It is abnormal that the conflict did not occur earlier
Imtiaz Ahmed, professor of international relations at the University of Dhaka talks to Mushfique Wadud about the recent tensions in the Chittagong Hill Tracts area
Recently, we saw an episode of violence surface in the Chittagong Hill Tracts area. Despite having a peace accord signed in 1997, how do you interpret the occurrence of such violence?
I think the occurrence of such a conflict in the CHT area is not abnormal. Rather, it is abnormal that the conflict did not occur earlier. The agreement was signed in 1997. From that time till date, I have not seen any qualitative change in this area which can create an atmosphere of trust between the hill people and the Bengali settlers. The BNP government did not show any interest towards the agreement. The Awami League that signed the agreement also did not do anything to implement the accord. Not much was done to create an atmosphere of trust there. No mentionable change in terms of development is visible.
The lack of trust between the two groups is the main problem. I think it is the civil society's responsibility to create an atmosphere of trust. The political society will create rules and regulations, and control the law and order situation. On the other hand, the civil society will create an atmosphere of trust with the help of education, the role of media and different cultural organisations. Unless we can build the trust, we cannot solve the problem. We can have a short term solution with the security force's intervention but for a long term solution, the atmosphere of trust between the two groups is essential.
It is said that outside factors are responsible for influencing the conflict in the CHT area. What is your take on it?
There might be some external factors involved in the CHT conflict. But I think, in any situation, if the internal factors are weak, the external factors will automatically gain the advantage. I do not think the external factors come first. If you have trust and unity at your home, no one can harm you. But when there are tensions inside, the external factors inevitably take advantage of it. The CHT situation is no different. If there is disunity between people, a part of it will welcome the external forces.
It has been thirteen years since the Peace Accord was signed, but it has yet to be implemented. What, in your opinion, are the reasons behind the delay?
The political parties are not serious about it. In Bangladesh, democracy is election centered. The CHT area is not a big enough factor to influence the outcome of an election for any party. There are only three constituencies in the region. So the political parties are not worried about the problems of the area. The land issue is also one of the main hindrances for the implementation of the peace accord. In the CHT area, the two groups – hill people and the Bengali settlers are both marginalised. The hill people are marginalised in four ways – politically, socially, economically and intellectually. On the other hand, the Bengali people are marginalised in terms of economics and intellectuality. Two marginalised groups always create tension. The government did not allow the use of cell phones there for a long time. When you think that you are different from others, you will want to separate. So, the more we integrate them with the mainstream population, the more likely it is that the problem will be resolved.
The UPDF was established and gained in popularity after the signing of the Peace Accord. This is highlighted upon by a section of people, to show that there were inherent problems in the Peace Accord. What is your take on it?
No agreement in this world can find a hundred per cent consensus. There is always one group who are dissatisfied with the agreement and they try to exert pressure or want to fight unless their demand is fulfilled. The politics of UPDF is that they think that the accord was signed very quickly without considering a few aspects. UPDF could only gain popularity so long as the accord remained unimplemented. Unfortunately, the government has done nothing redress the situation.
A section of people believe that the decision to withdraw the military forces played an important part in sparking the recent conflict. What is your take on it?
Firstly, the military withdrawal was a temporary withdrawal from the camp. The cantonment was not withdrawn. That does not mean that the military cannot go back to the area. The military went there during the recent violence. I think it is the police's responsibility to control the law and order situation. Military intervention is the last resort. Did the government send the military in to the other parts of the country in cases of conflict? Military's training is to target enemies, destroy it and return to the cantonment. The presence of military forces there signals a political failure. The military's presence there has a historical background as the Shanti Bahini was embroiled in an armed struggle. But that is not the case now. I think military's presence permanently in the area will destroy the atmosphere of trust.
What are the immediate tasks for the government now to tackle the situation? What is your suggestion?
The immediate task is to improve the law and order situation. For that, a volunteer group can be created in which Bengali and hill people can participate. The volunteer group will hold meetings between the two groups of people. The volunteer force can be from the political parties as well. The volunteer groups can also solve other disputes. Then there has to be a long term plan. There must be development in the area. Government can build industries in the area. Also, cultural development is inevitable. The responsible ministry should have the vision for the development. When the hill people will see that they have employment, development, shopping centers and other modern systems, they will not go for the armed struggle.
I think the occurrence of such a conflict in the CHT area is not abnormal. Rather, it is abnormal that the conflict did not occur earlier. The agreement was signed in 1997. From that time till date, I have not seen any qualitative change in this area which can create an atmosphere of trust between the hill people and the Bengali settlers. The BNP government did not show any interest towards the agreement. The Awami League that signed the agreement also did not do anything to implement the accord. Not much was done to create an atmosphere of trust there. No mentionable change in terms of development is visible.
The lack of trust between the two groups is the main problem. I think it is the civil society's responsibility to create an atmosphere of trust. The political society will create rules and regulations, and control the law and order situation. On the other hand, the civil society will create an atmosphere of trust with the help of education, the role of media and different cultural organisations. Unless we can build the trust, we cannot solve the problem. We can have a short term solution with the security force's intervention but for a long term solution, the atmosphere of trust between the two groups is essential.
It is said that outside factors are responsible for influencing the conflict in the CHT area. What is your take on it?
There might be some external factors involved in the CHT conflict. But I think, in any situation, if the internal factors are weak, the external factors will automatically gain the advantage. I do not think the external factors come first. If you have trust and unity at your home, no one can harm you. But when there are tensions inside, the external factors inevitably take advantage of it. The CHT situation is no different. If there is disunity between people, a part of it will welcome the external forces.
It has been thirteen years since the Peace Accord was signed, but it has yet to be implemented. What, in your opinion, are the reasons behind the delay?
The political parties are not serious about it. In Bangladesh, democracy is election centered. The CHT area is not a big enough factor to influence the outcome of an election for any party. There are only three constituencies in the region. So the political parties are not worried about the problems of the area. The land issue is also one of the main hindrances for the implementation of the peace accord. In the CHT area, the two groups – hill people and the Bengali settlers are both marginalised. The hill people are marginalised in four ways – politically, socially, economically and intellectually. On the other hand, the Bengali people are marginalised in terms of economics and intellectuality. Two marginalised groups always create tension. The government did not allow the use of cell phones there for a long time. When you think that you are different from others, you will want to separate. So, the more we integrate them with the mainstream population, the more likely it is that the problem will be resolved.
The UPDF was established and gained in popularity after the signing of the Peace Accord. This is highlighted upon by a section of people, to show that there were inherent problems in the Peace Accord. What is your take on it?
No agreement in this world can find a hundred per cent consensus. There is always one group who are dissatisfied with the agreement and they try to exert pressure or want to fight unless their demand is fulfilled. The politics of UPDF is that they think that the accord was signed very quickly without considering a few aspects. UPDF could only gain popularity so long as the accord remained unimplemented. Unfortunately, the government has done nothing redress the situation.
A section of people believe that the decision to withdraw the military forces played an important part in sparking the recent conflict. What is your take on it?
Firstly, the military withdrawal was a temporary withdrawal from the camp. The cantonment was not withdrawn. That does not mean that the military cannot go back to the area. The military went there during the recent violence. I think it is the police's responsibility to control the law and order situation. Military intervention is the last resort. Did the government send the military in to the other parts of the country in cases of conflict? Military's training is to target enemies, destroy it and return to the cantonment. The presence of military forces there signals a political failure. The military's presence there has a historical background as the Shanti Bahini was embroiled in an armed struggle. But that is not the case now. I think military's presence permanently in the area will destroy the atmosphere of trust.
What are the immediate tasks for the government now to tackle the situation? What is your suggestion?
The immediate task is to improve the law and order situation. For that, a volunteer group can be created in which Bengali and hill people can participate. The volunteer group will hold meetings between the two groups of people. The volunteer force can be from the political parties as well. The volunteer groups can also solve other disputes. Then there has to be a long term plan. There must be development in the area. Government can build industries in the area. Also, cultural development is inevitable. The responsible ministry should have the vision for the development. When the hill people will see that they have employment, development, shopping centers and other modern systems, they will not go for the armed struggle.
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