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Friday, May 14, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Two Stories - Saudi & Qatar & Migrants



Saudi Arabia is a cruel place if you are not related to the ruling clan. If you are a foreigner, you might be living in the apartheid era in South Africa. If you are a Pakistani or a Bangladeshi, you can live there for three generations and still not get your basic rights as a citizen.

 

 

The Sheikhs of Araby

By Mohammed Hanif

26 October 2009 Newsline, Pakistan

http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2009/10/the-sheikhs-of-araby/

 

Mohammed Hanif was born in Okara, Pakistan. After leaving the Pakistan Air Force Academy to pursue a career in journalism, he worked for Newsline, India Today, and The Washington Post. He has written plays for the stage and screen, including a critically acclaimed BBC drama and the feature film The Long Night. Hanif is a graduate of University of East Anglia's creative writing programme.

 

In an interview given at the height of his power, General Pervez Musharraf tried to make sense of his own good fortune and why he was destined to rule this nation: "I am the only Pakistani for whom not only the door of Khana-e-Kaaba was specially opened but I had the unique honour of saying azaan from the rooftop of Khana-e-Kaaba. Not once, but twice."

 

For people like me who have grown up watching countless images of the Khana-e-Kaaba, the scene was hard to imagine. It sounded disrespectful, even mildly blasphemous. Because of all the images that we have seen of the Kaaba in all its sacred glory, never has one seen a human being on the rooftop of the Kaaba. If it happens, it probably happens off camera and one has to be the head of a nuclear armed state to earn the privilege. Given Pakistan's brotherly ties with Saudi Arabia, or to be more accurate, given successive Pakistani rulers' brotherly ties with the very extended clan of Khadim-e-Haramain al Sharifain, Musharraf might have been granted this extra ordinary if not heretic-sounding privilege.

 

Musharraf was trying to evoke divine sanction by revealing his exalted status. He was appealing to our absolute devotion to the idea that Saudi Arabia is a holy place, its rulers are holy people, and if they accept you as their own, you are a holy person and all your worldly actions are beyond reproach. How can an ordinary human being, who has never seen the inside of Haram Sharif, question the actions of a man who has been handpicked by Allah and then endorsed by his reps in Saudi Arabia? The chant that goes up in a thousand mosques and naat khwani sessions across our land – meray maula, bula le Madinay mujhe – is not just an expression of a vague spiritual yearning, it's a political statement; almost our unofficial national anthem.

 

The Saudi Arabia of our imagination is an ancient place, not much different from the way the second Caliph Omar might have found it on one of his nightly rounds. It's a place where shopkeepers leave their shops open when they go to the mosque to pray. It's a place of zero crime where a lone woman dressed in all her finery can go from one end of the kingdom to the other end, juggling gold coins, and nobody would dare give her a second glance. Here, justice is swift and transparent. The thieves get their hands chopped off in public, large crowds of believers gather to watch spectacular beheadings. Here, even wild camels are well behaved. The Saudis have followed Allah's law in letter and spirit and hence, they have been blessed with unimaginable wealth. Is it not a miracle that desert bedouins are the world's richest people? Is it not true that although hardly anything grows in those deserts but even if a dog goes hungry at night the ruler feels the responsibility?

 

There is enough evidence to suggest that it is all nonsense.

 

Saudi Arabia is a cruel place if you are not related to the ruling clan. If you are a foreigner, you might be living in the apartheid era in South Africa. If you are a Pakistani or a Bangladeshi, you can live there for three generations and still not get your basic rights as a citizen. If you are a girl student you can burn to death as the religious police stops firemen from entering your school. Saudi Arabia might pretend to conform to a 1,400-year-old tribal code, but they are also the world's largest consumers of fast cars, luxury linen and flashy jewellery. They are the prized clients of the world's richest casinos and upmarket brothels. Saudi Arabia keeps the American arms manufacturing industry in business, yet has no capacity to defend itself or any of the dozens of other Muslim countries that are not as blessed with American weaponry as Saudia. Here is a country which provided the most number of men for the 9/11 attacks yet nobody has ever suggested that the bombs that fell on Afghanistan and Iraq should have been directed towards Saudia. It has produced little except senile rulers with more wives than a Mormon could ever dream of. They have exported nothing but doomsday visionaries, who have been preaching and practicing the art of televised throat-slitting, mostly to and on their Muslim brothers.

 

Somewhere between the world of our devout imagination and cruel reality, lives the real Saudi Arabia: the retirement home for world-class despots and a last chance salon for desperate politicians. This is a place where the first-ever co-ed university is seen as a sign of radical change and the opening of a cinema is downright revolutionary. The same western world which makes gender equality and gay rights a litmus test for judging the rest of the world, mumbles cultural sensitivity when it comes to Saudi Arabia. They obviously care more about the welfare of their weapons industry and their casino economy rather than the right of Saudi Arabian women to get behind a wheel, or an ordinary citizen's access to justice.

 

Islam is often cited as the main reason for our fascination with Saudia and Saudis. We do not seem to have the same brotherly love for Palestinians or our brothers in Darfur. Maybe they are not as good Muslims as the Saudis? Or may be they are just not as rich?

 

There was a picture circulating on the internet earlier this year: a number of Saudi young men sprawled in front of a lingerie shop, trying to look up the dresses on mannequins in a window display. Undergarments again made headlines last month when an Al-Qaeda member tried to blow up Prince Muhammed Bin Naif, Saudi Arabia's counter-terrorism czar. The bomber hid the bomb in his underwear. The initial reports suggested that he had hidden the bomb in his rectum. But the Saudi authorities clarified that the bomb was indeed hidden in his underwear. The attacker assumed, correctly, that because of cultural reasons, his underwear would not be searched. And he was right. After a standard search procedure, he was allowed to meet Prince Naif and exploded the bomb after having a long chat with him.

 

In a society where they pretend that underwear doesn't exist, underwear sometimes tends to blow up.

 

 

May 13, 2010

Affluent Qataris Seek What Money Cannot Buy

By MICHAEL SLACKMAN

New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/14/world/middleeast/14qatar.html?pagewanted=print

 

DOHA, Qatar — Citizens of Qatar appear to have it made. They tend to drive big cars, live in big houses and get big loans to pay for big watches and an outsize lifestyle. They have an army of laborers from the developing world to build a sparkling skyline and to work whatever jobs they feel are beneath them. And their nation has enough oil and gas to keep the good times rolling for decades.

 

So why do so many people here seem so angry?

 

The problem, many Qataris say, is that they resent being treated as a minority in their own country, which is what they are. Citizens make up about 15 percent of the nation's 1.6 million people — a demographic oddity that fuels a sense of privilege and victimization.

 

"The priority always goes to the foreigner," said Ali Khaled, 23, who is finishing his government-financed education in London.

 

His cousin, Omar Ali, 24, a high school dropout who works as a technician in an electric company, readily agreed: "They always think the foreigner is better at any job than a Qatari, even if the Qatari is perfect at the job."

 

In many ways, they appear to be right about how they are perceived.

 

"Qataris are very spoiled," said Mohammed Saffarini, a non-Qatari Arab who serves as research director for health science at Qatar's Science and Technology Park. "They are only valuable in this cultural and political context," he added, contending that Qataris often lacked the skills, education and qualifications to be competitive in many other economies.

 

On the surface, Qatar appears to be on a roll. This peninsula of sand jutting into the Persian Gulf has leveraged its oil wealth and unbridled ambition to garner a world-class reputation on many fronts: international relations, art, higher education. But at home, there is tension, anger and frustration between Qataris and foreigners.

 

"It's all a sham; it's all a veneer," said Dr. Momtaz Wassef, who was recruited from the United States to serve as the director of biomedical research for the Supreme Council of Health. Now he says he is disillusioned with Qatar and is planning to leave. "They never admit they make a mistake," he said. "They only say they are the best in the world."

 

Dr. Wassef's wife asked that he not be quoted until he left Qatar, but Dr. Wassef would have none of it. "I don't give a hoot," he said, clapping his hands together for emphasis.

 

Qataris do not see themselves as coddled. Sure, they do not have to pay for electricity, water, education or health care, and they are given land and low-cost loans to build houses when they marry. They are eligible for public assistance if they do not have a job, often receive generous pensions and acknowledge they will not take any jobs they do not consider suitable for them.

 

But they also complain that they do not get paid as much as foreigners, and that foreigners get most of the top jobs in critical industries, like finance, higher education and the media. There is also pervasive frustration that English has become the language of employment, not Arabic, and that local hospitals, restaurants, markets and streets are always crowded with foreigners.

 

"There is a crisis here," said Muhammad al-Mesfer, a political science professor at Qatar University. "The foreigners are crowding us out."

 

The tension in Qatar is similar to what has surfaced in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, where local people are also vastly outnumbered by foreigners and are sometimes likened to colonial rulers in their own land.

 

"There are about 300 employees at my work and only 4 or 5 Qataris," said Mr. Ali, the technician at an electric company. "I walk into work and I feel like I am in India."

 

He said that the foreigners were never willing to teach him new skills, so he had lost motivation.

 

"I have been working there for three years, and I still haven't fully grasped the work," he said. "I go to work to drink tea and read the paper."

 

During a seven-day visit to Qatar, conversations with expatriate workers and Qatari citizens almost always turned to the topic of distrust, even during the most mundane of encounters.

 

"I am Qatari, and this country is for me," a driver shouted as he forced his way into a parking space that a Canadian driver had also been trying for. "This is my country."

 

Part of the frustration appears to stem from the lack of an effort to address the differences. People here said that when complaints had been raised, those who spoke up got punished. Foreigners get sent home and local people lose their positions, they said.

 

Qataris and foreigners alike described a social contract that offers material comfort and financial reward in exchange for not challenging the government's choices. Qatar is a constitutional monarchy led by Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani and his council of ministers. For many, the bargain is worth taking.

 

"To be honest, I'm comfortable and the salaries are good," said Ibrahim al-Muhairy, 29, a Qatari high school dropout who said he earns about $41,000 a year working for the government as a security guard in a mall. "Everyone is getting what he deserves and more."

 

But there are plenty of others who are unwilling to ride away silently in their Mercedes sedans, like Ahmed J. Abdul-Rahman Abdul-Malik, a former news anchor. He said he was furious that he had not been hired to read the news on Al Jazeera, the popular satellite news channel that broadcasts from here. He has written opinion pieces for a local newspaper complaining that Qataris are now treated as second-class citizens in their own country.

 

"I met with my friends last night, we joked, we are all 'ex,' that means unemployed," he said, as he climbed into the driver's seat of a Mercedes sedan. His diamond-crusted watch glistened beneath the parking lot lights.

 

Moza al-Malki, a family therapist, said she was angry, too. She said that she had lost her teaching position when she complained that an Indian woman was hired to run a counseling center that she said she had set up. "We are all angry for staying at home," she said.

 

A moment earlier, she turned to the Filipino woman walking one step behind her — a servant carrying bags — and told her to go look around the mall they were in while Ms. Malki ordered breakfast. Ms. Malki ordered a croissant with cheese, sent it back because it was too hard, and then settled on an omelet.

 

Mona El-Naggar contributed reporting.

 



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