Factual Perspective on Sonar Bangla
Mohammad Abdullah ,U.S.A.
I thank both Mr. Abid Bahar (Canada) and Mr. Saleh Ahmad (Bangladesh) for their deliveries at NFB concerning the present National Anthem of Bangladesh. I would add further information to their notes. Their observations and perspectives are highly valued.
Regarding Bengali culture, let us get back for a moment to Sarat Chandra Chatterjee. In his wonderful writing we found "Bangalee Chhelera Musholmaan Chheleyder Sathey Khelchhey …football(?).. " What does "Bangalee Chheley" or "Musholmaan Chheley" mean while the game was going on presumably in the Hooghly Mohsin College playground? There must be a clear distinction between the two groups that Sarat Chandra Chatterjee observed. This infamous writing is very famous to the Hindus, in particular. Of course there are some blind supporters of this infamous text and those who are the Bengali-speaking Muslims. Sarat Chatterjee has defined the Bengali culture in this way.
Further he has written: "…….. Nerhrey Holey Ki Hobey, Ra(n)dhey Valo …." From where Nerhey came in Sarat Chatterjee's text? We know clearly that Sarat Chatterjee coined GAFOOR wherein he enjoyed the hearts of the Muslim readers. This is how diehard Hindus had observed the Muslims though both speak the same language. The irony is that a Hindu eats "Hindu Mangsho" while a Muslim eats "Gosto (or Gos-t)" or simply "Gosh." The difference remains between the PANI and the JOL.
In the same way if one observes Bishwa Kobi-Raj-Guru's writing the same trickery will be visible. Rahamat Kabuliwala is a murderer, a character of a Muslim. Is this true that each Afghan Pathan is a murderer? As we know from the history, Emperor Asoka captured power by superseding his brother almost the same way nearly two thousand years later as Aurangazeb. The same Emperor was involved in mass killing from day one in the throne. Ultimately circa 262 B.C. he wanted Kalinga (present Orissa and adjoining southern areas) by hook or by crook.
The battle did cost him a total of nearly 40,000 lives. This number is similar to that of nearly 1800 years later Babur observed in Panipath. After that Babur was dismayed with battles but he had to take cannons again when Sangram Singh and a few other miniaturized Hindu and Muslim opponents did not leave him in peace. Seeing the dead bodies Asoka was very much disheartened and ultimately changed the religion to find peace. In the human history killing is a normal observation regardless of religious bias of the leader.
Bishwa Kobi-Raj-Guru ignored such historical facts but decided to portray a Muslim character as a murderer. This mean writer also enjoyed the hearts of the Hindus and Muslims alike regarding Rahamat Kabuliwala as the loving father and heart-breaking affection for a daughter. This baloney logic is no where nearer to viewing Rahamat as a murderer.
No one finds Muslim characters in the massive production machine of Bishwa Kobi-Raj-Guru except for Rahamat and in Musholmaani Didi. A Hindu pronounces Musolmaan as Musholmaan as found in Oi-ishlamic instead of Islamic. Bishwa Kobi-Raj-Guru had the same problem and deliberately ignored 57% Bengali-speaking Muslims. No wonder that the Bengali-speaking land was eventually divided. Such a scoundrel laureate was one of the responsible fellows for the partition because of his Hindu-oriented role being a member of the Brahma Samaj.
If he had any sense of humanity as a laureate then he would not have pursued to stop establishing the University in Dacca. Ashutosh Mukerjee initially opposed with his lawyer group members. His main instrumental was infamous communal Jadu Nath Sarkar. In order to strengthen the team against the establishment of the University in Dacca these communal despots gathered to include Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru.
The amazing thing is this laureate Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru accepted such an invitation and worked against the establishment of the University to be located in Dacca. As a trade Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru tried to install his son-in-law (husband of Myra Devi) Mr. Gangopadhaya (of Barisal origin; 1889 - 1956) as a Faculty member in Soil Science (basically Soil Chemistry and Geology) at the University of Calcutta. This 21-year old son-in-law had a Bachelor's degree then from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
Somehow hiring committee did not approve a Bachelor's holder to be a Faculty at the University of Calcutta. Even then Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru continued tuning his focus on damaging the approval of the new University. At that time he was already a Nobel Laureate.
This shameless laureate fought shoulder to shoulder with the management by shaking hands with the communal group members of the University of Calcutta as well as the lawyers of the Calcutta Court. HOW MANY BANGLADESHIS ARE PROUD OF THE UNIVERSITY OF DACCA? These sons of the soil must speak loudly that they are the products of that institution. HOW MANY BANGLADESHIS KNOW THAT Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru OPPOSED THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SAME UNIVERSITY BETWEEN 1910 AND 1920?
Why the Bangladeshis need to honor such a scoundrel laureate? If there was no University in Dacca then the entire population would face a situation like Nepal or Bhutan or Afghanistan. What was the prime reason for Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru to oppose this University? Do we have answer? Indeed Bishwa-Kobi-Raj-Guru was communally motivated
Evidence shows that when Chandrasekhar Venkat Raman died in 1970, at that time no scholarly people attended his funeral. Almost every Indian knew this despotic character as a great CHEAT of the science and technology arena. Poor Krishnan ultimately died as a madcap. If Raman could be honored in this way in India then why Bangladeshis are hesitant to abolish a communal laureate from the political and literal playground pf Bangladesh? A bill must be taken by the Parliament to approve the change of the National Anthem of Bangladesh.
A Bangladeshi must be the writer of such a National Anthem that nation can sing better without breaking tongue. Furthermore, the compatriots will not have to come across a communal any more. The nation will look perfect as filled with Bangladeshi citizens.
Finally, Bishwa Kobi-Raj-Guru had no connection with Bangladesh before 1947 and after 1947. His no family member or relatives belong to Bangladesh. His son-in-law was a British citizen and died there. His situation is not the same as Kazi Nazrul Islam. Again, Bishwa Kobi-Raj-Guru is not the National Poet of Bangladesh. Such a laureate has no room in India as well as a National Poet.
The prime reason for that he regarded as a scoundrel tout writer who had no fame in any branch of literature. Name any branch – he has touched, but never acquired championship. He has no parallel work compared to the champions in other languages. He was a mere reproducer and copier of old works of some less known people such as Lalan Fakir. He also stole many concepts from the Persian literature beside English competitors. Why Bangladeshis need to bother about such a stupid garbage copier? Since his ashes were thrown in Bhagirathi then we need to throw his legacies in the Bay of Bengal.
Mohammad Abdullah ,U.S.A.
mabdullah51@hotmail.com
http://bangladesh-web.com/view.php?hidDate=2006-04-28&hidType=OPT&hidRecord=0000000000000000103429
On Mon, Oct 31, 2011 at 11:24 AM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
Rabindranath Tagore-A Non-Contemporary Politician.
Mohammad Gani (USA)
How do we see Galileo, Newton, Einstein and Tagore as politicians or did they ever engaged, took side or participated in any politics in its real term? Well, their political lives though were not that luminous, the answer is yes and they surely did not come off with flying colors as they did in their other fields of international prides and fames.
For example, Einstein's life was "divided between politics and equations" and most of us knew his politics of nuclear bomb as well as his famous letter to President Franklin Roosevelt. Einstein's political activities started during First World War when he was a professor in Berlin and was sickened by what he saw as waste of human lives, became involved in anti-war demonstration. His post war efforts to prevent nuclear war are also well known. His advocacy of civil disobedience and post war international reconciliation efforts did not make him any popular and actually his politics later were making it difficult for him to visit/enter US, even to give lectures.
His second great cause was Zionism. Though he was Jewish by decent, Einstein rejected the biblical idea of God. However, a growing awareness of anti-Semitism during and after the First World War made him an outspoken supporter of Jewish Community. His "mind's free speech" on his theories also came under attack; an anti-Einstein organization was even set to repudiate and assault him.
At one point, a man was convicted of inciting others to murder Einstein that ended up with $6 (six dollars) fine! In 1933, Hitler came to power and Einstein was in America and decided not to return to Germany. His efforts towards peace achieved little except only few friends. However he was duly recognized in 1952 for his support for Jewish cause and was offered Presidency of Israel. He declined it, perhaps; equations were more important to him, knowing very well that "Politics is for the present but an equation is something for eternity".
Background: The Indian Independence Movement was a series of revolutions empowered by the people of India put forth to battle the British Empire to a complete political independence. It began with many organizations like the "Sepoy Mutiny or Rebellion" of 1857, reaching its climax with Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League, Mahatma Gandhi's Quit India Movement (1942-1945) and Subash Chandra Bose's Indian National Army invasion of British India during World War II and culminating eventually in full freedom on August14/15, 1947.
Kabi Guru Rabindranath Tagore was not deeply or visibly involved in any Party politics but never detached himself from maneuvering actively with current political events either. His political views marked complexities to characterize when he joined "Swadeshi Movement" in 1906 with the Indian National Congress, a Hindu-dominated political organization supported by the Calcutta elite against Lord Curzon. He strongly voiced against the partition of United Bengal and fiercely and forcefully opposed the division of Bengal in his essay published in "Bangadarshan". All India Muslim League supported Lord Curzon for historical reason and voiced against "Swadeshi Movement".
Tagore was uniquely complex in his attitude towards nationalism. He inaugurated the meeting of the Congress party that took place in Calcutta (Kolkata) in 1896 by singing "Bande Mataram" to his own tune. He composed his celebrated piece "Shivaji's Utsav" at that time and was inspired by the Shivaji Festival introduced by Maharashtra's Balgangadhar Tilak. In his many articles like "Sadhana", "Bangadarshan", and "Bharati", he passed many intransigent opinions and views on many contemporary political situations.
In 1925 he stated that British imperialism was not a primary evil but only a political symptom of our social disease. He urged Indians to accept that "there can be no question of blind revolution, but of steady and purposeful education". Such views inevitably enraged many, placing his life in danger.
During his stay in a San Francisco hotel in late 1916, Tagore narrowly escaped an assassination attempt by Indian expatriates; the plot failed only because the would-be assassins fell into an argument. Yet Tagore wrote songs lionizing the Indian Independence Movement and renounced his knighthood in protest against the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in13 April 1919.
Tagore was also the key in resolving a Gandhi-B.R.Ambedkar dispute involving separate electorates for untouchables. Though Tagore wrote for the movement of self-rule, he never supported extreme nationalism or terrorist activities and had disputed admirations for Netaji Subash Chandra Bose as a leader of Indian Independence.
Gandhi and Tagore severely clashed over their totally different attitudes toward political philosophy, culture and science. In January 1934, Bihar was struck by a devastating earthquake that killed thousands of people. Gandhi was then deeply involved in the fight against "untouchability"; and extracted a positive lesson from that tragic event. He argued, "A man like me cannot but believe this earthquake is a divine chastisement sent by God for our sins; in particular the sins of untouchability.
For me there is a vital connection between the Bihar calamity and the untouchability campaign". Tagore equally abhorred untouchability and had joined Gandhi in the movements against it, but fulminated against Gandhi's interpretation of this event that had caused suffering and death to so many innocent people including children and babies. He also hated the epistemology implicit in seeing an earthquake as caused by ethical failure. He wrote "It is all the more unfortunate because this kind of unscientific view of natural phenomena is too readily accepted by a large section of our countrymen".
Tagore was predictably hostile to communal sectarianism, such as a Hindu orthodoxy that was antagonistic to Islamic, Christian, or Sikh perspectives. Even nationalism seemed to be a suspect to him because of his attitude toward traditional Indian culture over broad cultural diversity. He wanted Indians to learn what is going on elsewhere, how others lived, what they valued, and so on, while remaining interested and involved in their own culture and heritage. Unlike Gandhi who promoted traditional Indian culture, Tagore was not dismissive to Western civilization. It could be found in his advice to Indian students abroad and in his letters wrote to his son-in-law (1907) Nagendranath Gangulee who had come to USA to study agriculture.
Rabindranath rebelled against the "strongly nationalist form" that the independence movement often took. This approach made him to refrain from taking particular active part in any contemporary politics. He wanted to assert that India's right to be independent without denying the importance of what India could learn freely and profitably from abroad would not compromise traditional Indian culture.
Tagore's criticism of patriotism is a persistent theme in his writings. In 1908, he expressed his position clearly in a letter replying to the criticism of Abala Bose, the wife of a great Indian scientist, Jagadish Chandra Bose, "Patriotism cannot be our final spiritual shelter; my refuge is humanity.
I will not buy glass for the price of diamonds and I will never allow patriotism to triumph over humanity as long as I live". His novel "Ghare Baire" (The Home and the World) has much to say about this theme. In this novel, Nikhil, who is keen on social reform including women's liberation, but cool toward nationalism, gradually loses the esteem of his spirited wife, Bimala, because of his failure to be enthusiastic about anti-British agitations, which she sees as a lack of patriotic commitment. Bimala becomes fascinated with Nikhil's nationalist friend Sandip, who speaks brilliantly and acts with patriotic militancy and she falls in love with him……….
Tagore also was not invariably well-informed about international politics. He allowed himself to be entertained by Mussolini in a short visit to Italy in May-June 1926. It was arranged by Carlo Formichi, a Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Rome. During that visit Tagore wished to meet Benedetto Croce, an Italian Philosopher/ politician, but Prof. Formichi called it "Impossible"! Mussolini told Tagore that Croce was "not in Rome". As Tagore continued insisting and said, "I would go wherever he is". Mussolini then said to him that Croce's whereabouts were unknown!!
Warnings from Romain Rolland, a French writer and Nobel Prize in literature in 1915 and other friends should have ended Tagore's brief involvement with Mussolini more quickly than it did. But only after he received graphic accounts of the brutality of Italian fascism from two exiles, Gaetano Salvemini and Gaetano Salvadori and learned more of what was happening in Italy. Tagore did publicly denounce the regime and published a letter to the "Manchester Guardian" in August 1926. The following month "Popolo d'Italia" a magazine edited by Mussolini's brother, replied: "Who cares? Italy laughs at Tagore anyway and also at those who brought this unctuous and insupportable fellow in our midst."
(Thanks to Prof. Amartya Sen, Swedish Nobel Academy and some periodicals).
Mohammad Gani (USA).
http://bangladesh-web.com/view.php?hidDate=2006-04-28&hidType=OPT&hidRecord=0000000000000000103575
On Sun, Oct 30, 2011 at 4:26 PM, Desh Bondhu <desh_bondhu@ymail.com> wrote:
Dear Miss,You missed the point,It was not about the beauty of the song, it was the context or background of the song.It was Robi Thakur who opposed actively against a university for the then children of East Bengal.He was cruel Zamidar who oppressed the farmer.He was a tool of British oppression against us.The beauty of his songs or poetry or literature do attract us not his political stance.
Desh-Bondhu,'Desher Kotha Bolay'
The exhibition of naked communalism, in both the article and the comments, is appalling! Communalism is a product of British colonial administration in India as is abundantly evident from the article's information about the division of Bengal in 1905. Any indulgence in communalism today is therefore a form of licking the boot of foreign Colonial Masters of pre-Independence, 1947.
There is so much more to our National Anthem than this silly discussion about the political background of the song being written by Rabindranath, and not by a Muslim author. By the way, Kazi Nazrul Islam's song for the motherland begins: 'namo namo namo, Bangladesh momo, chiro-monoromo chiro-modhur' which is a lovely song, but no one dares sing that song these days for fear of arousing even more communal wrath with our Islam-pasandwallahs.
For the Rabindranath-haters it should be solace to know that the National Anthem is only half a Rabindra-sangeet, since its tune is not composed by the poet.
'Amar Sonar Bangla' is set to a traditional baul tune -- 'ami kothaye pabo tare, amar moner manush je re' -- very popular to both Muslim and Hindu bauls at the time and was commonly sung by ordinary people of East Bengal. Tagore heard the tune in the voice of Gagan Harkara in Silaidoho, which is in Bangladesh. Besides the sheer enticement of the tune, he might have chosen it for the ease of making it popular in people's voices across Bengal.
It is written in simple language without the use of a consonant conjunct in any word, so even a 5-yr old literate can read the lyrics.
Because it is set to a Bengali folk tune, there is no need of Scottish bagpipe or kettle drums to accompany the singing of it (as was necessary for singing 'Pak shar zameen shaad baad'). Local dugdugi, mandira, khol, ektara, dotara, or even a broken harmonium could accompany the singing of this Bangladeshi anthem any time anywhere.
The magic of the tune of 'amar sonar Bangla' is so fabulous that it has touched other people's hearts for over a hundred years. It has been judged one of the 10 best National Anthems in the world by a music journalist in 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. The journalist felt that the wonderful tune "sounded like it was written for a stroll along the bank of the river Seine." It is astounding how he understood " ki anchol bichhayechho boter mule nodir kule kule" just by hearing the tune! He had listened to the anthems of 205 countries, and those that seemed to him written by a band leader of Royal Navy, or a military marching band, were considered 'lifeless' and perfunctory.
This traditional, spiritual baul tune is composed by an unknown. Its charm and magic will never fade and will continue to inspire love of the land in the the hearts of generations of Bangladeshis to come. We should thank Rabindranath's musical genius for choosing this pure, authentic Bangladeshi tune for his song in praise of Mother Bengal.
Farida Majid
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com; notun_bangladesh@yahoogroups.com; chottala@yahoogroups.com; ovimot@yahoogroups.com; dahuk@yahoogroups.com; sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com; progressive-muslim@yahoogroups.com; khabor@yahoogroups.com; mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com
From: desh_bondhu@ymail.com
Date: Mon, 10 Oct 2011 22:39:45 +0100
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Background of 'Amar Sonar Bangla'
মঙ্গলবার, ১১ অক্টোবর ২০১১,
কলকাতা শহরে প্রথম বাংলা ভাগের প্রতিবাদ হিসেবে 'আমার সোনার বাংলা' গানটি গাওয়া হয়েছিল।১৯১১ সালে দুই বাংলা পুনরায় একত্রিত হয়েছিল তবে তা ১৯৪৭ সালে পুনরায় ভাগ হওয়ার জন্য। নিউইয়র্ক টাইমসের ওই নিবন্ধের শেষ বাক্য: ইতিহাসের অনেক পরিহাস। তবে বঙ্গের অন্যতম পরিহাস হলো-১৯৭১ সালে ইস্ট বেঙ্গল স্বাধীনতা পেল আর তারা কিনা তাদের জাতীয় সংগীত হিসেবে বেছে নিলো 'আমারসোনার বাংলা'র প্রথম দশ লাইন। সেটি ছিল রবীন্দ্রনাথের এমন একটি কবিতা, যা অবিভক্ত বাংলারচেতনায় অনুপ্রাণিত।স্টাফ রিপোর্টার: 'আমার সোনার বাংলা আমি তোমায় ভালোবাসি'। রবীন্দ্রনাথ ঠাকুরের এই বাংলা কোনবাংলা? বাংলাদেশের ১৬ কোটি মানুষ বিশেষ করে স্কুল-কলেজের ছেলেমেয়েরা প্রতিদিন আসলে কোনবাংলার গান গাইছে। এই প্রশ্নটি অনেকের মনে বিশেষ করে বর্তমান ৫৮ হাজার বর্গমাইলের স্বাধীন ওসার্বভৌম বাংলাদেশের নতুন প্রজন্মের মনে একটা আন্দোলন তৈরি করতে পারে। কারণ বিশ্বের অন্যতমশীর্ষস্থানীয় প্রভাবশালী দৈনিক দি নিউ ইয়র্ক টাইমস এবিষয়ে একটি চমকপ্রদ তথ্য প্রকাশ করেছে।
পত্রিকাটির গত ৩রা অক্টোবর সংখ্যায় সামন্ত সুব্রামনিয়াম 'দেশ ভাগের আগে দেশভাগ' শীর্ষক নিবন্ধেতথ্য দেন যে, পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা ব্যানার্জি সম্প্রতি ওয়েস্ট বেঙ্গলকে পশ্চিমবঙ্গ করেছেন। এখনথেকে আর বাংলা পশ্চিমবঙ্গকে ইংরেজিতে ওয়েস্ট বেঙ্গল লেখা যাবে না। পশ্চিমবঙ্গের নাম ইংরেজিতেওপশ্চিমবঙ্গ লিখতে হবে। ওয়েস্ট বেঙ্গল লেখার রীতি আসলে ঔপনিবেশিক শাসনের ধারাবাহিকতা। বৃটিশভারত ছেড়েছে ১৯৪৭ সালে। তবে অবিভক্ত বাংলা দু'ভাগ হয়েছিল আরও আগে- ১৯০৫ সালে। ওই সময়েঅবিভক্ত বাংলার মোট জনসংখ্যা ছিল প্রায় ৮৪ মিলিয়ন। সেই বাংলা আয়তনে ছিল বর্তমান ফ্রান্সের সমান।১৮৯৮ থেকে ১৯০৫ পর্যন্ত ভারতে বৃটিশ ভাইসরয় ছিলেন লর্ড কার্জন। তিনি ভেবেছিলেন এতবড় বাংলাকেশাসন করা ও সামলানো বেশ কঠিন। তিনিই তাই বাংলা ভাগের পরিকল্পনা করেন। বৃটিশদের যে মূল নীতি'ভাগ করো ও শাসন করো' তার সঙ্গে কার্জনের পরিকল্পনা বেশ খাপ খায়। ১৯০৪ সালে ভারত সরকারেরস্বরাষ্ট্র সচিব এইচএইচ রিজলি লিখলেন, 'যুক্ত বেঙ্গল একটি শক্তি। এটা ভাগ করলে আমাদের শাসনেরবিরুদ্ধে চ্যালেঞ্জ সৃষ্টিকারী প্রতিপক্ষকে ভাগ করা হলে তারা দুর্বল হবে।' লর্ড কার্জনের মনে এই সুপারিশবিরাট প্রভাব ফেলেছিল।
১৯০৫ সালের ফেব্রুয়ারিতে ভাইসরয় কার্জন সেক্রেটারি ফর স্টেট অব ইন্ডিয়া জন ব্রডনিকের কাছে লিখলেন, 'কলকাতা হলো কংগ্রেসের ঘাঁটি। এখান থেকে তারা সমগ্র বাংলা এমনকি গোটা ভারত পরিচালনা করেথাকে। আইনজীবী শ্রেণী খুবই শক্তিশালী। এখন যদি বাংলা ভাগ করা হয় তাহলে তাদের দাপট কমে যাবে।এটা করলে প্রচণ্ড চিৎকার-চেঁচামেচি হবে। তবে আমাকে একজন বাঙাল ভদ্রলোক বলেছেন, আমার দেশেরলোক কোন কিছু নিষ্পত্তি না হওয়া পর্যন্ত অনেক হৈচৈ করে। এরপর তারা থেমে যায়। এবং মেনেও নেয়।'এরপরই বাংলা ভাগ হলো।
সুব্রামনিয়াম এরপর লিখেছেন, বাংলাকে এভাবে ভাগ করা হলো যাতে ইস্ট বেঙ্গলে উল্লেখযোগ্য সংখ্যকমুসলিমরা একত্রিত হতে পারে। তারা ভাগ হয়ে প্রথমেই তাদের শোষণ-বঞ্চনার বিরুদ্ধে সোচ্চার হলো।বৃটিশরা দরিদ্র মুসলিমদের অনুভূতি নিয়ে খেললো। ১৯০৪ সালের ফেব্রুয়ারিতে কার্জন ঢাকায় বলেছিলেন, 'ইস্ট বেঙ্গল হওয়ার ফলে মুসলমানরা এমন এক ঐক্যের স্বাদ পাবে যেটা তারা বহু আগে যখন মুসলমানরাজা-বাদশার আমলে পেয়েছিলেন।'
১৯০৫ সালের ১৬ই অক্টোবর বাংলা আনুষ্ঠানিকভাবে ভাগ হলো। আনন্দবাজার পত্রিকা পরদিন সম্পাদকীয়লিখেছিল, কলকাতার জনগণ এদিনটিকে শোক দিবস হিসেবে পালন করবে। এই দেশভাগ বিশেষ করেরবীন্দ্রনাথের জাতীয়তাবাদী চেতনাকে নাড়া দিয়েছিল। এর আগে সেপ্টেম্বরের মাঝামাঝি তিনি লিখেছিলেন, 'বাংলার মাটি, বাংলার জল এবং 'আমার সোনার বাংলা'। তখনও বাংলা ভাগের ঘোষণা আসেনি।
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