The media is viewed as a source of power that influences, controls, and promotes new standards in the society and reinforces the existing ones. Media is thus one of the principal agents for societal development, democracy and good governance, and a crucial element in areas of conflict, terrorism and extremism, writes M Zahangir Kabir
Role of media in understanding and combating terrorism and extremism
JUST as corruption has a debilitating effect upon the economy so does the virus of terrorism—as Stern (2003) sees it—thrive upon hopelessness at the level of the individual and weak government at the level of the state. Stern feels that the virus spreads as a result of various risk factors. The precise identification of these factors is difficult but she considers them at different levels (Stern 2003:283-6) from the global to the individual.
'On a global level the communications revolution has greatly eased spreading the "viral" message, mobilising followers and creating worldwide networks. At the interstate level, bad neighbourhoods and failed states export crime, refugees and grievances. Festering interstate conflicts can breed terrorism not only in the immediate region, but also at far geographic remove. At the national level, a government's inability to provide basic needs and services [such as employment, basic education and health], protect human rights or to maintain a monopoly on violence damages the state's ability to fight extremist groups.'
Stern feels that poverty's role as a risk factor is controversial (cf. September 11 bombers were mostly drawn from Saudi Arabia's elite and two thirds of them had attended college) but there is still plenty of evidence that poverty and terrorism are correlated. Poverty may not be instrumental in driving terrorism—countless studies have debunked this notion (Bergen and Pandey, 2005)—but there are studies which have shown that 'when an economy sours, the poor are more likely to become involved in crime, riots and other disruptive activities, and that these activities increase.' For example, the Indonesian jihadi groups began to thrive only after the country's economic stagnation, when educated young men began to have trouble finding jobs in the 'civilian' sector.
Stern has demonstrated that 'extremist movements funnel young men from extremist seminaries, some of which function as orphanages for the poor, into various jihads—and into the clutches of the Taliban and al-Qaeda. … In poor countries like Pakistan, militants say that their salaries play a key role, not in persuading them to join jihadi groups, but in keeping them there. Jihadi groups' social welfare activities, especially the practice of compensating militants' families in Indonesia, Pakistan and Palestine, seem to play a role in making the groups more appealing to the poor.'
On the other hand, while madrassahs may breed fundamentalists who have learned to recite the Qur'an in Arabic by rote, they do not teach the technical or linguistic skills necessary to be an effective terrorist. There is little or no evidence that madrassahs produce terrorists capable of attacking the West. Indeed, in an examination of the educational backgrounds of 75 terrorists, Bergen and Pandey (2005) found that 53 per cent of them had either attended college or had received a college degree; only nine had attended madrassahs and all of these nine played a role in one attack—the Bali bombing in 2002. The idea that madrassahs are incubating the next generation of terrorists, Bergen and Pandey suggest, offers the soothing illusion that desperate, ignorant automatons are attacking us [the West] rather than college graduates, as is often the case.
Stern suggests that 'humiliation—at the national or individual level—appears to be another important risk factor. …intellectual leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood and of al-Qaeda argue that violence is a way to cure Muslim youth of the pernicious effects of centuries of humiliation at the hands of the West. Globalisation—and the spread of Western power and values—is humiliating to Muslims, [Ayman] Zawahiri [of al-Qaeda] says. In his view, taking up the gun is a way to restore dignity to the Islamic world as well as to individual Muslims.' Stern continues, 'In addition to the spiritual intoxication that may come about from participating in attempts to purify society through violence, some terrorists experience a different kind of high: they like weapons and they like to kill, and they would do so for nearly any reason.'
In considering why the Islamic world is particularly vulnerable to the virus of terrorism, Stern (2003:287) not only cites corruption as a major factor but also the fragile nature of most Muslim-majority states and their unwillingness or inability to provide 'their populations with education, healthcare and other resources required to create robust economies and stable policies. … The more democratic regimes that exist in the Islamic world tend to be fragile and as plagued by cronyism and corruption as the autocratic governments. …In Pakistan, Islamist parties—some of which openly promote a 'Talibanisation' of Pakistan—did well in the 2002 parliamentary elections, in part because of the government's continuing failure to provide public services, but also because of anger about Islamabad's concessions to the United States in the war on terrorism.'
Some perspectives on terrorism
THE main factors driving terrorism are explained differently by different regimes. The United States identifies undemocratic and authoritarian regimes, poverty and fundamentalist Islam whilst, in addition, Europe and Asia consider the unresolved status of Palestine and the invasion and occupation of Iraq as very important. The Muslim perspective would also include the bias in the US's approaches to Iran's nuclear ambitions whilst keeping quiet on Israel's nuclear capacity building, the unhappy situation of post-war Afghanistan, the anti-Muslim rhetoric in the West, and the USA's unilateralism and its tendency to opt for military solutions (Hasan, 2004:57-64).
Some perspectives on terrorism
THE main factors driving terrorism are explained differently by different regimes. The United States identifies undemocratic and authoritarian regimes, poverty and fundamentalist Islam whilst, in addition, Europe and Asia consider the unresolved status of Palestine and the invasion and occupation of Iraq as very important. The Muslim perspective would also include the bias in the US's approaches to Iran's nuclear ambitions whilst keeping quiet on Israel's nuclear capacity building, the unhappy situation of post-war Afghanistan, the anti-Muslim rhetoric in the West, and the USA's unilateralism and its tendency to opt for military solutions (Hasan, 2004:57-64).
The 9/11 Commission in the USA identified the source of current international danger as Islamic terrorism, particularly the al-Qaeda network, its affiliates and its ideology. It argues that the leaders draw on a tradition of intolerance in a minority stream of Islam, which is fed by grievances widely felt in the Muslim world. It recommends two strategic goals:
l the dismantling of the Al-Qaeda network; and
l in the long term, to prevail over the ideology giving rise to Islamist terrorism.
In order to meet these objectives, it is important, firstly, to understand the dynamics of extremism and, secondly, to devise a strategy to influence these dynamics in order to strengthen moderate and liberal conceptions of Islam.
Thus, the US strategy is as follows:
l to empower Muslim moderates and promote the creation of moderate Muslim networks (not being as well-resourced or motivated as radical groups, moderates have not established networks and may benefit from an external catalyst); and
l encourage madrassah reform in order to counter the ideology of intolerance and Wahabi Islam that these madrassahs promote—US perception is that radical madrassahs provide personnel for radical movements and terrorist groups (Rabasa, 2004:66-67).
l the dismantling of the Al-Qaeda network; and
l in the long term, to prevail over the ideology giving rise to Islamist terrorism.
In order to meet these objectives, it is important, firstly, to understand the dynamics of extremism and, secondly, to devise a strategy to influence these dynamics in order to strengthen moderate and liberal conceptions of Islam.
Thus, the US strategy is as follows:
l to empower Muslim moderates and promote the creation of moderate Muslim networks (not being as well-resourced or motivated as radical groups, moderates have not established networks and may benefit from an external catalyst); and
l encourage madrassah reform in order to counter the ideology of intolerance and Wahabi Islam that these madrassahs promote—US perception is that radical madrassahs provide personnel for radical movements and terrorist groups (Rabasa, 2004:66-67).
Denoeux (2002: 72-74) examines the position of radicals and moderates on democracy. 'Radicals reject democracy. They do not believe in sovereignty of the people, but in the sovereignty of God (hakimiyya), and cannot accept that the latter would take a back seat to the former. In their view, the sharia – which they see as God's will regarding how human society ought to be organised and how it should manage its affairs – must take precedence over the will of the majority.
It also should determine what the 'rightful' place of women and minorities is in an Islamic society (which, to democrats, means legitimation of state-sanctioned discrimination against minorities and women). By contrast, moderates are said to believe in the compatibility of Islam and democracy. They often claim to find precedents for democratic principles in such Islamic concepts as shura (consultation) and ijma (consensus). Most important, they assert (with varying degrees of emphasis and credibility) that if they were to come to power they would respect democratic rules, abide by the will of the majority as reflected in elections, and protect human rights and civil liberties as well as the pluralistic nature of society.'
On the other hand, there is a related argument that the gradual Islamisation of public discourse and society produced by the moderates, or by the courting of 'Islamist moderates' by the authorities, may over time create an environment in which extremism can flourish.
Provide education and reduce poverty
AS NOTED at the beginning of this article, the situation of madrassahs and their possible links with militant, even terrorist, activities need to be examined within the wider context of both the educational and the socio-economic environments in which they operate. It is clear that the extent of poverty in Bangladesh and Pakistan is high and that a large majority of the poor live in rural areas. The likelihood of either country achieving the MDG of halving, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people living on less than $1 a day is low; the prospect of halving the proportion of the population living on less than $2 a day is even less certain. But the focus must remain on poverty reduction for the next decade and more, and an expanding rural economy, particularly growth in agriculture, is important for the reduction of poverty in Bangladesh and Pakistan, as elsewhere in South Asia.
Provide education and reduce poverty
AS NOTED at the beginning of this article, the situation of madrassahs and their possible links with militant, even terrorist, activities need to be examined within the wider context of both the educational and the socio-economic environments in which they operate. It is clear that the extent of poverty in Bangladesh and Pakistan is high and that a large majority of the poor live in rural areas. The likelihood of either country achieving the MDG of halving, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people living on less than $1 a day is low; the prospect of halving the proportion of the population living on less than $2 a day is even less certain. But the focus must remain on poverty reduction for the next decade and more, and an expanding rural economy, particularly growth in agriculture, is important for the reduction of poverty in Bangladesh and Pakistan, as elsewhere in South Asia.
In the past there has been a lack of public investment in rural infrastructure (irrigation, roads, electrification and communications), social infrastructure (basic education and health care) and agricultural research and extension services. 'These under-investments have been reinforced by a policy and institutional environment that has inhibited the development of the non-farm economy in rural areas. The combined effect has been that unfavourable initial conditions—such as an unequal distribution of land, limited irrigation facilities and low stocks of human capital—remain prevalent (Hasan et al. 2004:37).'
In the future, therefore, the key area for both government investment and donor support should be rural infrastructure and social infrastructure in rural areas. Agricultural growth, along with appropriate pricing policies and institutional arrangements for marketing and distribution of production inputs and outputs, can lead to improved rural incomes which in turn can lead to parents sending their children to a regular school—provided, of course, that such a school is readily available.
A good education in the long run leads people out of poverty, but not in the short term. Pakistan and Bangladesh have signed up to the agreements reached in the Dakar World Education Forum in 2000 and to achieving the MDGs. Therefore, both the government and the donor community need to address the issues of poverty reduction beyond the education sector in the immediate future and the issues of improved access to a higher quality education in the long term which prepares children and youth for a productive life within their own and the world community.
Media as crucial element in areas of conflict, terrorism and extremism
THE South Asian nations like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Nepal and Bangladesh have more or less been gripped with conflict, violence, terrorism and extremism from the years of recent past. As a result the development initiatives of these countries have been thwarted on and often.
Free and critical media plays a central role in democracies and development by constituting the main source of information, which provides the society with knowledge and a variety of experiences. It also serves as a forum for public debate, conception and development of opinions. The media is viewed as a source of power that influences, controls, and promotes new standards in the society and reinforces the existing ones. Media is thus one of the principal agents for societal development, democracy and good governance, and a crucial element in areas of conflict, terrorism and extremism.
Media as crucial element in areas of conflict, terrorism and extremism
THE South Asian nations like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Nepal and Bangladesh have more or less been gripped with conflict, violence, terrorism and extremism from the years of recent past. As a result the development initiatives of these countries have been thwarted on and often.
Free and critical media plays a central role in democracies and development by constituting the main source of information, which provides the society with knowledge and a variety of experiences. It also serves as a forum for public debate, conception and development of opinions. The media is viewed as a source of power that influences, controls, and promotes new standards in the society and reinforces the existing ones. Media is thus one of the principal agents for societal development, democracy and good governance, and a crucial element in areas of conflict, terrorism and extremism.
It can be suggested that media is both a friend and a foe to a peace process. Media can foster human security, and there is evidence that media can reinforce motives for fuelling wars. It can be an instrument for peace and conflict management, which promotes messages and strategies that can lead to peaceful agreements and tolerant behaviour in a given society. Media can also be a weapon of violence that propagates biased information and manipulates societies or groups in conflict with divisive ideologies and harmful actions. Thus, the media have become pervasive and extremely influential in attitudes towards conflict.
The role of media in conflict resolution or in combating terrorism and extremism has increased its place in public attention. Policy makers, journalists, and social scientists all point to the central role of the press in events such as socio - political conflict, sectarian conflict, ethnic violence, cross – border conflict etc.
Wolfsfeld, one of the leading peace media scholars, states that it is more complex to cover peace news than war. The drama and emotions of violent news are more profitable than peace reporting, since they attract more public attention. Still, studies and research on the role of the media in conflict resolution and combating terrorism and extremism are very limited compared to other conflict-related issues. An even more neglected area in this field is peace media.
Wolfsfeld, one of the leading peace media scholars, states that it is more complex to cover peace news than war. The drama and emotions of violent news are more profitable than peace reporting, since they attract more public attention. Still, studies and research on the role of the media in conflict resolution and combating terrorism and extremism are very limited compared to other conflict-related issues. An even more neglected area in this field is peace media.
The Media's role in combating conflicts, terrorism, extremism, and violence essentially include:
l Review the conventional news coverage of conflicts, terrorism, extremism, and violence;
l Map the role of press in past and contemporary conflicts, terrorism, extremism, and violence;
l Delineate the emergence of concept of 'peace journalism' as an alternative to conventional news coverage of conflicts, terrorism, extremism and violence;
l Mobilise newspapers, radio, television and other media in the quest for peace.
l Review the conventional news coverage of conflicts, terrorism, extremism, and violence;
l Map the role of press in past and contemporary conflicts, terrorism, extremism, and violence;
l Delineate the emergence of concept of 'peace journalism' as an alternative to conventional news coverage of conflicts, terrorism, extremism and violence;
l Mobilise newspapers, radio, television and other media in the quest for peace.
Dr M Zahangir Kabir is an associate professor (Foreign Faculty), Department of Media Studies, Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. drzahangir@gmail.com
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