc, subservience treatment of Bangladesh through the 25 years treaty, obstructing Tinbigha corridor for entrance into the enclaves of Angorpota and Dahogram, dispossession of the South Talpatti Island in the Bay of Bengal, etc. Being a leader having grown up as young activist of the Pakistan movement in the bitterest taste in 1940s of the Brahminist evil design of the Congress, he could not have been oblivious of the Indian design in 1971 that Indira Gandhi herself on the 16th December 1971 victory exuberance stated, 'HAZAR SALO KA BADLA LE LIA' (We have avenged the defeat of one thousand years), made him seek better friend in a desperate way not only with the US but also with China as he begged with Kissinger in the parley because the veil of real Indian design in the smokescreen of the civil war of 1971 followed by the aggression was being removed. Unfortunately, Indian total domination and hegemony had hardly been loosening despite expanding support for Bangladesh at the international level and instead he had to operate as a show boy and stooge of India that the patriotic army took all on themselves to save the country from the ignominy and then spontaneously supported by the common people to topple Mujib from the State power on the auspicious 15th August 1975 in the heroic army coup d 'etat in Dhaka. The coup not only freed the people from autocracy of the meanest type but also restored dignity of the country by burying lone party BAKSAL, on the one hand, and pluralism and multi-party democratic polity in the country, on the other. Author: Dr. M.T. Hussain

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