How are the Left Parties?
By and large, the left political parties put on a poor performance in the last national election. Weak public support and lack of consolidation in the left camp are among the main causes for this downslide…
by ANWAR PARVEZ HALIM
Contesting under the Awami League symbol of 'boat', JSD won three seats and Workers Party two in the Ninth Jatiya Sangsad (National Parliament) election. Again, contesting in the same election under JSD's own symbol of a 'flaming torch', its two other candidates failed miserably as did two candidates of Workers Party, contesting under their symbol of the hammer and sickle. The other left parties, including CPB, NAP, BSD, Gonotantri Party and Biplobi Workers Party, floated 118 candidates in the polls. They secured a combined total of 1,09,931 votes, that is an average of 931.61 votes each. All of them lost their security deposits. This ignoble performance only goes to show how weak the standing of the left wing parties is with the people. A pitiful state of affairs. There are about two dozen leftist political parties in the country. Of them, only about seven or eight are visibly active in their meetings, rallies, processions and protests. The remaining few restrict themselves to statements and press notes in the media. Many are happy enough to receive invitations to formal functions at Bangabhaban and the various diplomatic embassies. The parties have leaders, but their workers seem non-existent. Many of the parties have no office, no signboard, just perhaps a letterhead. They exist in name alone. In the early eighties, a lot of young college and university students moved towards left politics. This trend no longer exists, admit several left leaders frankly while speaking to PROBE. JSD General Secretary Syed Zafar Sajjad says there are no new recruits in the party. Veteran left leader Professor Muzaffar Ahmed admits to the same, saying his party too has no newcomers. BSD leader Razzekuzzaman Ratan partially admits this as does CPB General Secretary Mujaheedul Islam Selim. They offer their brand of logic, but political analysts have two main analyses concerning the prevailing state of left politics in the country. Firstly, they see the surge of capitalism, growth of consumerism, onset of globalization and the fall of the Soviet Union as the main cause of crisis for the left parties in the country. Secondly, the left-leaning parties in Bangladesh have a sense of mistrust among themselves, they lack confidence and have a propensity towards capitalism. As a result, the parties are neither developing as individual entities, nor are they able to form a unified and consolidated front. Saiful Haque, General Secretary of Biplobi Workers Party and CPB leader Mujaheedul Islam Selim, tell PROBE that there are many left leaders today who are unwilling to make any sacrifices or take any risks. They are all too ready to compromise with capitalist values and are eager to become MPs or ministers. The left parties, as it is, are small in size and strength. On top of that, the top leaders are determined to hold on to their positions rather than follow democratic norms. As a result, internal conflicts cause the parties to break up into many factions. JSD, BSD, CPB and recently Workers Party are glaring examples of this. Why can the left parties not create an alternative political force outside the Awami League and BNP sphere? Dr. Sirajul Islam Chowdhury tells PROBE, "The left and right forces over here are both basically from the middle classes. The left fails on two grounds. They cannot declass themselves and they cannot uphold the aspirations of the people." He feels that the left parties cannot go deep enough and so the bourgeoisie parties manage to draw in the public while the left fails to do so. "Many left leaders are opportunists," adds Dr Sirajul Islam Chowdhury, "and so they lose their workers trust. They fail to consolidate their parties." Many left leaders point to Hasanul Huq Inu and Rashed Khan Menon as opportunists. Their own party leaders castigate them for contesting in the election as part of the mahajote (grand alliance) under Awami League's 'boat' symbol and becoming MPs. Gono Forum leader Mesbahuddin Ahmed, formerly a leader of JSD, says, "If you question Inu or Menon on this head they will simply rattle off that they joined the mahajote to 'uphold the Spirit of the Liberation War as part of the pro-independence forces' But I feel they contested under the 'boat' symbol to become ministers or MPs. They want to gain something for themselves. They also want to give the workers something or else they won't be able to retain their hold on them because they have survived long with nothing in exchange. How much longer will they do so? This is reality." About two dozen left political parties take themselves to be hardcore communists. But analysts say that it is CPB, BSD (Khalequzzaman), Nirmal Sen, NAP (Muzaffar), Badaruddin Umar and the a few others who remain faithful to left ideology, despite splits and rifts along the way. The others are opportunists with left façades. PROBE's investigations lead to further deficiencies in the left camp.
Communist Party of Bangladesh, CPB
After the fall of the Soviet Union, CPB was hit hard in 1993. A large section of the senior leaders left the party. Bidding farewell to left ideology, a faction of CPD led by Saifuddin Manik joined up with Gono Forum. Others went to Awami League or BNP. Ajay Ray formed the Communist Kendra, though this organization virtually has no activities. CPB continues today under the leadership of Manzurul Ahsan Khan and Mujahidul Islam Selim. This is mainstream CPB. In the past they have carried out movements along with Awami League, but did not join the mahajote in the last election on ideological grounds, says Mujaheedul Islam Selim. He says, "Simply claiming to be left doesn't mean a party is really leftist." As to why CPB fails to grow in strength like BNP or Awami League, but grows weaker by the day, Mujaheedul Islam Selim says, "We have made mistakes in the past. After independence we did not emerge as a force alternative to Awami League. This was a blunder. We failed to say, 'If you don't like Sheikh, come with us'. We couldn't have confidence in the pro-Chinese camp either. As a result, a unity couldn't be formed. However, we can't say that the left has been obliterated. It is the left, after all, that is most vocal in protest about vital national issues such as oil, gas, seaports, Phulbari Coal Mine and so on. The left launches movements in these matters." He says, "We are not in politics for power.." About Dilip Barua becoming a minister and Inu and Menon becoming MPs, Selim says, "JSD may claim to be a left wing party, but their role has always been suspicious. Inu and Menon are both extreme opportunists. This is their moral turpitude. They will hardly be able to play any role outside Awami League's policies and programmes." CPB fielded 37 candidates in the last election, but lost in all these seats. They secured only a total of 42,115 votes, that means an average of 1138 votes each. However, in the upazila election, two of their 16 candidates for the post of Chairman and five of their 15 candidates for Vice Chairman won. In their post-election evaluation report, CPB says that their organizational structure was weak and inadequate for the election. It admits that the party was still amateurish where the elections are concerned. As to whether CPB's votes had increased, Mujaheedul Islam Selim says, "In the efforts to 'minus' the two ladies, all votes simply went their way. How can our votes increase?" Selim says, "We are not frustrated. As the opposition, we will continue in our movement against the government. We will not give BNP and Jamaat a free hand to take over as the single opposition."
Workers Party of Bangladesh
Workers Party is now split into three. The faction under Menon is now part of the government. Menon and Fazle Hossain Badsha became MPs under the 'boat' symbol. Bimal Biswas also contested under the 'boat' symbol, but lost. In Noakhali, Anwar Hossain and in Thakurgaon, Shahidullah, contested under the party's own symbol of hammer and sickle, but also lost. And as Menon failed to become a minister, the workers of the party are angry and frustrated. This anger and frustration is palpable in the voice of Aminur Rahman Mullick, member of Workers Party politburo. He says, "We had joined the 14 Party alliance of Awami League. Awami League formed an election alliance with Ershad. This had nothing to do with us. Workers Party joined the mahajote on the basis of the 23 points put forward by the 14 Party. We are in the alliance, but not in the government. Even in the parliament, Workers Party is in the role of the opposition. If the government moves away from implementing the 13 points, we will oppose this. However, the time hasn't come yet." He says, "The mahajote hasn't had any meetings since the election. Our party wasn't even consulted when the cabinet was being formed. So this can't really be called a mahajote government." In the meantime, vehemently opposed to contesting under the 'boat' symbol, Workers Party idealist leader Haider Akbar Khan Rono has walked out to form his own faction named Workers Party (Restructured).
Workers Party (Restructured)
This party was formed recently by Rono and six central committee members of Workers Party. The party's temporary office has been set up at Dhanmandi. Units are underway in the districts. About leaving the party to form a new one, Rono explains, "I believe in left ideology. Menon has thrown away his ideals to join hands with Awami League. It is sheer opportunism to profess being a leftist while practicing capitalist values. This is cheating the party and the workers. I left on ideological grounds." Rono continues, "I shall shortly call for a communist unity. This unity is for any left progressive party."
Biplobi Workers Party
Ideological differences caused Saiful Haque and six central leaders to leave Workers Party in 2004. They formed Biplobi Workers Party of which Saiful Haque is General Secretary and Khandakar Ali Abbas President. Saiful Haque says, "There was no democracy in Workers Party. There was no change in leadership." He blames Menon for this. He says, "Most of the leaders would talk of left ideals, but act the contrary." He says, "Inu and Menon are the junior partners of the ruling class. They cannot really be called leftists, though the media still terms them as left wingers." Biplobi Workers Party fielded five candidates in the last election. They together secured a mere 2021 votes, that is an average of 404 votes each.
Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD)
Mainstream JSD is considered the one under leadership of Hasanul Huq Inu. Inu had filed a case against Ershad for unlawful takeover of power. At the same time there are rumours of his proximity with the Ershad government. Whatever the case may be, the left camp is no longer willing to call Inu's JSD a left party. Over the last 10 years they haven't even uttered their slogan of 'scientific socialism'. Many have termed Inu as an opportunist. JSD fielded four candidates in the election. Inu, Mohiuddun Khan Badal and Shah Zikrul Ahmed became MPs. Bogra's Rezaul Karim Tansen lost. Workers of JSD are frustrated and annoyed at Inu not finding place in the cabinet. JSD General Secretary Syed Zafar Sajjad tells PROBE, "We are explaining to the workers that becoming a minister isn't the important thing here. We joined the grand alliance in light of the ground reality of the country. Anyway, JSD had long been united with Awami League in various movements. That is why JSD joined the mahajote as opposed to the BNP-Jamaat alliance. Sajjad goes on to say, "It is true that the 14 party hasn't been well represented in the government. The ideals and objectives of the mahajote have not been achieved."
JSD (Rab)
JSD has another faction under ASM Abdul Rab and Nur-e-Alam Ziku, but they hardly have any field-level activities. Ziku is unwell and inactive in politics. Rab too hardly is visible, other than as a seasonal politician on TV talk-shows. This party had about 100 candidates in the last election, including ASM Abdur Rab. All of them were defeated soundly. This party now exists through occasional statements in the papers. Shahjahan Siraj joined BNP and his faction of JSD disappeared.
Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal (BSD)
CPB leader Selim has termed BSD, under Khalequzzaman, as a true progressive left party. He says that no matter how small the party may be, it has ideals and ethics. BSD has some workers in educational institutions and other parts of the country. BSD had 57 candidates in the election. They scored 39,083 votes, meaning an average of 686 votes per person. BSD leader Razzekuzzaman Ratan feels that many left leaders lack self-confidence and have a propensity for the bourgeois. "That is why left politics doesn't grow in the country," he says, "though the global recession proves the lackings in the capitalist system. The benefits of socialism as opposed to capitalism must be explained to the people. The people do not even trust the two main political camps in the country. They are looking for an alternative force. Yet the left parties have failed to reach that space. The left parties are to be blamed. However, we are hopeful." Mahbubul Huq, leader of another faction of BSD, has been away from politics since he was injured in his head. He presently lives in Canada. In his absence the party is almost non-existent. It has no activities at all.
Samyabadi Dal
With the death of its pro-Chinese leader Mohammed Toaha, Samyabadi Dal fell into the shadows. Dilip Barua is keeping the party's head above water with a minimum number of workers. Samyabadi Dal has a few workers in Ramgati of Laxmipur, Bajitpur of Kishoreganj and Mirserai of Chittagong. It has no presence anywhere else in the country. Though a part of the mahajote, Sheikh Hasina didn't give Barua nomination in the election as his was just a one-man party. However, Dilip Barua was made Industries Minister in the technocrat quota. This is a great achievement for Barua in his political career. The other left leaders were not only disappointed at his being made a minister, but surprised too. It is heard his connections with China may have had a say in his cabinet appointment. In the meantime, with Dilip Barua becoming minister, his party activities have ground to a halt. This party lacks in workers and able leadership.
National Awami Party (NAP)
True blue communist Professor Muzaffar Ahmed is now 87 years old. Due to his advanced years, he is no longer his previous dynamic self, but he has still held onto leadership of the party. Like its leader, NAP is inert. It has many workers all over the country, but they no longer have ties with the party. Muzaffar Ahmed is unable to run the party. This senior leader says, "There are no new recruits in the party." A staunch follower of Moulana Bhasani, Muzaffar Ahmed is unhappy that many leaders have left this party to become ministers. Many established leaders of today were with NAP at one point of their political careers, but now none of them even inquire about Muzaffar Ahmed. "Only my friend Mujib valued me," he says. He has no assets and in their old age, he and his wife live with their daughter at her home. He spends most of his time at home, but is hopeful that one day new leadership will emerge. Then again, many blame Muzaffar Ahmed for the diminishing of NAP. They say that he is so stubborn that it is impossible to work with him. NAP contested in 14 seats in the last election and bagged only 24,163 seats. NAP, contend analysts, is nothing more than a dead horse. Other than mainstream NAP, Shafiqul Ghani Swapan, son of former NAP leader late Mashiur Rahman Jadu Miah, is said to head another faction of the party. In actuality, though, this party is more or less non-existent. Then again, certain persons under the banner of Bhasani NAP are seen observing Bhasani's birth and death anniversaries. Their leader Abul Kalam Azad joined Kalyan Party after 1/11 but was later expelled from this new party.
Gonotantri Party
Ahmedul Kabir and others formed this party after walking out of NAP. At one time Awami League leader Suranjit Sengupta was also with Gonotantri Party. He became MP from this party. Labour leader Nurul Islam has taken the reins of the party lastly and had joined the mahajote before the election. However, Nurul Islam passed away and the party was not given any nomination from the mahajote in the election. It contested with its own symbol and with 5 candidates. They secured a pitiful 2549, about 510 votes per candidate on average. Gonotantri party has no activities around the country and has a few workers in Dhaka's industrial areas.
Jatiya Mukti Council
Badruddin Umar is another stubborn leftist. He has adhered staunchly to left ideology, but has failed to gain a foothold among the public. His party was named Biplobi Gonotantrik Jote. He dissolved that to form Jatiya Mukti Council and is President of this party. He is joined for former CPB leader Faizul Hakim Lala. But this party's activities is extremely limited and no one is very aware about it.
Gonotantrik Biplobi Party
Krishak Sramik Samajbadi Dal was formed by journalist Nirmal Sen and a handful of his followers. Due to Nirmal Sen's illness, his party has become inactive over the past few years. At this juncture, Babul Biswas' Sramajibi Mukti Andolan and Mosharraf Mishu's Biplobi Oikya Front merged with this party to form the Gonotantrik Biplobi Party. Nirmal Sen is President of the party with Mishu as General Secretary. While the name of Sramajibi Mukti Andolan can be heard in the southwest belt of the country, only Babul Biswas himself joined the new party. He couldn't bring the party workers along with him. On the other and, Musharraf Mishu basically carries out movements with the garments workers in and around Dhaka. None of them have any organizational strength at a national level. Garments workers are Mishu's sole strength in the new party. However, a leader of Nirmal Sen's former party, on condition on anonymity, says, "This can hardly be considered a party. They will not succeed. They may have announced the new party but have not formed a full-fledged committee. This will not have an impact on the country."
Gonotantrik Bam Jote
This alliance comprises 10 left parties. These are BSD (Khalequzzaman); Saiful Haque's Biplobi Workers Party; Tipu Biswas' Jatiya Gono Front; BSD (Mahbub); Gonotantrik Biplobi Party (Nirmal Sen); Badrul Alam's CPB (ML); Samyabadi Dal (MLM); Gonotantrik Majdoor Party; Bangladesher Samajtantrik Andolan; and Junaid Saki's Gono Sanghati. Of these parties, only Khalequzzaman's BSD and Saiful Haque's Biplobi Workers Party are registered. The one-time Eleven Party alliance later became the 14 Party alliance. Most of the allies were left parties. However, the Eleven party does not have eleven parties, but eight. So the 14 party too does not actually have 14 parties per se.
Janajuddha, Lal Pataka and others
Outside of the official left political camp, there are certain radical Maoist groups in the country's south, west and north regions. These are Purbo Banglar Communist Party, Sarbahara Dal, Janajuddha and Lal Pataka, among others. They came under attack during the caretaker government of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. Their leaders Tapan Malitha, Dr. Masud, Kamrul Master and Mofakkharul Islam were killed in crossfire. However, as far as it is known, these parties still exist and are quietly reorganizing themselves. Many of them have contact with the Maoists of Nepal and West Bengal. |
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