The August 15, 1975: What It Meant to BangladeshAugust 15 is nearing. We will see and experience the frantic and elaborate celebrations of the re-designated Mourning Day this year. There will no doubt be showcases of milads, kulkhanis, feeding the poor on one side while seminars, demonstrations and 'cry' for the death for those who dared the 'August 15 Revolution' on the other. I will come to the word 'revolution' later. Walk the 1972-75 of Bangladesh Let us put the present to pause for a while and rewind the history of Bangladesh to the period 1971-1975. This exercise is especially important for the generations in their 40s and below, who have not seen the birth pangs of the new nation in 1971, nor did they experience the 'golden rule' of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1972-1975. These generations, as well as the entire nation, are continually being fed with disinformation and distorted versions of our history. They are fed up with the repeated changes in the history books at every turn of the government. To make the matter worse, the highest judicial class of the country decided to put its seal on a highly controversial and partisan issue concerning the declaration of independence of Bangladesh. Obviously, question does arise about the much touted independence of our judiciary. Mujib in 1971 In 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the undisputed leader of then East Pakistan. In the 1970 elections, his Awami League won 162 out of 300 seats in the National Assembly, thereby giving him the right to form the next government of Pakistan. But that became an illusion. In the face of Pakistani junta's overt and covert conspiracy to deny the legitimate rights to the Bengalis, there was an all out pressure on Sheikh Mujib since March 1, 1971 to make the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). March 7 offered him that chance. Instead of an UDI, Mujib came out with a call "Ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram, ebarer sangram muktir sangram……" He refused to take questions from press and left the stage as quickly as he came, leaving the audience disappointed, perplexed and totally confused. Awami pundits argued that Sheikh Mujib refrained from making the UDI after watching the Pakistani fighter planes hovering above. It made little sense. According to eye witness accounts, Mujib came prepared what he wanted to say at the race course gathering. He even said to have ended his speech with 'Pakistan Zindabad' along with 'Joy Bangla'. Later, however, the former slogan was removed from the tape. Would the Pakistanis dare to make a British style Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Dhaka at that stage? I don't think so. (On April 13, 1919 the British Indian Army, under the command of Brigadier Reginald Dyer opened fire and emptied all its ammunition on an unarmed gathering of men, women and children at Jallianwalla Bagh in Amritsar. Official account put the casualties at 1526 in the 10-minute havoc, leaving a deep impact on the course of independence struggle in India.) Other pundits tried to explain that his March 7 speech itself was the UDI, and he did not have to make a separate one on the night of March 25/26, 1971, in an effort to undermine the declaration of independence Major Ziaur Rahman made at Kalurghat radio station, Chittagong on March 27, 1971. Was it not then strange that Sheikh Mujib went to negotiate with the Pakistani leaders from March 15 to 24, 1971 to chalk out the future of Pakistan? He even retorted to the inquisitive reporters as late as on the morning of March 25 that he was not a fool to continue the dialogue if there was no progress. (Please see Ittefaq, Pakistan Observer and other dailies of March 26, 27, 1971). Little did he know that President Yahya and his cohorts had already left Dhaka, leaving instructions to start Operation Searchlight aimed at annihilating the Bengalis. The same night, he was flown to Karachi, his family remaining in safe custody of the Pakistan military. Apparently, Sheikh Hasina was a happy young girl then; she conceived Joy around that time. Mujib Warned of Pakistani Crackdown Plan According to a source, Captain Amin Ahmed Chowdhury (now retired Major General) brought a message from Lt Col M R Chowdhury, Major Ziaur Rahman, Captain Rafiqul Islam and others in Chittagong to convey to the top political leadership that Pakistanis were planning a crackdown on the Bengalis soon and they sought advice. Upon receipt of the message through Col M A G Osmani on March 17, 1971, the Sheikh ignored the warning and continued his dealings with the Pakistanis. As such, following questions do arise in the minds of common people: • Sheikh Mujib had the opportunity to make UDI on March 7, 1971, but he did not. • Sheikh Mujib went on to negotiate on March 15 with the Pakistani junta to save Pakistan, having earlier said 'ebarer sangram swadhinatar sangram……….' • Sheikh Mujib was warned of the Pakistan military build up in East Pakistan and their evil designs by the Bengalis elements in the military, as well as then top student leaders, yet he preferred to continue dialogue to maintain Pakistan's unity. • Ominous landings of planes and ships loaded with troops and armaments in East Pakistan were no secret. How come a seasoned politician like Sheikh Mujibur Rahman failed to visualize the game plan the Pakistani generals were preparing, unless he was a party to it himself? • When the crackdown started, he was advised by others to leave his residence and go hiding. He preferred to stay and subsequently surrendered to the military on the night of March 25, 1971. His family was allowed to stay at his residence in safe military custody. • A close associate of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman once said, "Sheikh Saheb loved to be arrested. It made him martyr and popular, at the same time staying away from the flashpoints of trouble." (Also see "Witness to Surrender" by Siddiq Salek testifying Sheikh Mujib's several requests to the military authorities in March 1971 to be taken to custody.) • What was Sheikh Mujib woking on—an autonomous East Pakistan or an independent Bangladesh? Yet, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to independent Bangladesh from Pakistani custody on January 10, 1972, he was the most loved person in the country. As one espousing flattery, he was slowly shelved into a cocoon of sycophants and drawn away from the people who once prayed for his welfare and fasted for his recovery from surgery. The common man felt betrayed, and the reasons are not far to seek. Let us revisit the following: Rakkhi Bahini This draconian force, created at the advice of India and under the personal control of Sheikh Mujib, was extensively used to eliminate any political opposition to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his administration. Anyone not towing the official line was either thrown in the prison or eliminated. According to various estimates about 40,000 political adversaries were killed during the Mujib rule. In an apparent admission to the crime, Sheikh Mujib bragged on the parliament floor, "Kothay akhon Siraj Sikdar (where is Siraj Sikdar now)?" He was referring to the popular leftist leader who was killed in police custody. Sufferers still shudder at the thought of the atrocities committed by the Rakkhi Bahini. That was the golden rule! Man-made Famine Almost half a million people perished in the man-made famine of 1974-75. There was no dearth of relief materials but those did not reach the needy. They were kept hoarded by then ruling circle and were dispensed on political expediency or sold in the black market. Struggles between humans and animals for eatables in the waste were common sight in the cities. At night, most part of Dhaka city was carpeted by emaciated destitute, with connected social vices. Dead bodies were deprived of the minimal burial rites. At the same time, people witnessed the royal style weddings and birthday ceremonies at the Gonobhaban, the official residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. (Please see NY Times of December 13 and 24, 1974). That was the administrative efficiency! Emergency Not being able to cope with the growing opposition to his rule, Sheikh Mujib clamped emergency in December 1974. Fundamental rights were suspended, political activities totally banned, all but 4 government controlled newspapers closed. That was the freedom! 4th Amendment/Presidential Rule In January 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made himself the President, changing the constitution through 4th amendment in just 20 minutes without any debate. He thus amassed all state powers to himself, making him the unchallenged dictator. That was the democracy! BAKSAL/One-Party Dictatorship In early 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman formed Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, virtually an extension of his ruling Awami League. All other political parties were banned and people were forced to join the BAKSAL. For the first time, members of the military and bureaucracy were politicized by allowing them to join the new party. 61 BAKSAL governors with party officials were to be installed in the districts on September 1, 1975 with a view to running the country in a Russian commissar style. That was the dream people fought and gave blood for! People Sought Relief It was a suffocating situation in the country and people wanted relief, and the soonest before it was too late. They looked towards the patriotic elements of the military, which could not ignore their call and a need for national survival. The military response came in the form of the August 15, 1975 REVOLUTION. It was regrettable that a few persons on both sides including, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, died in the pre-dawn short military action on the day. I am, however, not aware of the circumstances under which those casualties took place. At the same time, one may comprehend that casualties in such an action of historic proportion could not be unexpected. According to a foreign judge, the death of 22 persons on August 15, 1975 outweighed the benefit the coup brought to the nation where political killings and extra judicial deaths were routine. The 22 deaths perhaps stopped deaths of thousands that would have been committed had there not been August 15, 1975. Public Jubilation The August 15 action was hailed by the entire nation, locally and outside. There were jubilant processions all over the country, even ignoring the curfew at the time, Shukrana prayers were offered and sweets were distributed in happiness. People said 'Al-hamdulillah', not 'Innalillah'. International community, including major powers and India, recognized the new government immediately. These are no fictional stories. If one visits the newspaper archives and opens the pages of issues of the time, one will find the truth and much more. On August 15 this year, when the senior Awami leaders and their followers will shed crocodile tears for the man-god they are trying to make of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I would like to ask the following questions to them: • Why did they fail to protests the 'killing' of Sheikh Mujibur Rahamn at that time? • Why did the army, navy, airforce, BDR, police and Rakkhi Bahini fail to counterattack and crush the coup leaders, if the coup was perpetrated by a 'few disgruntled officers' as the court opined? • Why did the chiefs of army, navy, air force, BDR, police and Rakkhi Bahini rush to the new president on the morning of August 15, 1971 to express their support to the coup and publicly announce their allegiance to his administration? • Wasn't the new cabinet of President Khandakar Mushataque Ahmed formed entirely of the Awami League members of parliament? • Why none of the coup leaders took any leadership position in the new administration or sought elevation in ranks even though they had the chance to do so? Appeal to the Nation Before you evaluate the coup of August 15, 1975, please walk back the memory lane to the early period of Bangladesh and visualize if it saved the nation from the heavy hands of a repressive regime or it betrayed the national aspiration. In fact, the August 15, 1975 action bailed the nation out of a virtual collapse and retrieved democracy from the evils a one-party dictatorship. If Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is determined to avenge the death of her father, no logic will deter her. But she, or anybody for that matter, can not call the coup leaders 'killers'. They will remain 'Surja Santans' of the nation, even if they are taken to the gallows. History will recognize their contribution. And at that moment, Honorable Judges, will you be able to give back their heads? Will you then be prepared to take responsibility for the miscarriage of justice and be condemned in history? If Hasina hangs the Surja Santans, she could not do it in isolation. The whole military and all the law enforcing agencies, and in fact the entire nation that supported the coup on August 15, 1975 should be taken to the gallows. As we are mourning or celebrating the August 15 this year, we need to walk back to the period of 1972-1975 of Bangladesh and judge Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his deeds and fallacies. And then see why August 15, 1975 was called for. Author: A O Chowdhury NY, USA |
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