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Wednesday, September 30, 2009

[ALOCHONA] William B Milam remembers Saifur Rahman



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View: Equinox and paradox

William B Milam

Daily Times

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009%5C09%5C30%5Cstory_30-9-2009_pg3_5

 

William B Milam is a senior policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington and a former US Ambassador to Pakistan and Bangladesh

 

It is important to recognise that the US remains a cohesive and vibrant society at the micro level, very unlikely to unravel. That could imply that, sooner or later, the macro level, with strong visionary leadership, will begin to knit up also

 

Fall seems to have come again this year in Washington almost without notice. The Autumnal Equinox, when the sun is directly above the equator, marking the time when the nights start to become longer than the days, falls every year on September 22 or 23. But the equinox is just another day in Washington — the change it heralds is ignored. Aside from having to turn on one's headlights earlier, carrying an umbrella for Fall showers, sitting through innumerable discussions of the Washington Redskins — the only passion, apart from politics, in this town — the official start of Fall is a non-event.

 

This year the equinox brought us cooler and cloudy weather, more of a harbinger of the coming season than usual. President Obama's mood appears to have cooled and clouded also, although that was probably not caused by the equinox, but one has to wonder if his mood shift also signals stormier political weather. He began his counteroffensive on healthcare with a big speech to Congress even before the equinox, and has continued it with a media blitz that began last Sunday when he appeared on five morning talk shows. This would be a physically impossible feat for us ordinary mortals (assuming any of us would ever get invited on these shows anyway), but for a President who stays in one place and lets the shows come to him, it is doable.

 

Last month, I described the pervasive mood of distrust, uncertainty, fear, and frustration that I had sensed when my brother and I drove across the US in early August. Many Americans, and not by any means just those who oppose the President politically, look upon any change that involves the federal government (especially when that change appears to threaten benefits the government provides them) with great scepticism. Government has lost their trust, and many question its motives, viz. the fear that it planned to reduce healthcare costs by euthanising the sick and elderly (a canard planted in their minds by conservative media stars).

 

This mood has created stiff resistance to the President's agenda for change, especially because the opposition seemed to have removed all barriers to hyperbolic discourse in their effort to inflict political defeat upon him. Despite his strong counteroffensive and appeals to reason and fact, which may be beginning to turn the tide on some issues, the general mood of the public on the macro level, i.e. the ability of government to play a positive role in their lives, remains ugly and resistant.

 

This mood is fed by changes that the public generally fears. First, the US economy has been changing fast — too fast perhaps for people to understand the reasons or direction — and this has, of course, been exacerbated greatly by the double whammy recession that has hammered the US in the past 18 months. In addition, two wars that the public disapproves of (Iraq for sure, and a growing unease about Afghanistan), generally inept performances in disaster situations such as Hurricane Katrina's inundation of New Orleans, and the huge pile of debt accumulated in the effort to overcome the recession as well as fight those wars, frighten the public and promote intense and shrill anger.

 

Hostility is mainly directed at the federal government, which is blamed for all these problems, and primarily at Congress, which is thought to be hopelessly corrupted by corporate money and unable because of "politics" to resolve any of the important issues that affect people's lives. (Obama, thus, retains a much greater popularity than Congress, but this does not appear to help him achieve his political objectives.)

 

This hostility builds on the reservoir of anger and distrust of Washington that surged in the 1960s over Vietnam and continued during Watergate in the 1970s. Of course, in America there has always been a strain of anti-federal government scepticism going back to the early days of the country — it is in our DNA, as one writer put it.

 

There is among the pundits a certain nostalgia for the "good old days" when things worked better and Congress could put aside its partisanship when it came to major political issues. The liberal New York Times columnist Paul Krugman recently looked back fondly to the days of Richard Nixon's Presidency (at the time, Nixon was considered a villain by the liberals) as a time when, at least, things got done through the system of political compromise and corporate money was less influential in policy decisions.

Krugman also noted a paradox, however, "America is a better country in many ways than it was 35 years ago..." And this is the point I am trying to come to in this piece. On what I call the micro level, America is working very well — as well, or better than it used to. I saw this paradox first hand in my recent travels — while grid-locked at the macro level, on the micro level, Americans make millions of decisions each day that bind the society more tightly together.

 

By micro level, I mean non-government, mainly local, efforts to improve the daily life of the American people, meet the daily challenges that confront them, take care of those who can't take care of themselves, and importantly promote better understanding and empathy among individuals and groups in our country.

 

In Sacramento, I saw the dedication and special skills of those charged with care of the elderly and infirm; their devotion to their charge is truly astonishing. I know citizens who spend time and resources to ensure that the poor and hungry are fed and sheltered. I am aware that thousands of citizens groups in America are involved in almost every variety of social uplift, from helping disadvantaged children get a better start in life to teaching adults skills they need in the modern world, including the knowledge necessary to keep families to manageable size and to manage family finances.

 

Yet other friends and acquaintances work for environmental causes, from cleaning up toxic spills to preserving our wetlands, grasslands, forests, and wilderness. The list of micro activities performed voluntarily by American citizens in this country is probably longer than the drive I made across it.

 

I have seen films of interfaith gatherings promoted to bring those of different faiths together and increase their mutual understanding. Recently I watched the video that, I believe, was carried on GEO TV of an Iftar in Washington sponsored jointly by an Islamic organisation in the US and a Christian charity organisation, which was held at a synagogue. One comment I heard was that this could only happen in America. Beyond other religions, there is a hunger on the part of local opinion leaders in America to know more about other parts of the world. The number of active World Affairs Councils in cities across the US is surprisingly large, and these councils usually meet monthly to hear experts speak about their experiences.

 

The point here is not to paper over the serious macro faults that have brought sclerosis to a once-effective political process. But it is also important to recognise that the US remains a cohesive and vibrant society at the micro level, very unlikely to unravel. That could imply that, sooner or later, the macro level, with strong visionary leadership, will begin to knit up also.

 

IN MEMORIUM: I cannot end this piece without mention of the sad news of the death of the three-time former Finance Minister of Bangladesh, Saifur Rahman. He was killed in an auto accident on the Sylhet-Dhaka road in early September. He began his political career as Finance Minister in the government of Ziaur Rahman, and served twice in the same position for PM Khaleda Zia. In all, he presented 12 budgets to the Bangladesh parliament, and was the force behind the outstanding record of sustained economic performance by Bangladesh since 1990. Saifur suffered greatly in the last years — the tragic death of his beloved wife, his own struggle against serious illness, the decline of his influence in his own party and government to a now-discredited younger clique, but he continued to speak out for what he believed was right. South Asia has lost a remarkable economic policy manager, Bangladesh a voice of moderation and sagacity; and I have lost a great friend. RIP.

 



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