[ALOCHONA] Re: [Dahuk]: Bloggers dig deep into Peelkhana tragedy

Friends

It is nothing new that BAKSAL never ever talked the truth since they are barred from the same by the mentor HINDUSTAAAN. A person with  minimum IQ would say that the report that was submitted is a concocted,falsified,made up stories to help the main actors remain behind the scene.  Just after the horrendous n gruesome killing,rape(of families),loot n arson lot of investigative news items published in almost all the main stream print/electronic media suggesting serious foul play by some top notcher of the ruling party.

But it is sad that having losing some brilliant and well trained Army Officer of International repute the ruling elites did nothing to dig the truth ibstaed they had been busy spreading hatred against the people who were trying to get the truth.

The tragedy of Bangladesh is that till date we could not feel that we are independent and free to go alone to find our own destiny. We are looking for fathers/mentors beyond the border to strengthen and perpetuate our power grip and this is paving the way for the hidden infiltrator BASTARDS to buy the leaders off n play havoc with every thing. So was the case with the Pilkhana Tragedy.

One most important point to ponder that since taking over the role of "Jonogoner Shebak"( jonogon is feeling the pinch of it by now ???) the BASTARD HINDU STAAANI  BESTIAL FORCE bsf KILLED ABOUT 200 PEOPLE BUT THE "Jonogoner Shebak" SARKAR DID NOT RATHER

COULD NOT PROTEST THE GRUESOME COLD HEADED MURDERS !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!  

The people are asking question where the equation lies ????????????????????????

Still they want us to believe that are only and the only safe guard of our coveted Shadhinata. No absolutely not rather they are gradually binding us in the chain of subjugation in the name of eternal friendship with the BERAST.

Faruque Alamgir

On Fri, Jul 23, 2010 at 8:17 AM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:

 

Bloggers dig deep into Peelkhana tragedy

 

M. Shahidul Islam and Sadeq Khan

 

The timing of the submission of charge sheet of the CID before the trial court of the grisly BDR mutiny and massacre, seventeen months after its occurrence, coincides with a government decision to adopt a 'hard line' to suppress burgeoning opposition agitation. The opposition slogans highlight government failure to contain inflation, including spiralling food prices, and other crises of civic existence like power failures, shortage of gas and water supply, traffic disorder, industrial unrest and awful breakdown of law and order situation.
   

Private enterprises and private householders, they say, are terribly insecure. But the ruling party says the opposition is out on the streets to "foil the war crimes trial." To prevent political capitalisation of the adverse conditions of civic life, the government has put into operation an undeclared emergency rule. Police state tactics are being employed to terrorise opposition activists.
   

A listed number of people are being arrested by using arbitrary police powers, not after finding prima facie culpability by preliminary investigation as laid down in criminal procedure code (CrPC), but with intent to involve them in one or other of many gang cases filed in police records. Forced confessions obtained in oppressively long remands are being used as charges for their further detention, notwithstanding the state's guarantee of a fundamental right that "no person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself", as laid down in the Constitution.
   
   Muffling dissident media
   Some government for muffling dissident sections of the media have also raised eye-brows internationally amongst media freedom watchdogs. Democracy watchdogs like Freedom House and Fund for Peace are also critical of the dysfunctional state of governance in Bangladesh and of abject failings in democratic accommodation by and between the polarised camps of Bangladesh polity. The ruling party's political drive to mobilise 'street power' to buttress propaganda over the war crimes trial process, and its branding of all opposition movements as mischief to derail the war crimes trial, has also given rise to many questions abroad.
  

 Human rights watchdogs and news analysts are sceptical, and suspicious of the government's "political" motive behind the war crimes trial agenda. Diplomatically, foreign governments are sending undisguised messages that for the war crimes trial after forty years of liberation war, and after condoning of the principal perpetrators i.e. the occupation army of Pakistan, to be internationally acceptable, the manner of prosecution and adjudication would have to meet international standards. A multiplex trust-deficit is thus haunting the present administration in Bangladesh, which also compromises the credibility of the CID charge sheet on the BDR mutiny. Lack of credibility has indeed put the CID report on BDR mutiny under critical scrutiny of Bangladesh-watchers, including the expatriate Bangladeshi community and contracted Bangladeshi wage-earners abroad. More than in Dhaka, Bangladeshis in foreign capitals are buzzing with concern over that report.
   
   Credibility gap
   There is yet another dimension to the credibility gap over the manner of investigation and prosecution of BDR mutineers. While at least for the time being, vocal opposition is cowed down by the government's "hard-line", and media criticism remains muffled internally as well as managed externally under the distraction of rapid developments and surprises in geo-politics, the alternate media on the worldwide web remains gaping and articulate, beyond the whips of authority of the Bangladesh government.
   
   Alternate media
   The alternate media has been spitting fire and frenzy through web communication over the Peelkhana massacre, the impact of which is unmistakable on the young minds of bloggers and Internet enthusiasts in Bangladesh and outside. In their eyes, it is not the BDR mutineers but their connections inside governing elite of Bangladesh who should be on the dock. To give just one example of the heat being generated on the issue by Internet aficionados, we quote Taher Mia from Richmond, U.S.A.
   

Posting from his email address: taher197554@yahoo.com on March 30, 2010, Taher dismissed the flurry of publicity over the departmental courts trying various sections of BDR mutineers around the country as "eyewash", since the BDR courts under the Act was only mandated to punish indiscipline, the maximum punishment being confinement for two years and/or dismissal, in effect rendering any felony compounding the act of indiscipline to simply conduct unbecoming of a man in BDR uniform. Taher observed: "Some poor BDR soldiers are going to be made scapegoats in order to protect the main culprits. Some misguided BDR soldiers and non-commissioned officers were lured to take part in carrying out the heinous crime against humanity."
   
   Puzzling misgivings
   He put forward a number of misgivings as his puzzle:
   1. Why did the Prime Minister and Defence Minister Sheikh Hasina, and the Army Chief of Staff Gen. Moyeen U Ahmed, not allow the Bangladesh Army, RAB, or the police to try to crush the uprising? Most retired army officers opined that it would have taken less than an hour for the rebellion to be crushed.
   2. Why did the Prime Minister spend hours together negotiating with the rebels, but did never ask about the whereabouts of the BDR DG and other Bangladesh Army officers. The negotiations and the declaration of amnesty encouraged BDR units in border outposts to rebel too, so that they do not miss the prizes of a 'successful' rebellion.
   3. The Prime Minister's security did not record the names and addresses of the rebels who went to meet her. Is this not very unusual?
   Safe passage for escape
   4. Indian TV channels ran news of the killings in Peelkhana before the local television media could even pick up the news. Is this not very unusual?
   5. Fazle Noor Tapash MP asked the residents to vacate the civilian residential quarters around Peelkhana. He advised that if Peelkhana was stormed by the Army, the rebels would retaliate by shelling civilian targets around.
   The Army was prevented from storming Peelkhana by the same excuse. In effect, the vacant residential quarters around Peelkhana provided the mutineers safe passage for escape.
   6. Home Minister Sahara Khatun went to the BDR headquarters several times, but did never inquire about the condition of the officers, or their families. Nanak and Azam, Members of Parliament, also met the rebels several times, but did never ask about the conditions of the officers and their families.
   7. The rebels had non-stop telephonic conversations with Tapash on the 25th and 26th of February 2009. The rebels also communicated with senior AL leader & MP Sheikh Selim and many other AL leaders time and again using mobile phones. Is this not political conduct?
   8. The rebels reviled the army officers entrapped by them while targeting their guns at them repeating the following words over and over again: ''You army officers killed Bangabandhu; you people killed Sheikh Kamal; you killed Sheikh Jamal; Sheikh Russel; you killed Sheikh Moni; you killed Tajuddin Ahmed-Monsur Ali-Syed Nazrul Islam-Kamruzzaman; you are sons of bitches -- none of you will be spared.'' Is this not politically inspired and tutored tirade?
   9. Not long after the Peelkhana killings Awami League leaders started to say that most of the army officers that were killed belonged to the Awami League family. How could there be any political allegiance amongst the members of a professional army? A few days ago (28 March, 2010) the Prime Minister herself said that out of the 57 army officers killed in Peelkhana, 37 belonged to Awami League families. Retired army officers are aghast at such attempts to politically divide the army.
   
   Discrepancies, defaults
   Other bloggers, less incisive than Taher, have pointed out several discrepancies and glaring defaults in the CID final report on the BDR mutiny:
   An arrested sepoy Ashraful had disclosed to the enquiry commission led by retired civil servant Anisuzzaman, and also to the army-led investigators that the decision to launch the mutiny, as well as to kill so many officers, was taken on February 24 in the presence of a ruling party MP who is related to a very senior leader of the party. This information is said to be contained in both the army-led investigation and in the government-sponsored Anisuzzaman Commission reports unofficially posted in Face book and other webpage's. It has not been followed up in CID report.
   
   Foreign commandos, truck
   Internet postings, reproduced in Bangladesh media, also noted the reported arrival in Sylhet on or by January 11, 2009 of some foreign commandos. There were speculations in the media including the Internet that they were there in BDR headquarters half-masked during the mutiny, and had entered into the Peelkhana compound at about 8.15 AM on February 25 through gate No 4 mounted on a BDR vehicle (Bedford) which a designated DAD is said to have arranged to send for them. This patent geo-political lead also appears to have been totally disregarded.
   

The CID investigation also overlooked, Internet postings suggest, the role of another vehicle, an ash-colour pickup van, which carried the initially used arms and ammunitions from outside, within minutes of the entry into the Peelkhana compound of the aforesaid Bedford truck. Some of those 'foreign arms' were left behind by mutineers, and discovered amongst the regular BDR weaponry abandoned by the escapees. Major Awal of the Army and Lt. Ashiquzzaman of the Navy recorded their discovery in the arms recovery list.
   

A number of bloggers have simply inferred that the CID report is but a shabby exercise. So serious an occurrence as a war of insurrection against the state, and accompanied felonies of mass murder rape and plunder including arms smuggling, cannot be treated merely as a collective bargaining 'gherao' gone wrong in a law-enforcement agency under the Home Ministry. Nor should suspicions of foreign and local agents conspiring to destroy our armed forces be ignored.
   

If something, such bloggers say, looks suspicious, smells suspicious and seems suspicious, it must be probed. That is the common sense approach. When such suspicions involve attempts, in this case ruthlessly executed on the ground, to eliminate some elite members of our defence forces and to demoralise our defence establishment and border surveillance in totality, not to speak of the destabilising repercussion on the society as a whole, it is the government's bounden duty to vigorously follow up all leads and all suspicions to unmask those behind the terrible occurrence of Peelkhana massacre are thoroughly exposed and decisively addressed.

 

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