The Country Belongs to 16 Crore ( 160 million ) Bangladeshis, Not to a Man, No to a Family, Not to a Coterie
Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA
alaldulal@aol.com
Memorial of some sorts on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman goes on a daily basis with unprecedented fanfare, mostly at state's expense. The occasion may or may not relate to the leader, yet credit must go to him and processions and flowers must go to 32 Dhanmondi Road. It reminds one of the old saying: Ochena brahmmaner paitar chorachori!
Generations in their fifties and below have not witnessed the birth pangs of Bangladesh, nor did they experience the sufferings during its early days of existence. I wonder if they even know it was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who ruled the country during that period (1972 to 1975).
The new generations have been continually fed with misinformation about our history. Bangladesh did not start on March 7, 1971, nor did it end at 32 Dhanmondi Road. Its independence has a much glorious---even though struggling---past. Not all the supposed 3 million shaheeds were Awami Leaguers, nor did all the 300,000 active freedom fighters belong to Awami cadres.
The country does not belong to an individual, a family or a party. No coterie has the sole authority to call themselves freedom fighters or shwadhinotar shopokker shakti, while branding all others as collaborators or anti-Bangladeshis. Blind following or blind faith and hero-worshiping are one thing, but reality is another. More often than not, facts are stranger than fiction.Frankly, I fail to comprehend, in my humble understanding, a few things:
After declaring "ebarer sangram muktir sangra, ebarer sangram swadhinotar sangram..." on March 7 how could Sheikh Mujibur Rahman sit on the negotiating table with Yahya and his jallads from March 15 to 25, 1971? Why was it difficult for Sheikh Mujib to understand the game plan of the Military junta? Landing of plane and shiploads of troops and armaments in Dhaka and Chittagong was no secret. Was then Mujib a party to the whole game?
Why Sheikh Mujib, in his lifetime, or the AL has not yet revealed what really went at Bangabhaban in those days? To the reporters, Mujb always boasted of making progress, even on the morning of March 25, without giving details. Dr. Kamal Hossain, a member of the AL team, is still alive and can clarify. (Richard Sisson and Leo Rose of the US Barkley University published in 1990 a much researched book titled 'War and Secession: Pakistan, Indian and the Creation of Bangladesh' in which they gave some details about the points of agreements between the two parties, aimed at keeping Pakistan united).
Why did Sheikh Mujibur Rahman decline to sign, according to some accounts, the declaration of independence when approached by Tajuddin Ahmed, ASM Abdur Rob and others on the night of March 25, 1971, AL's claim to the contrary notwithstanding? (Rob is still alive to speak on it). According to Dr. Kamal Hossain, Mujib was keenly waiting for a promised declaration from President Yahya Khan to handover power to him forthwith. In reality, the president had something else in mind. He ordered the Operation Searchlight to "teach Bengalis a lesson" that massacred seven thousand innocents in Dhaka alone in just two days, as quoted by International Herald Tribune on March 30, 1971. The Time on April 12, 1971 compared the Pakistani brutality with that of Chengis Khan. Two days later, the confused and disoriented public heard a declaration of independence by an unknown Major Ziaur Rahman form the Kalurghat Radio in Chittagong. Had it come on March 25 or near around, lives of thousands could have been saved.
Why did Sheikh Mujib call US Ambassador Joseph Farland in Islamabad on the night of March 25, 1971, and who facilitated that link? (Please see 'Witness to Surrender' by Siddiq Salek)How can Sheikh Mujib avoid responsibility for his failure to give direction at that crucial juncture to the people who had to pay a heavy price as a result? I wonder, one day, researchers may find it difficult to ascertain who would be guiltier---Gholam Azam or Shiekh Mujib?
Sheikh Mujib's Bangladesh (1972-75)
Upon return from the Pakistani custody on January 10, 1972, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman saddled himself in the helm of Bangladesh, which won independence in his absence at a great cost. There was no dearth of international goodwill and assistance---in cash and kind---yet the new country failed to take off. Belying the stories of Japan, Germany and Italy, who experienced much worse devastations of war 25 years earlier, Bangladesh turned itself into a 'bottomless basket' in just 3 years. The reasons are not far to seek. (Please see New York Times of December13, 24, 1974 and January 26, 1975; the Washington Post of November 8, 1974 plus other media sources.)
Nearly half a million lives lost in the 'man-made' famine in 1974/75. The dreaded Rakkhi Bahini that was under Sheikh Mujib's personal command killed 40 thousand dissidents. Emergency was clamped in 1974, politics banned and media gagged. Thousand of political opponents were sent to jail to rot and be tortured. Please open the pages of newspapers of the time and see that I am not talking of myths.
Despite the supreme authority he held, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman felt something amiss in the protocol. Through 4th Amendment to the constitution in January 1975, enacted in 11 minutes without any debate, he made himself the President, showing exit door to poor Mohammad Ulla.
Then came his "Second Revolution" in the form of BAKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League), the one-party system. As the Chairman of the BAKSAL and the President of the country, he became the unchallenged authority, the Omni-powerful leader, a virtual dictator with all its manifestations.
The process of 'rising above' and becoming a 'god' did not stop. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was heading towards becoming the Life-long President of Bangladesh. Reportedly, a resolution to that effect was to be taken by the Chatra League on August 15, 1975 at the Dhaka University, where he was to be the chief guest. Once proposed by the CL, it was only a formality for the political leadership to enact it in the rubber-stamp parliament. We know the rest of the story.
Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely
(Part Two)
Sheikh Hasina Wazed, daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, came to be the chief executive of Bangladesh in 1996--- thanks to a section of bureaucracy, media, Awami League supporter Abu Hena's Election Commission and finally Ershad's Jatiya Party. She openly said of her two objectives that she would like to complete in her maiden foray into power: avenge the death of her father and rehabilitate him firmly in public eyes. She performed only that, and nothing else.
An orchestrated election in December 2008 presented an unprecedented victory to Sheikh Hasina, thanks to then army chief General Moeen U Ahmed and his Indo-US backers. As the saying goes, absolute power corrupts absolutely. So it did to Hasina, at times surpassing her father's reputations.In the Second Inning to power, starting in January 2009, she stepped into her father's footsteps firmly. She runs a neo-BAKSAL regime, with all its ferocity and brutality.
Next election is due in 2 years. She had taken, or in the process of taking, a numbers measures to replay the December 29 (2008) saga, if not doing better.The arrangement of Caretaker Government (CTG) has been scrapped, with a view to holding the elections under her own administration. Ironically, it was Hasina and her cohorts who created havoc and observed hartals for 173 days in 1996 demanding the CTG.
She put loyal elements in key positions in bureaucracy, law-enforcing agencies and even in the military.Legislature and judiciary became laughing stocks. Kortar hukume korma is the guidelines:
Dhaka has been sliced into two to favor AL's election prospects.That the military remains partisan and loyal is ensured by family-product Defense Advisor Gen Siddiqui.Gen Masood Uddin Chowdhury, a Rakkhi Bahini product and the executioner of 1/11 betrayal, is tipped to be the next army chief. Independent-minded officers have been purged.A crushed BDR is now subservient to Indian wishes.Rumor has it that the DGFI (Directorate General of the Defense Intelligence) is under control of the RAW, the powerful Indian intelligence agency.Following the legacy of her father, Rakkhi Bahini style political killings and abductions of opponents continued. Partisan political commissars, styled as District Administrators, will by installed in the 61 districts soon, a la Baksal Governors of 1975.A new Election Commission is under construction to bring in loyal elements.Indian 'bags of money and advice' are always there to help their protégé.
Prime Minister for Life
Additionally, Sheikh Hasina seems to be obsessed with her father's last dream: to be Prime Minister for Life. Her sponsors and agents have been working for sometime toward that goal.Her administration made the trial of war crime a big issue. If she and her sycophants are to be taken seriously, Bangladesh presently has no bigger problem than this trial.
Few would deny the need to punish the criminals of 1971. However, most people object to the partisan way the ongoing trial is conducted. They wonder why the trial had not happened over the past 40 years, when the memory of crime was fresh; why did Sheikh Mujib grant clemency to the Pakistani 195 war criminals in 1972, as well as their local collaborator in 1974?
AL and Jamaat-e-Islam were bedfellows in the anti-government movement. The leaders from the two camps addressed meetings from same platforms in 1995-96. When Jamaat joined BNP to defeat the AL in 2001, it suddenly became the party of war criminals. Today, any movement or opposition to the AL led government is dubbed as conspiracy 'to save the war criminals'. The intended message is Hasina must be kept in power to 'hang the war criminals' of her choice.
For the past 3 years, Sheikh Hasina has been talking of 'Digital Bangladesh by 2021', to be implemented by her son Sajeeb Wazed Joy. Now the goalpost has been shifted to 2025. The paid agents started a campaign crowing that, under Hasina administration, Bangladesh would be a mid-level developed nation in 10-15 years. This is to convey another message that for a 'prosperous Bangladesh', Sheikh Hasina must be in power for another 10-15 years, uninterrupted.
The RAW, too, has calculated it well. With its protégé in power for at least another 10 years, India's integration of Bangladesh with its Seven Sisters will be complete. And, a Sikkim/Kashmir like Bangladesh will then be able to proudly boast of being part of the 'Shining India' and 'enjoy' status of mid level economy!
I had the opportunity to be part of our liberation war in eastern sector in 1971. During that time, I could notice the pitiable state of development in some of those Sisters. Behind the façade of Shining India, Slums Dog Millions are aplenty in the periphery of its big cities, even outside the Seven Sisters. The New York Times on December 29, 2011 put up an extensive article on this: From Dharavi, Another View of India. Please visit:
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/29/world/asia/in-indian-slum-misery-work-politics-and-hope.html?_r=1&pagewanted=1&ref=global-home
There is no reason for me to take solace from Dharavi, because we have worse 'dharavi's in Bangladesh. No doubt, India made its name in the world comity in many ways. However, to its neighbors, it could not rise above its hegemonic behavior and petty mindedness. It has multifarious problems with each of its surrounding neighbors. My idea is to open the eyes of those amongst us who live in fools' paradise thinking our salvation lies in India's lap or following her dictum.
Are these India-lovers blind to the consequences of Farakka to Bangladesh over the past 35 years? Why Indian Navy is occupying South Talpatti? Do killings of Felani and thousand others by Indian BSF mean nothing to them? How do they concur with Indian assurance that Tipaimukh will benefit Bangladesh? Have they ever asked India why Bangladeshis are wire-caged as animals? Haven't they noticed the consequences of so-called trial run of the transit/corridor? What more of 'Indian friendship' these homegrown dalals need to wake up and face the reality. Sellers of national interest are much more dangerous and bigger enemies than the war criminals of 1971. If Sheikh Hasina were to continue in power, I doubt if the people of Bangladesh can call themselves Bangladeshis much longer.
Challenge for BNP and Opposition
(Part Three and Last)
Sheikh Hasina Wazed is aware that public support for her administration is sliding fast. Many experts, in their writings and talks shows, compared the country's existing situation with that of pre-August 1975, some even saying it to be worse. But she will do everything possible and use all tools at her disposal in her attempts to cling to power. Some measures have been detailed in Part Two of this series.
Next election is at least two years away. Whatever complacency the opposition may hold regarding AL's debacle next time round, Hasina and her sponsors are not sitting idle.She has an obliging judiciary, a loyal bureaucracy, a tamed military and ready-to-comply law enforcing agencies. (To make the police happy and to her side, she just announced to upgrade the Thana OCs to Class I officers and Sub-Inspectors to Class II.) Above all, it has a one-sided legislature that is engaged in self-praising and hero-worshipping.
If Sheikh Hasina perceives no prospect of winning next elections, her fallback strategy, or her last nail on the coffin--- moron kamor---will be to create another pre-1/11 situation with a view to inviting extra judicial authority to step in. She expects her trusted Rakkhi Bahini product and executioner of 1/11 palace coup in 2007, General Masud Uddin Chowdhury, will then be handy. The general has been recalled from his diplomatic assignment in Australia and reverted to the army. According to rumor, he is likely to take over the army command in a few months, if there is no technical hitch in extending his service. He is not likeable in military hierarchy, though.
Bangladesh could not yet resolve its outstanding issues with India, yet the 'big brother' got its much sought after corridor/transit and re-routing of the Asian Highway to her benefit. Teesta sharing could not be agreed because of opposition by West Bengal's Momota Banerjee. Tipaimukh is proceeding as planned, exposing the northeastern part of the country to 'farakka effect'. Indian RAW is Omni-present in the country, even in the military. Can our think tank, whatever left to be sold out, visualize where we are heading?
Opposition movements, in the face of administrative repression and reprisals, made little dents so far to government's autocratic practices. The opposition needs not only to match the strategy of the administration; it should also aim at gaining an advantage. BNP may consider a few steps to regain and strengthen its image.
BNP needs to work on its 2001 strategy, learning from the debacle of 2008.In 2001, out of 56 million votes, BNP had 23 million (41.5%), making a comfortable number of 193 in the parliament. The opposition AL got 22 million (40%) but managed only 62 seats. One million votes made a difference of 131 seats!
(In the elections in 2008, out of nearly 70 million votes cast, 33 million (48%) went to AL, converting to 232 parliamentary seats. 23 million (32%) voted for BNP, humbling it to mere 32 seats. 10 million votes made a difference of 200 seats in the House. Additionally, even though 14 million additional votes cast in 2008, BNP failed to benefit from this increased turnout, for whatever reasons. There were umpteen analyses for that sea change in political landscape, which surprised even the winners. Things need to go right the next time round.)
Unlike the urban gentry, which try to shy away from voting fearing trouble, the general public and rural mass usually flock to the polling booths, or brought to the centers by interested parties. They look at it as a celebration. These are the people who will make the difference in the number of seats. According to reports, BNP has a better grass-root hold, which must be nurtured and strengthened.
In politics, honesty is perhaps a rare commodity. One would need a powerful microscope to locate an honest one, if any, in Bangladesh. One of the reasons for BNP's poor performance in 2008, according to most analysts, was the wrong doings by some of its prominent leaders during its immediate past term. The Hawa Bhaban came under scrutiny, albeit with malicious intent. No doubt the allegations have been inflated by the authorities that be, but they could not have come from vacuum either. Ja rote, ta kichu to bote.
Situation during the Awami time was no better. Today, it is unprecedented, pukur churi, as the US, the World Bank, the Westmont Group of Malaysia, among others, had to step in to check government's corruptive practices.Finger pointing apart, BNP's well-wishers feel that the party should address the issue seriously and attempt at cleaning its house, as far as possible.
BNP may consider the following three things immediately:
One: Soul-searching. People do make mistakes by oversight or whatever reasons, but it certainly is gracious to admit mistakes, if any. Contrary to the feeling that such a step will give ammunition to the adversaries to malign, I am of the opinion that it is better to come out clean rather than harboring a guilty conscious. Remember Sheikh Hasina in 1996, her apology for past mistakes, her hezab and tasbih following Makkah-Madina trips and went begging for votes, at least once? Bangladeshis are largely gullible. Dipu Moni started the ghomta already.
Two: Housecleaning. I believe corruption is going to be a core issue in the next election.
The Arab Spring Uprisings, the Occupy Wall Street/Cities/Towns engulfing the developed word, the Anna Hazare Movement in India, the Imran Khan Rallies in Pakistan---all have one thing in common: root out corruption. It has become a global issue today. Fighting corruption should be BNP's number one goal, as such. Simultaneously, the party should take drastic action against its known and proven culprits, whoever they are. In addition, the party should rid itself of inactive, ineffective and irrelevant leaders. These are imperatives for public confidence building.
Three: Try War Criminals. The way the government of Awami League is conducting the trial of war crimes is unacceptable. It is a political trial, done with controversial and partisan judges and lawyers. Nevertheless, punishing the war criminals is a national demand, a demand past due. Therefore, BNP should make a formal commitment to try the war criminals of 1971. It should make a declaration that it will reconstitute the International War Criminal Act, conforming to international norms and standard and re-assemble the Tribunal with independent, impartial and credible judges. If need be, eminent international jurists be incorporated in it. The real culprits, whosoever they are, should be brought to book, subject to credible and verifiable investigations and evidences. The accused should have access to any counselor, local or international. No political motive, no witch-hunting to be allowed.
War criminals should be seen differently from their membership to any party. Jamaat-e-Islam is a political party and should have every right to function like any other party. BNP should continue its alliance with the Jamaat and other like-minded parties. Few will disagree that Jamaat is a highly disciplined party and its leaders are less corruptive.
http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=374009
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