The Government vs. the Party
The government in power and the ruling party play a complementary role -- in good times and bad. Currently, however, a lack of coordination and a distance has grown between the Awami League government and the Awami League party. This has been hampering the progress of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's dream for a digital Bangladesh...
by ANWAR PARVEZ HALIM
Both in the government and the party, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina remains at the top, the centre of power. Her decision is the last word. She may have half a dozen advisors, but their recommendations hardly count. At least this is what several quarters claim.
Actually Sheikh Hasina's nature is to take on any crisis as a challenge. This is all very evident in the actions she has taken over the recent past -- the candidates she selected for the parliamentary elections, her formation of a cabinet with new and young faces, inducting these young ones into Awami League's central committee at the risk of angering the veteran heavyweights of the party. All this warrants due attention because they point to her propensity to take on mammoth challenges without a hint of hesitation.
Sixteen months have passed since the inception of Sheikh Hasina's government and stock is being taken of how far her dreams have approached reality in this time. If one is to believe the opposition, then the government has been a total failure, but then the opposition's word will always be taken with more than a pinch of salt. Again, there are the deprived leaders within Awami League, irate and upset at being sidelined. They have their fair share of barbs against the government, though they naturally prefer to remain anonymous. They are angry with the Prime Minister, her ministers and the MPs. Then there are the voters who elected Awami League to power and who are none to happy at the failures of the government so far.
The media plays a vital role too. Nothing remains under covers. A rickshaw-walla on the streets, a housewife in her home and an expatriate Bangladeshi worker toiling in some far off land, all know what is happening in the country, what the ministers are saying and what they are doing. The violence, crime and extortion of the ruling party and its fronts, particularly its student front Chhatra League, are no secret. This was not to be. Where have things gone wrong? The Prime Minister is intent on clearing up the mess and taking the nation forward. So wherein lies the problem?
The squeaky new cabinet
The decisive 1/11, when the military-backed government of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed took over power, really brought doom down on the politicians' heads. Instigated by General Moeen and his associates, 'reformists' within the party were programmed to bring down Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia, in the so-called 'minus two' move. Reports of these activities, both on video and audio recordings, were provided to the two leaders in jail. Having identified her foes, Sheikh Hasina dropped over 50 senior tried-and-tested leaders of the party from the election. As a result, other than Motia Chowdhury, Muhit and a few others, the rest of the cabinet are all comparatively young and new. They are inexperienced in international dealings of the government, functioning in the global context and even in national politics. The politics of some of them have been restricted to a district and upazila level so far. So now sitting in cabinet, they find themselves rather overwhelmed. Their words and their actions do not tally. There is a sense of unrest all over. Spewing out off-the-cuff statements, these inexperienced ministers are simply sinking the government into a deeper quagmire.
Take for instance the recent hullabaloo over the film industry. Over the past decade or so the local film industry had been stuck in a rut and in recent years it had been endeavouring to revive itself. At this juncture, Commerce Minister Col. (retd.) Faruk Khan suddenly announced that the market was opening up to Indian films which from now on could be imported and screened freely. This decision was immediately met with an avalanche of protests. When it came to the Prime Minister's attention, she immediately cancelled the decision.
Then there is the upward spiral of the price of essentials. Over the last 16 months the Commerce Minister has failed to activate Trading Corporation of Bangladesh (TCB) though the Prime Minister had been sincere in taking TCB to the doorsteps of the people. The month of Ramadan is not all that far off, but the Commerce Minister remains silent.
The State Minister for Environment is eager to shut down the ship-breaking industry to protect the environment. The question being raised is, why close down a thriving industry which is earning so much? Why not install safety measures to ensure that the environment is safeguarded instead? Neighbouring countries have done so.
Many compare the statements of Home Minister Sahara Khatun with those of a certain Home Minister of the alliance government. In the meantime, while Chhatra League hooligans run rampant in Bogra, Barisal and other places of the country, creating a realm of terror, the State Minister of this ministry blithely declares that all is well and law and order is under control.
As for the War Crimes investigating body, it would have been prudent for the Prime Minister's Advisor Dr. Alauddin Ahmed to have avoided being so vocal about the head of this body Abdul Matin being a Chhatra Sangha member in the past. He could have dealt with the matter quietly without causing the government so much embarrassment.
Again with the exception of Motia Chowdhury and a few others, allegations of corruption have been levelled against several of the ministers. A certain state minister elected from Dhaka is said to have already bought himself a house in London.
Analysts state, there is no alternative to proper qualifications and efficiency in the smooth running of government. An Awami League leader says, "The ministers of Sheikh Hasina's past government were long experienced in politics. They had good vibes with the opposition too. There was coordination among them so they could discuss on a personal level before taking decisions. There were no contradictions in their statements. And as they were national-level leaders, the grassroots level leaders of the party were loyal to them. This is sadly lacking today.
Fallout of enhanced authority for MPs
According to a certain Awami League leader, among the 267 MPs of Awami League, about 130 are not directly involved in the party's politics. Many of the MPs have been born and raised in Dhaka. They hardly know much about their own constituencies. They have no idea about the local leaders and workers of their areas. Yet this time the power and facilities for the MPs have been increased manifold. They are receiving plots, cars and office facilities in Dhaka and in their constituencies. They have been given PS and APS's to assist them. Other than test relief and Food for Work funds, each MP will be given 15 crore taka in five years to use for development work at their own discretion. Their allowances have been doubled too.
MPs take up all sorts of development work in their constituencies -- having culverts constructed, tubewells and so on. The local leaders and the UP chairmen have no role here. It has been learnt that these new MPSs have been meting out the work to their favoured persons, at the cost of the die-hard party leaders and workers who have been slogging hard and facing all the brickbats of their opponents over the past seven years. As a result, a large section of the party at the grassroots are gradually becoming detached from the party. Then there is the other section who pay no heed to the ministers and MPs and who have unleashed their own rule of corruption and exploitation all over. All this is taking toll on the party.
Local leaders and workers are unhappy with the enhanced authority of the MPs. Awami League has always been active for the local government. Yet now though there are demands resounding all over for UP elections, the government remains mum on this head. Most of the UP chairmen in the country at present are from the opposition BNP. Awami League aspirants for these posts are frustrated. The UP chairmen have been clipped of their powers and this has brought them into direct conflict with the MPs. This does not bode well for governance.
There are allegations that Some MPs collect 'toll money' from various sources in their constituencies. An MP of Netrakona reportedly collects three lac taka everyday from the sand traders there. The local leaders and workers, in disgust, are distancing themselves from the party activities. Or they are directly standing up against the MPs in a show of muscle.
There are rumours that a leader of the mahajote, outside of Awami League, has become a multi-millionaire. Another MP has been accused of collecting huge sums of money for admissions in the capital city's schools and colleges. He has also been accused of taking bribes to give government college teachers their choice postings. The government needs to probe into these matters if it wants to save face.
Centre vs. grassroots
There are many among the motley crowd drawn into the party's central committee by Sheikh Hasina who have not as yet visited Awami League's district organisational units. They are too engrossed in their Dhaka-based affairs of state, particularly the party President's next-in-command, Awami League's General Secretary Syed Ashraful Islam. The party General Secretary is supposed to be involved totally on the party's organisational activities and so is expected to constantly be on the move around the country. The question has naturally arisen as to why such a comfort loving person has been chosen for this office. He has been accused of not giving the party enough time. When leaders from the district come to Dhaka and call upon him, he does not meet them. They leave spurned and angry, sorely feeling the absence of former General Secretary Abdul Jalil.
Due to neglect from the centre, councils have not been held in eleven of the party's organisational districts. Even though the leaders recently visited 50 organisational districts, there remains political stagnancy and conflict all over.
Inner conflicts have also held up the councils of Awami League's eight front organisations -- Jubo League, Schecchashebok League, Krishak League, Mahila League, Mahila Jubo League, Tanti League, Swadhinata Chikitsha Parishad and Awami League Ainjibi Parishad.
A veteran leader of Awami League tells PROBE, "New leadership is bound to come, but not at the expense of the old. The new ones should be tagged along with the old. Experimenting with the new ones is simply hurting the party." He says, "As there is a dearth of qualified and efficient leaders both in the cabinet and the party, the chain of command has collapsed. Internal feuds in Awami League, Jubo League and Chhatra League have crossed all limits. They are fighting under the nose of the ministers. All this is due to lack of leadership.
Awami League's senior experienced leaders feel that simply due to this break in the chain of command, the government is having to go through such travails because of Chhatra League alone. Distancing herself from Chhatra League, the Prime Minister had placed central leaders Jahangir Kabir Nanak, Ahmed Hossain and BM Mozammel Huq in charge of the student body. They have failed to bring it under control. Their 'zero tolerance' policy has fallen flat on its face. Intelligence reports on crime and corruption carry the names of several Chhatra League leaders including the organisation's President. They have been reportedly aiding and abetting various criminal activities. Unfortunately, they remain untouched. Much of the government's achievements are being marred by this wayward student wing.
According to commentators, unless the gap between the government and the party is lessened, the crisis will merely increase. With this burden on her shoulders, it might not be easy for the Prime Minister to face up to the challenges ahead.
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