The Significance of the Six-Point Movement and its Impact on Bangladesh's Struggle for Freedom and Self-determinationM. Waheeduzzaman Manik
Introduction:The historic Six-Point movement in 1966 was the turning point in Bangladesh's quest for greater autonomy and self-determination from Pakistan's colonial domination. The six-point demand has been widely credited as the 'charter of freedom' in the history of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence.
The six-point plan had envisaged, among other things, a full-blown federal form of Government based on the 1940 Lahore Resolution, a parliamentary system of government directly elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise, two separate currencies or two reserve banks for the two wings of Pakistan, and a para-military force for East Pakistan. The spectacular success of the six-point movement in 1966 had prompted the ruling coterie of Pakistan to discredit the organizers of this movement.
Although Ayub Khan's diabolical regime had used various brutal punitive measures against the proponents, organizers and supporters of the six-point formula, this historic movement had seriously impacted and conditioned the subsequent political development in Pakistan.
The main purpose of this paper is to assess the significance of the six-point movement and its impact on Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and self-determination. Once the main contents of the six-point plan are summarized, the nature, magnitude, and impact of the six-point movement will be appraised. Aimed at substantiating and validating my own observations about the magnitude and impact of the six-point movement, some scholarly observations will be cited. Finally, some concluding remarks will be made.
The Six-Point Plan: the Main Elements
Sheikh Mujibur Rhaman, the then General Secretary of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL), had personally submitted the six-point program to the subject-matter committee of the All-Party Meeting of the opposition political parties of the then Pakistan in Lahore on February 5, 1966. Based on his "6-Point Formula: Our Right to Live" [March 23, 1966], the chief demands and themes of the historic six-point plan are being summarized as follows:
Point 1: "The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the basis of [1940] Lahore Resolution, and Parliamentary form of Government with supremacy of legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise."
Point 2: The Federal Government of Pakistan "shall deal with only two subjects, viz.: defense and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall vest in the federating states."
Point 3: "Two separate but freely convertible currencies for two wings [of Pakistan] should be introduced;" or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy to be adopted for East Pakistan.
Point 4: The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the "federating units and the Federal Centre will have no such power." However, the Federation will be entitled to have a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures. "The Consolidated Federal Fund shall come out of a levy of certain percentage of all state taxes."
Point 5: There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings with clear assurance that "earnings of East Pakistan shall be under the control of East Pakistan Government and that of West Pakistan under the control of West Pakistan Government." And the "foreign exchange requirements of the Federal Government [of Pakistan] should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed. The indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings." The Constitution should "empower the units [provinces] to establish trade and commercial relations with, set up trade missions in and enter into agreements with foreign countries."
Point 6: East Pakistan should have a separate "militia" or "para-military" force.
Immediate Reactions of the Pakistani Political Leaders to the Six-Point Plan
Instead of endorsing Sheikh Mujib's legitimate six-point-based demand for "maximum" provincial autonomy, the mainstream leaders of the so-called opposition parties for establishing democracy in Pakistan were not even willing to include his proposal in the official agenda of the conference for initiating discussion on the merits or demerits of the of the proposed six-point demands. In fact, no West Pakistani political leaders (not even Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan, the President of the then All-Pakistan Awami League) were willing to lend any support to Sheikh Mujib's clarion call for maximum provincial autonomy based on the proposed six-point program.
It is also really appalling to recapitulate even after forty long years that the non-Awami League delegates from the then East Pakistan did not endorse the six-point demand. Like their West-Pakistani counterparts, Bengali speaking renegades had also smelled an element of "secession" or "disintegration" of Pakistan in the six-point program. In fact, Sheikh Mujib's six-point demand could not be pried out of the "subject-matter committee" of that so-called All-party conference. Rather, the proposed six-point anchored proposal for maximum provincial autonomy had received frontal attacks from the mainstream ruling elite of Pakistan. The veteran West Pakistani political stalwarts, in conjunction with their cohorts from the then East Pakistan, had started a slanderous propaganda campaign against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman --- - the chief architect and proponent of the six-point charter even though most of those instant criticisms of the proposed six-point program were characterized by blatant falsehoods, conjectures, distortions, and innuendoes. Yet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to be blackmailed or intimidated by those critics.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Immediate Response to the Critics
In a press conference at Lahore on February 10, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had pointed out the uselessness and irrelevance of the All-Party Conference. He had clearly articulated that the question of demanding genuine "provincial autonomy" based on the proposed six-point program should not be misconstrued or dismissed as "provincialism." He underscored that the proposed six-point demand was not designed to harm the common people of West Pakistan.
He had pointed out that the 17-day war between Pakistan and India (1965) made it crystal clear to the "East Pakistanis" that the defense of East Pakistan couldn't be contingent upon the mercy or courtesy of West Pakistan. He reminded the audience that instead of relying on West Pakistan for its own defense-- a distant land located one thousand miles away, East Pakistan should be made self-sufficient for the purpose of defending itself from external aggression. He also made it abundantly clear that his six-point plan for "maximum" provincial autonomy reflected the long-standing demands of the people of East Pakistan.
On his return from Lahore to Dhaka on February 11, 1966, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had provided further clarification on his six-point demands in a press conference. He explained why he had disassociated himself from the All-Party conference in Lahore. He had clearly stated that the delegates from East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) had rejected not only the proposals passed by the All-Party Conference but also severed all ties with the disgruntled leaders of this so-called conference of the opposition parties. He said that it was not at all possible for him or his party to "betray the genuine interests" of the aggrieved and deprived people of East Pakistan. He emphasized that the immediate adoption and implementation of his six-point demand "will be conducive to foster durable relationship between two provinces of Pakistan."
In a press conference on February 14, 1966, he reiterated that the "the question of autonomy appears to be more important for East Pakistan after the 17-day war between Pakistan and India. The time is ripe for making East Pakistan self-sufficient in all respects."
Reaction of Ayub Khan's Dictatorial Regime to the Six-Point Plan
Immediately after the provincial autonomy plan based on the six-point formula was unveiled by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the Lahore conference of opposition political parties in early February, 1966, the military autocracy of the self-declared Field Marshal Ayub Khan was quick to denounce it as a separatist or secessionist move. Aimed at browbeating the dedicated champions of greater provincial autonomy, Ayub Khan, the autocratic President of the then Islamic Republic of Pakistan, had started discrediting both the message and the messenger of the six-point program.
Appearing in the final session of the Pakistan (Convention) Muslim League in Dhaka on March 21,1966 (of course being fully attired in the army General's khaki uniform with full display of all of his regalia and medallions), the self-declared President of the then Pakistan had condemned the six-point based plan for maximum provincial autonomy in the harshest possible terms. Characterizing the six-point formula for provincial autonomy as a demand for "greater sovereign Bengal," Ayub Khan had claimed that such a plan would put the "Bengali Muslims" under the permanent domination of the "caste Hindus" of neighboring West Bengal.
Comparing the "prevailing situation" in Pakistan [as of March, 1966] with the volatile situation that had existed in the USA before the outbreak of a prolonged Civil War in early 1860s, the self-serving President of Pakistan also arrogated himself by saying that the nation might have to face a "civil war" if such were forced upon "him" by the "secessionists." He had even threatened the "autonomists" and "secessionists" with "dire consequences" if they failed to shun the idea of six-point based movement for provincial autonomy. He had also the audacity to underscore that the "language of weapons" would be ruthlessly employed for exterminating the "secessionist elements from Pakistan."
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the flamboyant Foreign Minister of Pakistan, had openly challenged Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to a public debate on the strengths and weaknesses of the proposed six-point plan at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka. To the chagrin of the Ayub regime, Tajuddin Ahmed, number 2 person in the then Awami League, took up the challenge on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Unfortunately, it was Z.A. Bhutto who did not show up for debate! Abdul Monem Khan, the then infamous Governor of East Pakistan, had publicly stated that "as long as I remain Governor of this province (East Pakistan), I would see to it that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remains in jail."
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Launches the Six-Point Movement
In response to such false accusations and vile threats, a fearless Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was quick to respond. In a mammoth public gathering at Paltan Maidan, he thundered: "No amount of naked threats can deviate the deprived Bangalees from their demand for provincial autonomy based on their six-point demands." The greatest champion of Bangalees' rights for self-determination, along with top leaders of the Awami League, kept on addressing numerous public meetings in the nooks and corners of the then East Pakistan. Without wasting a moment, the entire Awami League and the East Pakistan Students' League (EPSL), its student front, were geared toward mobilizing and motivating the general masses in favor of demanding self-government and autonomy based on the six-point program.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had presented not only the bold proposal for "maximum provincial autonomy" but he also launched a viable mass movement (which he himself led till he was put in jail on May 9, 1966) for popularizing and mobilizing support for the six-point program. After proposing his historic six-point program, he had actually invested all of his energies and resources in disseminating the fundamental message of "maximum autonomy" for East Pakistan. He started articulating both the rationale and justification for proposing "maximum provincial autonomy" based on his six-point plan. However, before launching a full-fledged mass movement for realizing his six-point demands, Sheikh Mujib had initiated some strategic intra-party measures. The Council Session of the East Pakistan Awami League (EPAL) met on March 18, 19, 20, 1966, and that council session had also restructured the working Committee of the party. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmed were unanimously elected the President and General Secretary respectively of the newly revamped Awami League. The proposed six-point program was also unanimously endorsed by that historic council session for realizing maximum provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan.
To the dismay of Pakistan's ruling coterie, the six-point program had generated a great deal of enthusiasm among the people of the then East Pakistan. As noted by Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman: "To say that this [six-point] programme evoked tremendous enthusiasm among the people of East Bengal would be an understatement. Encouraged by overwhelming popular support, Sheikh Mujib convened a meeting of the EPAL Council [March 18-20, 1966] at which his [Six-Point] programme was unanimously approved and he was elected President of the [Awami League] party. With a phalanx of organizers from the Student's League, Sheikh Mujib then launched a vigorous campaign. For about three months (from mid-February to mid-May), the urban centers of East Bengal seemed to be in the grip of a 'mass revolution,' prompting the Central Government to arrest Sheikh Mujib and his chief lieutenants (Tajuddin Ahmed, Khandokar Mustaq Ahmed, Mansoor Ali, Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury, and others) under the [infamous] Defense of Pakistan Rules and put down a complete general strike in Dacca (June 7, 1966) by killing 13 participating strikers" [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988. P. 25].
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's demand for "maximum autonomy" based on his six-point formula seems to have shaken the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The six-point plan had exposed the fact that the real intention of Pakistan's ruling elite was to "strengthen" the Punjabi-Mohajir dominated Central Government. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman repeatedly said in several public meetings that that the people of Pakistan had always desired a "strong Pakistan," not a "strong Central Government." The entire ruling establishment of Pakistan was alarmed, and obviously, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the chief proponent of the six-point program, had become the main target of negative publicity. He had to endure various virulent forms of harassment, intimidation, and fraudulent cases.
Instead of fairly addressing the legitimate grievances and demands of the neglected eastern province of Pakistan, the power elite took a deliberate decision to suppress the quest for maximum provincial autonomy through the use of colonial types of repressive methods and procedures. The ruling coterie of Pakistan was not at all interested in dealing or negotiating with the Awami League on the issue of provincial autonomy even though Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had publicly stated that he was willing to negotiate his six-point plan with anyone in good faith provided a meaningful autonomy was ensured for East Pakistan. Yet the oligarchy of Pakistan started using repressive tactics to suppress the six-point movement. As noted by Dr. Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, "the Ayub regime's policy towards the six-point demand of the AL was one of total suppression. It showed once again that the [Ayub] regime failed to respond to the political demand" [Md. Abdul Wadud Bhuyain, Emergence of Bangladesh & Role of Awami League, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1982, p. 104].
Indeed, the six-point movement had generated spontaneous mass enthusiasm throughout East Pakistan. The entire nation was galvanized throughout February-March-April-May-June, 1966. In retaliation, the Government had intensified its policy of repression and persecution against Sheikh Mujib and his followers. For example, while Sheikh Mujib was touring various districts in April 1966 to enlist mass support in favor of his six-point program, he was arrested in almost all important places on flimsy and fraudulent charges. Dr. Anisuzzaman, a distinguished literary figure of Bangladesh, has summarized the nature of the repressive measures which Sheikh Mujib had to confront and endure for launching the historic six-point plan at a critical juncture of our history: "During that period [from the middle of February through May 9, 1966], there was hardly any place where Sheikh Mujib was not arrested [on false charges] for addressing public meetings. Today in Jessore, tomorrow in Khulna, day after tomorrow in Rajshahi. And on the following days in Sylhet, Mymensingh, and Chittagong. Once he was released on bail in one place, he rushed to another place. He had no time to waste. The only time wasted was in the process of posting bail for his release. Arrested once again. Being released once again, and then immediately move to another place (to address the public meetings)." (Freehand translation is mine). [Anisuzzaman, "Bangabandhu in the Context of History," in Mreetoonjoyee Mujib (Immortal Mujib), Dhaka; Bangabandhu Parishad, 1995, pp.11-12].
Throughout the month of May 1966, the Central Government of Pakistan, of course in full collaboration with Abdul Monem Khan, Ayub Khan's handpicked Governor of East Pakistan had enthusiastically cracked down on all senior most leaders of the Awami League. The arrestees under the Defence of Pakistan Rules included, among others, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam, Khondokar Moshtaque Ahmed, M. Mansoor Ali, and AHM Kamruzzaman. However, the governmental crackdown on the top leaders of the Awami League couldn't dampen the spirit of the organizers and supporters of the six-point movement.
It was on June 7, 1966 when a full-blown hartal was observed in support of the six-point program throughout the urban centers of the then East Pakistan. In defiance of various oppressive and repressive measures of the autocratic Government of Pakistan, people from walks of life had lent their spontaneous support to this hartal. Obviously, it was a mass response to governmental repressive measures and state sponsored violence since the middle of February 1966 when the historic six-point movement was launched. . Several dozen men were shot dead during hartal on June 7, 1966. Hundreds of participants of the movement were injured. Thousands of Awami League leaders. (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the most volatile and articulate champion of "maximum autonomy" for the then East Pakistan was already put in jail on May 9, 1966) and student workers were put behind bars without any trial. Hulias (warrants of arrest) were issued on hundreds of Awami League workers and student leaders. The Daily Ittefaq, the most popular Bangla newspaper of the then eastern province of Pakistan, was shut down, its press was confiscated, and its editor, Tofazzal Hossain (Manik Mia), was put in jail. Yet the repressive police forces could not halt the march of the six-point anchored provincial autonomy movement. It was significant that the secondary leaders of the Awami League had organized a very successful general strike on June 7, 1966 all over the province. The mass participation in the general strike on June 7 in support of the six-point plan for provincial autonomy was a clear indication of a perceptible shift in the Bengali mood.
Impact and Implications of the Six-Point Movement
The imprisonment of Sheikh Mujib and other top Awami Leaguers in 1966 could not diminish the mass support for the six-point demand. In fact, Pakistan's ruling elite's policy of suppression of all forms of political freedoms and dissents had miserably failed to halt the march of the six-point movement. Rather, the use of police violence against the organizers and participants of the six-point movement had prompted and motivated the general population of the then East Pakistan to render their full support for the demand of maximum provincial autonomy. Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman, one of the distinguished political scientists of Bangladesh, has noted the immediate impact of the governmental repressive measures during the six-point movement on Sheikh Mujib's popularity in the following words: "As one might have expected, Sheikh Mujib's arrest in 1966 only served to enhance his popularity, to the point where he became the veritable symbol of Bengali nationalism" [Talukder Maniruzzaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath, UPL, 1988, p. 23].
In his seminal assessment of the role of the Awami League in the political development of Pakistan, Dr. M. Rashiduzzaman succinctly summarized the significance and impact of the six-point movement: "The impact of the six-point demand of the Awami League was felt far and wide. The central government [of Pakistan] dubbed it as a demand for the separation of the Eastern Wing from the rest of the country, and launched a propaganda campaign, which called for a strong central government and decried the autonomists. On June 7, 1966, there was a province-wide hartal (strike) in East Pakistan sponsored by the Awami League to press the demands embodied in the six-point program. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with several lieutenants, were again put into the prison. [Sheikh Mujib was put in jail in early May, 1966]. The government also blamed 'foreign interests' in the agitation led by the six-pointers.. ----- After about a year, several East Pakistani civil servants and military officers were arrested on the charge that they had conspired to separate the East Wing by violent means in collusion with India. Eventually, the so-called 'Agartala Conspiracy case' was initiated against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 31 others for alleged high treason." (M. Rashiduzzaman,"The Awami League in the Political Development of Pakistan," Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 7, JULY, 1970; pp. 574-587]. In the same article, Dr. Rashiduzzaman also observed about the impact of the six-point movement on the 11-point charter of the 1969 student-mass movement: "For all practical purposes, the eleven-point student program was an expanded version of the Awami League's six- point demand for autonomy."
It is evident from the preceding quotations that the six-point movement had a far reaching effects on the subsequent political development in the then Pakistan. It is widely acknowledged that the six point movement was a catalyst to the fomenting of a sustainable movement against President Ayub Khan and his regime in early 1969. In fact, the origins of both the Agartala Conspiracy Case and the anti-Ayub student-mass movement in 1969 can be traced back to the six-point movement. Aimed at destroying Bangalees' quest for full-blown autonomy and self-determination once and for all, a vile conspiracy was hatched out against Mujibur Rahman, the most articulate champion of greater provincial autonomy. At the behest of Ayub Khan, the Punjabi-Muhajir dominated Central Government of Pakistan had implicated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the fraudulent Agartala Conspiracy Case. The real agenda of Pakistan's ruling elite was to hang him as a "traitor." In other words, the Government of Pakistan wanted to eliminate Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the ardent defender of the legitimate rights of his people, for maintaining a status quo in the form of colonial rule in East Pakistan. However, an anti-Ayub student-mass movement in late 1968 and early 1969 led to the withdrawal of the so-called Agartala Conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from imprisonment.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was at best regarded as the top leader of the Awami League when he had launched the six-point movement in early 1966. He was not yet regarded as the "undisputed leader" of all Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan. Nor was he called 'Bangabandhu' in 1966. He was not the only political leader of the then East Pakistan who had championed the cause of full provincial autonomy. In fact, there were other top political leaders even within his party with impressive credentials and tested commitment to the pursuit of full autonomy for East Pakistan. There were also more senior political leaders in other political parties, including Maulana Bhasani, who were quite vocal for greater provincial autonomy for East Pakistan. Being disgusted with the colonial brand of exploitation of East Pakistan by West Pakistani ruling coterie, Maulana Bhasani had uttered "goodbye" to West Pakistan more than once --- at least a decade earlier than the historic six-point movement. In fact, Maulana Bhasani was never willing to compromise on the issue of full provincial autonomy for the then East Pakistan.
Yet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's fearlessness and relentlessness gave birth to the six-point movement for realizing full provincial autonomy in the early months of 1966. There is no doubt that his relentlessness in starting and sustaining a pragmatic Bengali nationalistic movement that was deliberately geared toward achieving maximum autonomy had clearly distinguished him from other contemporary champions of provincial autonomy. His "fearlessness" also made him the most volatile champion of "full provincial autonomy." Only a courageous leader of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's stature could come up with the six-point plan for accruing full autonomy for East Pakistan at a time when Ayub Khan's brute regime was at its pinnacle after consolidating its grip over the entire power structure of the country.
The six-point movement had direct bearing on the following momentous events: the making of the infamous Agartala conspiracy case against Shekh Mujib, the volatile student-mass movement of 1969, the withdrawal of the concocted Agartala conspiracy case and the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from imprisonment on February 22, 1969, the removal of the infamous provincial Governor Monaem Khan, the sudden collapse of Ayub Khan's dictatorship and the rise of Yahya Khan's diabolical regime, the General Elections in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise, the landslide victory of the Awami League in the general elections and the spectacular rise of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the sole spokesperson of the Bengali speaking people of the then Pakistan, the nine-month long liberation war in 1971, and finally the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation-state on December 16, 1971. Doubtless, these tumultuous events were milestones in the history of Bangladesh's struggle for freedom and independence. Notwithstanding three decades of rampant distortions of Bangladesh's political history, it is fair to suggest that the six-point movement was the precursor of these momentous events, and the name of the common thread that had firmly connected these milestones was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Concluding Remarks
There is no doubt that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would have remained a top Awami League leader even in the absence of a bold provincial autonomy plan in the form of the six-point program. Yet had there been no six-point movement in 1966, there is every doubt if the Agartala Conspiracy Case would have been hatched out against him at that particular time. Had there been no Agartala Conspiracy Case, the student-mass movement of 1969 would not have exclusively focused on his unconditional release from imprisonment. Thus the six-point movement, the Agartala conspiracy case, and the 1969 student-mass movement had provided the much-needed context and momentum for the his emergence as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. From that juncture of our history, he did not have to look backward. The whopping majority of Bengali speaking people of the then East Pakistan had vested their full trust in their Bangabandhu in the general elections of 1970. Therefore, his spectacular success in the historic general elections of 1970 and his emergence as the legitimate sole spokesperson and undisputed leader of his people owe a great deal to his success in the historic six-point movement in 1966.
The six-point plan had also reflected the legitimate grievances and genuine demands of the people of the then East Pakistan. There is little wonder why the historic six-point movement had garnered so much spontaneous mass support throughout the province. The timing, first for presenting, and then starting a sustainable Bengali nationalist movement for realizing the professed goals of six-point demand was crucially important. The economic and political demands, as stipulated and enumerated under the six-point program, were the frontal assault on the foundation of Pakistan's colonial exploitation and authoritarian modes of governance.
Dr. M. Waheeduzzaman (Manik) writes from Clarksville, Tennessee, USA where he is a Professor and the Chair of the Department of Public Management at Austin Peay State University. His e-mail address ismwzaman@aol.com or zamanw@apsu.eduhttp://bangladesh-web.com/view.php?h...00000000111223 