Eviction of Khaleda Zia: Latest in Hasina's Zia Phobia!
Friday November 26 2010 20:54:31 PM BDT
By Obaid Chowdhury, USA
Begum Khaleda Zia, Chairperson of the BNP and Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament was evicted from her cantonment residence on November 13, 2010. From the television footage, her ouster did not seem a peaceful one, nor was it a voluntary action as claimed by the Inter Service Public Relations (ISPR).
The ISPR press release on the issue had much to be desired and left many questions unanswered. Incidentally, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wazed is the Defense Minister under whom the ISPR falls. No wonder she was seen enjoying the Nero's grin when her 'arch enemy' was being publicly humiliated. The way the judiciary, administration and Awami cadres took up the issue, it appeared that it was a crisis matter of the highest order and must be resolved immediately if the nation were to survive! Some top Ministers and Awami stalwarts shrugged at the final episode to indicate that it was a judicial matter and the government had nothing to do in its process. One can FOOL one person all time, some persons sometime, but NOT ALL PERSONS ALL TIMES. Members of public know on whose direction those steps were taken; they understand the credentials of the learned judges who gave the verdict on the issue; they are clear about the loyalty of the Law Minister and the Attorney General, as well as the enthusiasm of the Home Minister.
Then Brigadier Ziaur Rahman was allocated House No. 6 on Shaheed Moinul Road in the Dhaka Cantonment after he took over as the Deputy Chief of Army Staff in June 1972. He continued to stay in the same house when he became the army chief in 1975 and retired as a Lieutenant General to become the President in 1977. Ziaur Rahman was killed in 1981 and his bereaved family was allowed to stay in the house under a government order. Later, President H M Ershad granted the ownership of the house to Begum Khaleda Zia as a token of the nation's respect and gratitude to the assassinated president. Begum Zia and her family had been living in the house for nearly 4 decades and nobody raised any question about its legality. However, things changed since Sheikh Hasina Wazed started her second inning in the helm of Bangladeshi affaires in January 2009. It looks like her singular mission this time is to destroy Zia's image and Zia's family.
(Please see an earlier article "Hasina's Zia Phobia", copy appended below for ready reference)
Mystery still shrouds the assassination of President Ziaur Rahman on May 31, 1981. Zia was leading Bangladesh to a self-assertive road, much to the discomfort of India, which invested so heavily for its creation before, during and after 1971. India always desired Bangladesh to be integrated with its northeastern region for political, economic and strategic advantages. Zia posed a big challenge in that design. Most analysts, therefore, believed that the RAW (Research and Analysis Wing---the CIA of India) had a hand in Zia's killing. They also suspected the connivance of India-trained then army Chief Lieutenant General H M Ershad; Major General M A Manzur, then Chittagong Area Commander, was just a scapegoat in the killing. Zia allowed Sheikh Hasina to return from her self-exile in India only a few weeks earlier; and intriguingly, Hasina was caught trying to flee to Agartala in India following Zia's assassination! "Amar Phasi Chai" of Motiur Rahman Rentu—one-time close aide of Sheikh Hasina---gives some insight to the conspiracy theory in Zia-killing.
Awami League and its sponsors tried to eliminate Ziaur Rahman; but look, over two million people gathered at his funeral, an unprecedented event in Bangladesh! That spoke of the love and respects Zia the man commanded over the people of Bangladesh.
Circumstances forced Begum Khaleda Zia to join politics and carry her late husband's mission forward. Ershad and Hasina joined hands in the late 1980s to thwart that. (See "Democracy and the Challenge of Development" by Maudud Ahmad and the 'box of crores' from Ershad to Hasina in Sheikh Selim's Statement). The result was Khaleda came out as the 'Uncompromising Leader' in the face of all odds, repeated humiliations and harassments. During the elections in 1991, following the ouster of Ershad, Zia the leader, along with Khaleda Zia, became the issue. "Zia Tumi Acho Mishe, Shara Banglar Dhaner Shishe" created magic in peoples' mind and they voted BNP overwhelmingly. Hasina's anti-Zia slogans and activities boomeranged.
In 1996, Sheikh Hasina managed to win majority and form the government, thanks to helping hands from the Election Commission under Abu Hena (a die-hard Awami supporter), sections of bureaucracy and media, of course, not discounting an ever active RAW behind them all. Sheikh Hasina spent much of her energy during her first administration in her two oft-quoted promises: rehabilitating the image of her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and hanging his killers. She largely succeeded in her dual missions. At the same time, she tried to demean, defame and obliterate everything Zia, Begum Zia or BNP did. The public response was shown in rejecting her in the next election in 2001.
In the elections to be held in January 2007, Sheikh Hasina perceived that BNP-led alliance was heading for another victory, so she started all out disturbance activities---at huge loss to men and materials--- to foil the election on various pretexts. At that point, our great 'patriot' and self-promoted General Moeen U Ahmad came forward to salvage the situation by declaring 'Emergency' and running a martial law-type administration for the next two years. He did not make any secret of his love for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his Awami League while detest for the BNP which installed him as army chief in the first place, superseding a few seniors on the recommendation of his old pal Major Syeed Eskandar, brother of Khaleda Zia. Royal-style treatment and a cavalry gift to Moeen in India point to an underhand horse-trade. It was widely believed that the Moeen backed Caretaker administration worked to see Hasina's Awami League win the election they masterminded on December 29, 2008, a fact later publicly admitted by Hasina's newfound 'brother' and Jote partner Ershad.
Saddled in power and backed by her sponsors, Hasina started a crusade to demolish Zia, his family and the BNP that is in opposition now. While she nullified nearly 7000 cases, ranging from corruption to murder, against her and her party members, she not only strengthened those against the opposition leaders but also continued to institute, almost on a daily basis, new cases against them, particularly Khaleda and her two sons Tarek Zia and Afrafat Zia. Tarek and Arafat are currently recuperating in London and Singapore from the severe physical and mental damages they suffered due to inhuman torture inflicted on them by Moeen's goons. The administration of Hasina is issuing daily warnings to the effect that these two Zia-sons would be sent to the torture cell again if they dared to return home, surely serving another punishing dose to their mother Khaleda too.
Zia's name has been removed from the Dhaka International Airport---after 30 years---, his murals had been destroyed wherever they existed, nameplates bearing his name were taken off from every public place; even there was a muted conspiracy to dismantle his Mazaar near the Sangsad Bhaban. Zia's presidency---which stood as a stark contrast to her father's disastrously repressive period from 1972 to 1975---has been wiped off the history of Bangladesh by re-writing the constitution and eliminating his period of administration, thanks to a compliant judiciary. That is not all; Awami leaders 'discovered' Zia to be an agent of Pakistan during our liberation war in 1971!
(Please read another article "Ziaur Rahman: A Pakisatni Spy!" below)
Evicting Khaleda Zia from her residence after 4 decades is the latest example of Hasina's Zia phobia. We read in Science, 'every action has an equal and opposite reaction'; the theory has been found working in politics too. In case of Zia---to defame or demonize him---, it had always been an overwhelming opposite reaction. Madam Prime Minister, you cannot FOOL the public forever. They made a mistake---rightly or wrongly---on December 29, 2008; they are now waiting for the next chance to correct that mistake, as well as revive Zia with rejuvenated honor and respect he deserves.
Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA
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Hasina's Zia Phobia
In a cabinet meeting on February 15, 2010, the 'mohajote' government led by Awami League decided that anything bearing the name of the late president Ziaur Rahman would be eliminated, be that Zia International Airport or the name Ziaur Rahman in school textbooks. The decision was said to be in compliance with the Supreme Court verdict to void the 5th amendment of the constitution. It was not understood, however, what Fifth Amendment has to do with removing Zia's name from Dhaka International Airport. Earlier, Zia's announcement of independence in March 1971 was nullified by another court order. Yet earlier, Zia's murals and pictures had been destroyed or erased from public places. The people in general did not seem to approve these vindictive partisan behaviors. It was a manifestation of immaturity and politics of hatred and vengeance, they commented. One may not be surprised if the Zia Mazaar is destroyed, renamed or even reassigned to someone else too!
There is an old saying that British Parliament can do anything except making a man a woman and vice versa. Looks like the current Mohajote parliament can do anything; ram rolling its decisions irrespective of logic, relevance or public acceptance. If it says Zia did not exist, so be it. If there was no Zia, there should be no Zia Mazaar either. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had already made insinuating remarks to the effect that Zia Mazaar was a fake one; it did not contain Zia's body. Obviously she has been saying all these on the strength of her almost 90% ownership of the parliament and on the notion of 'I am the law'! However, 70 million voters---majority (52%) of whom did not vote for Awami League in the last elections--will keep counting for their time to come again, nonetheless.
The Zia phobia in Sheikh Hasina and her cohorts can perhaps be explained by a few factors, within and outside.
Zia outdid Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by declaring the independence of Bangladesh on March 27, 1971. Mujib himself never disputed that historic reality, although his grudge against Zia was displayed by appointing Zia's junior K M Safiullah as the army chief. Mujib followers, however, could never digest the fact that an unknown 'Major Zia' stole the show by making that announcement which according to them ought to have come from their supreme leader. Let us revisit our recent past history to put the matter in correct perspective.
Nobody denies Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's contribution to the independence of Bangladesh. He ascended the position of an undisputed leader in East Pakistan in the late 1960s, mainly through his 6-Point program that was primarily crafted for full autonomy for East Pakistan. Interestingly, a few names came up for authorship of the 6 Points---it included a few former Bengali civil servants and Altaf Gauhar, the powerful Information Secretary during President Ayub's time. However, 6 Points were neither original nor innovative. Demands for the autonomy or independence had its roots in the original Lahore Resolution of 1940, which mentioned 'independent Muslim homelands', as well as during the decade-old constitutional crisis of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956 (Please see "The Separation of East Pakistan" by Hasan Zaheer). Sheikh Mujib's struggle had been for the autonomy of East Pakistan. Never did he say a word about an independent East Pakistan or Bangladesh. Even his famous March 7, 1971 speech fell short of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). That the March 7 speech could not be considered an UDI was borne by the fact that Sheikh Mujib went on to negotiate with the Pakistani military junta from March 15 to 24, 1971 in Dhaka favoring a unified Pakistan. In fact, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani first hinted of an independent East Pakistan as early as in 1957 and spoke it with finality in December 1970.
On March 1, 1971, President Yahya Khan postponed the inaugural session of the new parliament, to be held in Dhaka in two days. The student leaders and a section of Awami League had since been pressurizing Mujib to make the UDI. Mujib refused to do any such thing, not even on March 7, despite generation of much public hype on that day. He finished his 17- minute speech with Joy Bangla and Joy Pakistan, because he still believed in a united Pakistan and wanted to form the next government in Islamabad.
It was, however, strange that being a seasoned politician, Mujib failed to visualize the game plan of the junta that was amassing military power in East Pakistan, ostensibly in preparation for a showdown. A representative from Lt Col M R Chowdhury, Major Ziaur Rahman and others in Chittagong conveyed to him on March 17 about the ominous military built up there and sought immediate advice, further hinting that Bengali elements were ready to strike before they were attacked. As always, Mujib never took military seriously and reportedly balked at the representative not to take any preemptive action at a time when he was engaged in 'fruitful' talks with the West Pakistani leaders. A visionary, strategic and timely direction at that crucial time could have saved lives of hundreds of thousand innocent Bengalis.
On March 25, President Yahya quietly left Dhaka, leaving instructions to 'butcher' Lt General Tikka Khan to start Operation Searchlight the same night aimed at 'teaching the Bengalis a lesson' or in other words, annihilating them. Yet on the same day, Mujib retorted at the inquisitive journalists that he was making progress in 'talks' and he had a meeting scheduled with Yahya soon (Please see Ittefaq, Observer, Dawn and many other newspapers of March 26, 27, 1971). Meanwhile, the rumor of Operation Searchlight spread outside the Dhaka cantonment and people started fleeing the city or preparing for resistance. Top political and student leaders were on the run knowing that they would be the immediate targets of the military. Many of them requested Sheikh Mujib to move to a safe location but Mujib did not care, perhaps he had his own plans. According to a source, a few student leaders led by A S M Abdur Rob went to Mujib that night with a written declaration of independence. Sheikh Mujib was coerced to sign it. Rob can explain if it was a fact and what happened to that declaration, if any.
There were reports that Mujib talked with the US ambassador Joseph Farland in Islamabad that night. Shortly after midnight on March 25, Sheikh Mujib was taken into custody from his residence and flown to West Pakistan. His family was allowed to stay at his residence under Pakistan military protection and with a fat allowance. Young Sheikh Hasina seemed to have been enjoying the life pretty well then; she conceived Joy during that period.
It is thus not clear when and how did Sheikh Mujibur Rahman make the declaration of independence, other than what we heard of the Rob-version.
Even in the absence of any political direction, the patriotic Bengali elements of the army, Bangladesh Rifles, Police and Ansars gave gallant fights against the Pakistani murderers. Students, teachers, bureaucrats and others also organized their own fights. In such a chaotic situation and disjointed activities of resistance to the Pak army's wholesale genocide, came an announcement from Chittagong Radio Station on March 27, 1971 declaring Bangladesh an independent country and asking the people to fight the occupation forces. It was Major Ziaur Rahman of 8 East Bengal Regiment. The first announcement was made in his own name; later it was changed in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. That was the first such announcement people heard and the message spread from mouth to mouth like wild fire, locally and internationally. Even if there was a declaration from Sheikh Mujib, nobody knew of it. Was it an offence on the part of Zia to make that announcement at that critical juncture to give a direction to the people, and more particularly to the fighting forces of Bangladesh? Perhaps, it was 'an unpardonable offence' in the eyes of the Awami League and its sycophants and so Zia should be punished for his 'audacity'. Ironically, the Supreme Court had to come to the rescue of the Awami League on this controversial issue!
It was President Ziaur Rahman who allowed Sheikh Hasina to return to Bangladesh in early 1981 from her self-exile. Well tutored by her mentors during asylum in India, the first thing she worked on was to get rid of Zia, because Zia reminded of her father's failures and Zia was too assertive to the liking of India (Please see "Amar Phansi Chai" by Matiur Rahman Rentu, onetime Hasina aide). Indeed the fall of Zia came soon; he was killed on May 31, 1981. According to reports, Hasina was caught near Kasba while trying to flee to India at that time. In death, Zia became much larger than life; people understood what the man he was and what a leader Bangladesh lost!
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the most loved person in Bangladesh on January 10, 1972 when he came to independent Bangladesh after release from Pakistani custody. By the time he died on August 15, 1975, few shed tears, no Innalillah heard. To contrast, hardly anybody knew Major Ziaur Rahman before March 27, 1971, but some 2 million people gathered at his Janaza in 1981 in Dhaka.
Zia was no angel, he might have flaws and perhaps made mistakes, but his mistakes of 6 years, if any, fade before the blunders Mujib committed in 3 and half years' from 1972 to 1975.
Thus, Zia-fear in the Awami circle is understandable. However, can it erase Zia from the history? In addition, what pains me to note in my limited legal comprehension that the citadel of our judiciary seems to have become part of this partisan political game.
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Ziaur Rahman: A Pakistani Spy?
In a recent press briefing, State Law Minister Qamrul Islam said that former president Ziaur Rahman was a Pakistani intelligence agent during the liberation war in 1971. He threw a challenge saying he had evidences to prove his point. What a great revelation after nearly 40 years! He also mentioned that Ziaur Rahman was an intelligence officer in Pakistan army and that he rehabilitated the Razakars and war criminals of 1971. If those were the evidences the state minister possessed to prove his point, one would seriously worry about the intellectual content of such a personality who had been entrusted with the responsibility of adjudicating the law and order of the country.
Some Awami League stalwarts had earlier said in the parliament and outside that Ziaur Rahman did not fight in the war of liberation and as such, he was not a freedom fighter. One would definitely feel pity for these people, for their knowledge of our liberation war and their mental make-up. It may not be too illogical to suggest that these people need to get their brain checked.
Former minister General Shawkat Ali, former minister Col Oli Ahmed, former ambassador Brigadier Chowdhury Khaliquzzaman, former foreign secretary and ambassador Major Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury and many others were present when 8 East Bengal Regiment revolted in Chittagong on the night of March 25, 1971 under the leadership of then Major Ziaur Rahman. If Zia was a Pakistani agent:
• Why would he revolt against the Pakistani occupation army at that critical juncture of our history?
• Why would he personally go and round up all Pakistani officers of the unit, including its Commanding Officer Lt Col Rashid Janjua (These officers were later killed by an angry youngster on his own)?
• Why would he make the historic, though risky, declaration of independence of Bangladesh from Chittagong Kalurghat Betar on March 27, 1971?
• Why would the provisional government of Bangladesh under Tajuddin Ahmed make him a Sector Commander and later "Z" Force Commander during the war?
• Was there any evidence in his conduct of the war that Ziaur Rahman betrayed the Mukti Bahini or tried to protect the interest of Pakistan? (This writer was a small-time member of the Z force and was closely associated with Ziaur Rahman's war activities.)
• Why would the Pakistan military in Bangladesh hunt for his family, after Ziaur Rahman's revolt and declaration of independence? (On a tip, Begum Zia with her two infant sons were later arrested by the military and kept in confinement until the end of the war. To contrast, Sheikh Mujib's family was allowed to stay at his Dhanmandi residence under military protection and with a fat allowance. Sheikh Hasina was so happy during those days that she decided to conceive Joy.)
• Why would the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman reward Ziaur Rahman with the gallantry of Bir Uttam?
• Why would Ziaur Rahman be promoted from Major to Major General by Bangladesh government and make him the deputy chief of army staff?
• Why would the people accept Ziaur Rahman and later vote him to be the president of Bangladesh? (By any standard, he was the most successful president of the country so far.)
• Why would the people not accept his assassination on May 31, 1981? (To the contrary, people gave an instant approval to the August 15, 1975 coup in which Sheikh Mujibur Rahman died.)
•Why would over 2 million people gather at the funeral of Ziaur Rahman? (It was an unprecedented display of remorse and respect to the assassinated president and can compared to the love people showed to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on January 10, 1972 upon his return to independent Bangladesh.)
As such, those people who claim Ziaur Rahman to be a Pakistani agent in 1971 or a non-freedom fighter are seriously in need of visiting psychiatrists.
Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA
E Mail : alaldulal@aol.com
The ISPR press release on the issue had much to be desired and left many questions unanswered. Incidentally, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wazed is the Defense Minister under whom the ISPR falls. No wonder she was seen enjoying the Nero's grin when her 'arch enemy' was being publicly humiliated. The way the judiciary, administration and Awami cadres took up the issue, it appeared that it was a crisis matter of the highest order and must be resolved immediately if the nation were to survive! Some top Ministers and Awami stalwarts shrugged at the final episode to indicate that it was a judicial matter and the government had nothing to do in its process. One can FOOL one person all time, some persons sometime, but NOT ALL PERSONS ALL TIMES. Members of public know on whose direction those steps were taken; they understand the credentials of the learned judges who gave the verdict on the issue; they are clear about the loyalty of the Law Minister and the Attorney General, as well as the enthusiasm of the Home Minister.
Then Brigadier Ziaur Rahman was allocated House No. 6 on Shaheed Moinul Road in the Dhaka Cantonment after he took over as the Deputy Chief of Army Staff in June 1972. He continued to stay in the same house when he became the army chief in 1975 and retired as a Lieutenant General to become the President in 1977. Ziaur Rahman was killed in 1981 and his bereaved family was allowed to stay in the house under a government order. Later, President H M Ershad granted the ownership of the house to Begum Khaleda Zia as a token of the nation's respect and gratitude to the assassinated president. Begum Zia and her family had been living in the house for nearly 4 decades and nobody raised any question about its legality. However, things changed since Sheikh Hasina Wazed started her second inning in the helm of Bangladeshi affaires in January 2009. It looks like her singular mission this time is to destroy Zia's image and Zia's family.
(Please see an earlier article "Hasina's Zia Phobia", copy appended below for ready reference)
Mystery still shrouds the assassination of President Ziaur Rahman on May 31, 1981. Zia was leading Bangladesh to a self-assertive road, much to the discomfort of India, which invested so heavily for its creation before, during and after 1971. India always desired Bangladesh to be integrated with its northeastern region for political, economic and strategic advantages. Zia posed a big challenge in that design. Most analysts, therefore, believed that the RAW (Research and Analysis Wing---the CIA of India) had a hand in Zia's killing. They also suspected the connivance of India-trained then army Chief Lieutenant General H M Ershad; Major General M A Manzur, then Chittagong Area Commander, was just a scapegoat in the killing. Zia allowed Sheikh Hasina to return from her self-exile in India only a few weeks earlier; and intriguingly, Hasina was caught trying to flee to Agartala in India following Zia's assassination! "Amar Phasi Chai" of Motiur Rahman Rentu—one-time close aide of Sheikh Hasina---gives some insight to the conspiracy theory in Zia-killing.
Awami League and its sponsors tried to eliminate Ziaur Rahman; but look, over two million people gathered at his funeral, an unprecedented event in Bangladesh! That spoke of the love and respects Zia the man commanded over the people of Bangladesh.
Circumstances forced Begum Khaleda Zia to join politics and carry her late husband's mission forward. Ershad and Hasina joined hands in the late 1980s to thwart that. (See "Democracy and the Challenge of Development" by Maudud Ahmad and the 'box of crores' from Ershad to Hasina in Sheikh Selim's Statement). The result was Khaleda came out as the 'Uncompromising Leader' in the face of all odds, repeated humiliations and harassments. During the elections in 1991, following the ouster of Ershad, Zia the leader, along with Khaleda Zia, became the issue. "Zia Tumi Acho Mishe, Shara Banglar Dhaner Shishe" created magic in peoples' mind and they voted BNP overwhelmingly. Hasina's anti-Zia slogans and activities boomeranged.
In 1996, Sheikh Hasina managed to win majority and form the government, thanks to helping hands from the Election Commission under Abu Hena (a die-hard Awami supporter), sections of bureaucracy and media, of course, not discounting an ever active RAW behind them all. Sheikh Hasina spent much of her energy during her first administration in her two oft-quoted promises: rehabilitating the image of her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and hanging his killers. She largely succeeded in her dual missions. At the same time, she tried to demean, defame and obliterate everything Zia, Begum Zia or BNP did. The public response was shown in rejecting her in the next election in 2001.
In the elections to be held in January 2007, Sheikh Hasina perceived that BNP-led alliance was heading for another victory, so she started all out disturbance activities---at huge loss to men and materials--- to foil the election on various pretexts. At that point, our great 'patriot' and self-promoted General Moeen U Ahmad came forward to salvage the situation by declaring 'Emergency' and running a martial law-type administration for the next two years. He did not make any secret of his love for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his Awami League while detest for the BNP which installed him as army chief in the first place, superseding a few seniors on the recommendation of his old pal Major Syeed Eskandar, brother of Khaleda Zia. Royal-style treatment and a cavalry gift to Moeen in India point to an underhand horse-trade. It was widely believed that the Moeen backed Caretaker administration worked to see Hasina's Awami League win the election they masterminded on December 29, 2008, a fact later publicly admitted by Hasina's newfound 'brother' and Jote partner Ershad.
Saddled in power and backed by her sponsors, Hasina started a crusade to demolish Zia, his family and the BNP that is in opposition now. While she nullified nearly 7000 cases, ranging from corruption to murder, against her and her party members, she not only strengthened those against the opposition leaders but also continued to institute, almost on a daily basis, new cases against them, particularly Khaleda and her two sons Tarek Zia and Afrafat Zia. Tarek and Arafat are currently recuperating in London and Singapore from the severe physical and mental damages they suffered due to inhuman torture inflicted on them by Moeen's goons. The administration of Hasina is issuing daily warnings to the effect that these two Zia-sons would be sent to the torture cell again if they dared to return home, surely serving another punishing dose to their mother Khaleda too.
Zia's name has been removed from the Dhaka International Airport---after 30 years---, his murals had been destroyed wherever they existed, nameplates bearing his name were taken off from every public place; even there was a muted conspiracy to dismantle his Mazaar near the Sangsad Bhaban. Zia's presidency---which stood as a stark contrast to her father's disastrously repressive period from 1972 to 1975---has been wiped off the history of Bangladesh by re-writing the constitution and eliminating his period of administration, thanks to a compliant judiciary. That is not all; Awami leaders 'discovered' Zia to be an agent of Pakistan during our liberation war in 1971!
(Please read another article "Ziaur Rahman: A Pakisatni Spy!" below)
Evicting Khaleda Zia from her residence after 4 decades is the latest example of Hasina's Zia phobia. We read in Science, 'every action has an equal and opposite reaction'; the theory has been found working in politics too. In case of Zia---to defame or demonize him---, it had always been an overwhelming opposite reaction. Madam Prime Minister, you cannot FOOL the public forever. They made a mistake---rightly or wrongly---on December 29, 2008; they are now waiting for the next chance to correct that mistake, as well as revive Zia with rejuvenated honor and respect he deserves.
Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA
-------------------------
Hasina's Zia Phobia
In a cabinet meeting on February 15, 2010, the 'mohajote' government led by Awami League decided that anything bearing the name of the late president Ziaur Rahman would be eliminated, be that Zia International Airport or the name Ziaur Rahman in school textbooks. The decision was said to be in compliance with the Supreme Court verdict to void the 5th amendment of the constitution. It was not understood, however, what Fifth Amendment has to do with removing Zia's name from Dhaka International Airport. Earlier, Zia's announcement of independence in March 1971 was nullified by another court order. Yet earlier, Zia's murals and pictures had been destroyed or erased from public places. The people in general did not seem to approve these vindictive partisan behaviors. It was a manifestation of immaturity and politics of hatred and vengeance, they commented. One may not be surprised if the Zia Mazaar is destroyed, renamed or even reassigned to someone else too!
There is an old saying that British Parliament can do anything except making a man a woman and vice versa. Looks like the current Mohajote parliament can do anything; ram rolling its decisions irrespective of logic, relevance or public acceptance. If it says Zia did not exist, so be it. If there was no Zia, there should be no Zia Mazaar either. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had already made insinuating remarks to the effect that Zia Mazaar was a fake one; it did not contain Zia's body. Obviously she has been saying all these on the strength of her almost 90% ownership of the parliament and on the notion of 'I am the law'! However, 70 million voters---majority (52%) of whom did not vote for Awami League in the last elections--will keep counting for their time to come again, nonetheless.
The Zia phobia in Sheikh Hasina and her cohorts can perhaps be explained by a few factors, within and outside.
Zia outdid Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by declaring the independence of Bangladesh on March 27, 1971. Mujib himself never disputed that historic reality, although his grudge against Zia was displayed by appointing Zia's junior K M Safiullah as the army chief. Mujib followers, however, could never digest the fact that an unknown 'Major Zia' stole the show by making that announcement which according to them ought to have come from their supreme leader. Let us revisit our recent past history to put the matter in correct perspective.
Nobody denies Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's contribution to the independence of Bangladesh. He ascended the position of an undisputed leader in East Pakistan in the late 1960s, mainly through his 6-Point program that was primarily crafted for full autonomy for East Pakistan. Interestingly, a few names came up for authorship of the 6 Points---it included a few former Bengali civil servants and Altaf Gauhar, the powerful Information Secretary during President Ayub's time. However, 6 Points were neither original nor innovative. Demands for the autonomy or independence had its roots in the original Lahore Resolution of 1940, which mentioned 'independent Muslim homelands', as well as during the decade-old constitutional crisis of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956 (Please see "The Separation of East Pakistan" by Hasan Zaheer). Sheikh Mujib's struggle had been for the autonomy of East Pakistan. Never did he say a word about an independent East Pakistan or Bangladesh. Even his famous March 7, 1971 speech fell short of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). That the March 7 speech could not be considered an UDI was borne by the fact that Sheikh Mujib went on to negotiate with the Pakistani military junta from March 15 to 24, 1971 in Dhaka favoring a unified Pakistan. In fact, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani first hinted of an independent East Pakistan as early as in 1957 and spoke it with finality in December 1970.
On March 1, 1971, President Yahya Khan postponed the inaugural session of the new parliament, to be held in Dhaka in two days. The student leaders and a section of Awami League had since been pressurizing Mujib to make the UDI. Mujib refused to do any such thing, not even on March 7, despite generation of much public hype on that day. He finished his 17- minute speech with Joy Bangla and Joy Pakistan, because he still believed in a united Pakistan and wanted to form the next government in Islamabad.
It was, however, strange that being a seasoned politician, Mujib failed to visualize the game plan of the junta that was amassing military power in East Pakistan, ostensibly in preparation for a showdown. A representative from Lt Col M R Chowdhury, Major Ziaur Rahman and others in Chittagong conveyed to him on March 17 about the ominous military built up there and sought immediate advice, further hinting that Bengali elements were ready to strike before they were attacked. As always, Mujib never took military seriously and reportedly balked at the representative not to take any preemptive action at a time when he was engaged in 'fruitful' talks with the West Pakistani leaders. A visionary, strategic and timely direction at that crucial time could have saved lives of hundreds of thousand innocent Bengalis.
On March 25, President Yahya quietly left Dhaka, leaving instructions to 'butcher' Lt General Tikka Khan to start Operation Searchlight the same night aimed at 'teaching the Bengalis a lesson' or in other words, annihilating them. Yet on the same day, Mujib retorted at the inquisitive journalists that he was making progress in 'talks' and he had a meeting scheduled with Yahya soon (Please see Ittefaq, Observer, Dawn and many other newspapers of March 26, 27, 1971). Meanwhile, the rumor of Operation Searchlight spread outside the Dhaka cantonment and people started fleeing the city or preparing for resistance. Top political and student leaders were on the run knowing that they would be the immediate targets of the military. Many of them requested Sheikh Mujib to move to a safe location but Mujib did not care, perhaps he had his own plans. According to a source, a few student leaders led by A S M Abdur Rob went to Mujib that night with a written declaration of independence. Sheikh Mujib was coerced to sign it. Rob can explain if it was a fact and what happened to that declaration, if any.
There were reports that Mujib talked with the US ambassador Joseph Farland in Islamabad that night. Shortly after midnight on March 25, Sheikh Mujib was taken into custody from his residence and flown to West Pakistan. His family was allowed to stay at his residence under Pakistan military protection and with a fat allowance. Young Sheikh Hasina seemed to have been enjoying the life pretty well then; she conceived Joy during that period.
It is thus not clear when and how did Sheikh Mujibur Rahman make the declaration of independence, other than what we heard of the Rob-version.
Even in the absence of any political direction, the patriotic Bengali elements of the army, Bangladesh Rifles, Police and Ansars gave gallant fights against the Pakistani murderers. Students, teachers, bureaucrats and others also organized their own fights. In such a chaotic situation and disjointed activities of resistance to the Pak army's wholesale genocide, came an announcement from Chittagong Radio Station on March 27, 1971 declaring Bangladesh an independent country and asking the people to fight the occupation forces. It was Major Ziaur Rahman of 8 East Bengal Regiment. The first announcement was made in his own name; later it was changed in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. That was the first such announcement people heard and the message spread from mouth to mouth like wild fire, locally and internationally. Even if there was a declaration from Sheikh Mujib, nobody knew of it. Was it an offence on the part of Zia to make that announcement at that critical juncture to give a direction to the people, and more particularly to the fighting forces of Bangladesh? Perhaps, it was 'an unpardonable offence' in the eyes of the Awami League and its sycophants and so Zia should be punished for his 'audacity'. Ironically, the Supreme Court had to come to the rescue of the Awami League on this controversial issue!
It was President Ziaur Rahman who allowed Sheikh Hasina to return to Bangladesh in early 1981 from her self-exile. Well tutored by her mentors during asylum in India, the first thing she worked on was to get rid of Zia, because Zia reminded of her father's failures and Zia was too assertive to the liking of India (Please see "Amar Phansi Chai" by Matiur Rahman Rentu, onetime Hasina aide). Indeed the fall of Zia came soon; he was killed on May 31, 1981. According to reports, Hasina was caught near Kasba while trying to flee to India at that time. In death, Zia became much larger than life; people understood what the man he was and what a leader Bangladesh lost!
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the most loved person in Bangladesh on January 10, 1972 when he came to independent Bangladesh after release from Pakistani custody. By the time he died on August 15, 1975, few shed tears, no Innalillah heard. To contrast, hardly anybody knew Major Ziaur Rahman before March 27, 1971, but some 2 million people gathered at his Janaza in 1981 in Dhaka.
Zia was no angel, he might have flaws and perhaps made mistakes, but his mistakes of 6 years, if any, fade before the blunders Mujib committed in 3 and half years' from 1972 to 1975.
Thus, Zia-fear in the Awami circle is understandable. However, can it erase Zia from the history? In addition, what pains me to note in my limited legal comprehension that the citadel of our judiciary seems to have become part of this partisan political game.
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Ziaur Rahman: A Pakistani Spy?
In a recent press briefing, State Law Minister Qamrul Islam said that former president Ziaur Rahman was a Pakistani intelligence agent during the liberation war in 1971. He threw a challenge saying he had evidences to prove his point. What a great revelation after nearly 40 years! He also mentioned that Ziaur Rahman was an intelligence officer in Pakistan army and that he rehabilitated the Razakars and war criminals of 1971. If those were the evidences the state minister possessed to prove his point, one would seriously worry about the intellectual content of such a personality who had been entrusted with the responsibility of adjudicating the law and order of the country.
Some Awami League stalwarts had earlier said in the parliament and outside that Ziaur Rahman did not fight in the war of liberation and as such, he was not a freedom fighter. One would definitely feel pity for these people, for their knowledge of our liberation war and their mental make-up. It may not be too illogical to suggest that these people need to get their brain checked.
Former minister General Shawkat Ali, former minister Col Oli Ahmed, former ambassador Brigadier Chowdhury Khaliquzzaman, former foreign secretary and ambassador Major Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury and many others were present when 8 East Bengal Regiment revolted in Chittagong on the night of March 25, 1971 under the leadership of then Major Ziaur Rahman. If Zia was a Pakistani agent:
• Why would he revolt against the Pakistani occupation army at that critical juncture of our history?
• Why would he personally go and round up all Pakistani officers of the unit, including its Commanding Officer Lt Col Rashid Janjua (These officers were later killed by an angry youngster on his own)?
• Why would he make the historic, though risky, declaration of independence of Bangladesh from Chittagong Kalurghat Betar on March 27, 1971?
• Why would the provisional government of Bangladesh under Tajuddin Ahmed make him a Sector Commander and later "Z" Force Commander during the war?
• Was there any evidence in his conduct of the war that Ziaur Rahman betrayed the Mukti Bahini or tried to protect the interest of Pakistan? (This writer was a small-time member of the Z force and was closely associated with Ziaur Rahman's war activities.)
• Why would the Pakistan military in Bangladesh hunt for his family, after Ziaur Rahman's revolt and declaration of independence? (On a tip, Begum Zia with her two infant sons were later arrested by the military and kept in confinement until the end of the war. To contrast, Sheikh Mujib's family was allowed to stay at his Dhanmandi residence under military protection and with a fat allowance. Sheikh Hasina was so happy during those days that she decided to conceive Joy.)
• Why would the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman reward Ziaur Rahman with the gallantry of Bir Uttam?
• Why would Ziaur Rahman be promoted from Major to Major General by Bangladesh government and make him the deputy chief of army staff?
• Why would the people accept Ziaur Rahman and later vote him to be the president of Bangladesh? (By any standard, he was the most successful president of the country so far.)
• Why would the people not accept his assassination on May 31, 1981? (To the contrary, people gave an instant approval to the August 15, 1975 coup in which Sheikh Mujibur Rahman died.)
•Why would over 2 million people gather at the funeral of Ziaur Rahman? (It was an unprecedented display of remorse and respect to the assassinated president and can compared to the love people showed to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on January 10, 1972 upon his return to independent Bangladesh.)
As such, those people who claim Ziaur Rahman to be a Pakistani agent in 1971 or a non-freedom fighter are seriously in need of visiting psychiatrists.
Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA
E Mail : alaldulal@aol.com
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