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Tuesday, December 7, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Amar Fashi Chai (Continued)



UNCIVILIZED UNPATRIOTIC FORCE

On May 3, 1984, in the late afternoon, Sheikh Hasina was chatting with a few people at Bangabandhu Bhaban. In the course of discussions the topic of liberation war and Pakistan Army came up. Also came up for discussion the subject of Bangladesh Army, which emerged through the war of liberation.

The leader Sheikh Hasina commented about Bangladesh Army, "is it an Army? It is a barbaric Force composed of ill-disciplined, greedy, unruly and blood-thirsty men. This Army has no sense of loyalty, no discipline, no patriotism. They are disobedient and beneft of any humane attitude. Talk about the Pakistan Army. You will not find such a gentle, civil, polite, courteous and loyal Army in the whole world. They really are so decent and modest."

"They came in the night of March 25 and saluted my father, (Sheikh Mujib) my mother and even me. Then they said to my father; "sir, we have come only to provide security to you. You can go wherever you want, wherever you please. Anyone can come and meet you. We will only ensure your security. If you go out we will accompany you to provide security. We will search an incoming guest properly before we let him in. Really, whatever the Pakistani Army did was meant for our security. On the twenty-sixth of March when Abba (Sheikh Mujib) was taken away by the Pakistan Army, General Tikka Khan himself came, saluted my father and my mother. He kept standing and courteously told my father (Sheikh Mujib) — Sir, Yahya Khan has asked us to take you for consultations. I have come here to take you. A special flight is ready for you. Please get ready, and if you so wish you can take anyone, including the Madam (Begum Mujib). Abba consulted my mother and went away alone. As long as the Pakistan Army performed their duty, they came and saluted us first.

"Not only that. When my paternal grandmother had some fever, the Pakistanis got her transported by a helicopter from Tungipara to Dhaka for treatment at the PG. Hospital. When I

was expecting Joy (Hasina's son), I was taken every week to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) for medical checkup. I was admitted to the CMH a month before Joy was born. When he was born in 1971, the Pakistan Army personnel distributed sweets. All the cost associated with the birth of Joy was borne by the Pakistan Army. We went wherever we wanted to go. The Pakistanis accompanied us in two jeeps. They guarded us to provide security.

And the Bangladesh Army! These animals, these inhuman brutes killed my father, my mother and all my brothers. I wish their destruction."

REMOVE THE MOSQUE

From the beginning of 1985, Sheikh Hasina, again tried to provoke the students to start a movement. When no sign of it was visible in spite of pressure, threats and persuasion, Sheikh Hasina angrily went away to her birth place at Tungipara. There she stayed for quite a few days. In the course of her stay, one day a few elderly gentlemen from Tungipara village including Sheikh-Bari (ancestral home of Sheikh Hasina where other share-holders also lived) came and met Sheikh Hasina. They told her that a coconut tree had been causing damage to a Mosque that was constructed by other share-holders of Sheikh-Bari. They proposed felling of the tree. Sheikh Hasina's prompt response was, "No, my tree cannot be cut down. If needed, remove the Mosque. The elderly people then entreated Sheikh Hasina to permit felling of the tree which had grown up close to the wall and the roof of the Mosque, with the plea that the removal of a Mosque was forbidden in the Holy Quran. Sheikh Hasina responded by saying - Close down this Mosque. I will have a bigger Mosque constructed."

The respectable elderly people said that the tree would hit the wall and the root of the Mosque even if mild wind blew. If this continued then the roof and the wall of the Mosque would be damaged. Sheikh Hasina said - "Let it be damaged. It does not bother me at all. I will not permit felling of the coconut tree even if you keep weeping for years."

THE ELECTIONS OF 1986

After the killing of the Student League leaders Selim and Delawar on February 28, 1984, Sheikh Hasina tried her very best of instigate the students.

At that time a secret meeting was held between the leader Sheikh Hasina and Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, the then Director General of the Defense Forces Intelligence (DGFI) at the Gulshan residence of a business man, one S.I. Chowdhury. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, on behalf of General Ershad, personally requested Sheikh Hasina to participate in the elections and promised to bear all the cost involved in the participation. Sheikh Hasina, as a part of the movement (against Ershad), responded favorably to the proposal. Under the circumstances, the difference of views between Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, due to the efforts of the left leaning leaders, particularly of the General Secretary of the Communist Party late Comrade Farhad, was reduced to this strategy that no one, other than the two leaders, (Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina) would stand in the Parliamentary elections. The leftist leaders proposed that both Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina would contest in 150 Parliamentary seats each, and all others should ensure the victory of the leaders in all the 300 seats. Thus, the military autocrat General Ershad could be removed from power through elections in a democratic manner. And this would not create any disunity or division among the political parties.

Keeping the removal of Ershad in view. Beguin Khaleda Zia agreed to the proposal. Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina held a short face - to - face meeting. But, Ershad came to know about the secret election strategy of the two leaders through the businessman S. I. Chowdhury. Ershad then issued a Presidential Ordinance forbidding participation of a candidate in more than five parliamentary seats.

As a result, the strategy of the two leaders to contest elections on the basis of 150 seats each formula" was frustrated. Begum Zia went back to her original position of mobilizing people for the movement against Ershad without falling into his election trap. There was however a meeting between Sheikh Hasina and DGFI Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan at the residence of S. I. Chowdhury. At that meeting, it was demanded that three times the sum, which had originally been agreed as the election cost, should now be paid for participating in the elections. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, DGFI asked for an hour's time and left. The daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangabandhu Bhavan. After about two hours, the businessman S.I.

Chowdhury came to Road 32 with two microbuses. He talked to Sheikh Hasina for about a minute or so, and then nine sealed new sacks were brought out from the microbuses and carried to the master bathroom located in the lower floor of Bangabandhu Bhavan, between the library and the bedroom.

After that Sheikh Hasina instructed that a Press conference be organized and Awame League central leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain be urgently asked to come to Bangabandhu Bhavan.

Dr. Kamal Hossain and other leaders who could be contacted over telephone were summoned to Bangahandhu Bhaban. Different newspaper offices were contacted and journalists were asked to attend an urgent press conference, the purpose of which was not disclosed to them. Neither the journalists nor the leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain had any knowledge about the objective of the press conference. Only four people knew about it: (I) Sheikh Hasina, (2) S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, (3j Brig. Mabmudul Hasan, the D.G.F.I. and (4) Chief Martial Law Administrator and the president, General Hussain Mohammad Ershad.

Although it was late at night, many newspapermen arrived at 32, Dhanmondi. Sheikh Hasina told the leaders her decision to participate in the election to be organized by Ershad. The leaders were of the view that while the election was desirable, the matter needed future consultation and a decision could then be taken.

Sheikh Hasina said: "we have no time. The decision should be made quickly. We have to go to the election bypassing Khaieda Zia and her party. There is no need to have a long discussion on this. The newspapermen are waiting outside. We have to announce our decision right now." Without further discussion she walked into the room where the journalists were waiting and made the announcement about her participation in the election.

The following day a large steel almirah (6'X3' was brought in. Several bags containing currency notes of Tk. 500 denomination which, had been received earlier were brought out from the bathroom. The bags were opened and wads of notes were stacked up in the steel cabinet. Notes that could not be kept there for want of space were removed to some other place.

Thus, began the 1986 election campaign. The nation became divided into two factions. One, led by Sheikh Hasina associated itself with the election to be manipulated by Ershad. The other group, at the call of Khaleda Zia directed its activities to frustrating the fake election and working for the fall of Ershad.

Sheikh Hasina declared to the party workers that Awami League would return to power through this election and that they should organize the campaign with all their might. Though such statements had little impact on the general masses, the Awami League workers began their activities seriously and created a kind of election atmosphere throughout the country.

About the same time there were parallel developments in the Philippines. Mrs. Corazon Aqino, was leading the popular movement against the dictator Marcus. The developments in the Philippines had drawn attention of the entire world. In Bangladesh, everybody was observing the situation in the Philippines with great interest.

At the final election meeting of Sheikh Hasina, speeches were being made. Suddenly the speeches stopped. It was announced that Marcos had fled the country. The people burst into cheers as if Ershad himself had fled the country and Sheikh Hasina had come to power. The developments in the Philippines gave a sense of direction to the political activists in Bangladesh.

After two days the election was held. Ershad, like Marcos was declared elected. Sheikh Hasina also declared herself elected. Both summoned the parliament. Ershad's Parliament held its session in the assembly house. Sheikh Hasina's parliamentary sessions began to be held on the stairs of the Parliament Building. It went on like this for several days.

One day in the evening, S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, arrived 32, Dhanmondi, with three microbuses. Sheikh Hasina ran to the Microbus to meet him. Chowdhury off-loaded thirteen stuffed jute sacks, which were taken to a pre-selected place (bathroom?). The leader requested S. I. Chowdhury to have tea with her. But Chowdhury said that he was busy and left in a hurry.

It was estimated that the money she had received before announcing participation in the election was Tk. Ten Crores brought in nine jute bags. Now, after the announcement, a fresh amount of Tk. Fifteen Crores was brought in thirteen bags. The people expected that Sheikh

Hasina, like Mrs. Corazon Aquino of the Philippines, would remain uncompromising and call for a popular movement for the fall of the dictator Ershad. In the face of the people's determination the army and the tanks would be of no avail. Ershad would flee the country. But no, this was not to be. She gave a damn to people's wishes. Quietly, she joined the Parliament of Ershad and became the Honourable Leader of the 'opposition'. The country could not rid itself of the autocrat. On the contrary. Ershad became more powerful through the manipulated election of '86 and strengthened his stranglehold on the people.

SUCH A LARGE FIELD

On a certain day Sheikh Hasina arrived at her ancestral village, Tungibari, in a Nissan Patrol. In the following morning the teachers of the local primary school invited her to visit the school. She accepted the invitation. A dirt road led to the school. After walking for about a mile, the school could be seen from a distance. It consisted of three large iron sheet structures, with a large field in the middle. Two of the structures were in a state of dilapidation. One, probably built in more recent years, was in better condition. It was clear that there was none to look after the maintenance of the school. A large number of boys of different age groups, their number varying between five and seven hundred, had assembled in rows and were shouting: 'victory to Sheikh Hasina, victory to Bangabandhu'. Virtually none of them had shirts to cover their bodies. Some even did not have pants and stood naked. The sight of her ancestral village was depressing — the dilapidated school, seven hundred boys and children with little clothes on. How will they sustain themselves when they grow older? These were disturbing thoughts that crossed my mind. I was waiting to hear what Sheikh Hasina had to say.

There was an old table, a chair, and a microphone in one corner of the field. Slowly she moved towards the table and straightway began to speak over the microphone. She did not talk about the school and its state of disrepair, about the naked children and about their future. She expressed her amazement at the large size of the field. "School children in the urban areas cannot think of such a large field." she said. She urged the audience to plant trees in the field. A member of her entourage offered the suggestion of planting guava trees. Sheikh Hasina promptly took the suggestion: 'Yes, plant guava trees. The children can eat the fruits'.

On one side of the political scenario was Ershad, the military dictator and Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the opposition in the rubber stamp parliament. On the other side. Khaleda Zia, a

housewife, assuming an uncompromising stand, was organizing, single handed, a movement (for the fall of the autocratic regime) and for this purpose, she was building her party, BNP, on a strong footing.

THE PLAY ACTING OF POLITICAL MOVEMENT

The rider of the motor cycle (i.e. the author) thought, that a single handed effort by Khaleda Zia and her party would not produce the desired result. He inquired of the leader of her sincerity about the movement. She answered: "whatever program Khaleda announces, I will give a similar program. This will create an impression that we are in the anti-Ershad movement. The Awami League workers should do the play-acting, but never seriously get involved in the movement. In other words, the movement should be stabbed at the back. Khaleda Zia must go back home with failures so that she does not think of politics ever again." However, the Awami League workers at the field level were so keen on the fall of Ershad that her design had little effect. The workers began to play a positive role in the movement. When the workers were told that they were acting contrary to the wishes of Sheikh Hasina, they wanted to hear her instructions directly from her. It was not possible for Sheikh Hasina to come out in the open. So no clear and open statement was made.

As a result, Khaleda Zia gave leadership to the movement and Awami League workers were shedding their blood.

DISSOLUTION OF '86 PARLIAMENT

On the 10th of November, 1987, Nur Hussain an Awami Youth League activist was killed when the police fired on a protest rally. Nur Hussain was carrying banners on his body. The banners had the following inscriptions: "Down with Autocracy", 'Let Democracy be Unchained." These words were widely broadcast home and abroad though the news media.

Ershad became very unhappy. As the Awami League workers were playing a positive role in the movement, he misunderstood Sheikh Hasina and thought that she in fact had set her workers against him: "You take my money, eat off my hand, amid then be a traitor to me. I have made you (Hasina) the leader of the opposition with rank of a minister and with lots of facilities. I have

allowed you to share powers with me in the administration of the country. And then you turn traitor."

Sheikh Hasina, S.I. Chowdhury the businessman, and Mahmudul Hasan. D.G. Forces Intelligence tried to reason with Ershad and explain Hasina's strategy of stabbing the movement at the back. But Ershad remained unconvinced. He held that Hasina should publicly support him. Otherwise, he would not keep her as the leader of the opposition. He would even dissolve the parliament.

When Sheikh Hasina. owing to tactical reasons, expressed her inability to openly extend support to Ershad, the latter in 1988, dissolved the two-year old parliament. Through another bout of election skullduggery, he created a new parliament. ASM Rab of J.S.D., (presently a minister in Sheikh Hasina's cabinet) became the leader of the opposition in the new parliament.

THE FALL OF ERSHAD AND THE CARETAKER GOVERNMENT

Khaleda Zia established herself as the uncompromising leader of the people in their struggle against autocracy. The people were ready to make supreme sacrifices for the fall of Ershad. As the situation was turning against Sheikh Hasina, she had no option other than aligning herself with the movement led by Khaleda Zia.

There were meetings on organizing movements under the two leaders. The political movement now reached a new height. Ershad called the army and clamped curfew. But these were of no use in the face of the determination of the people united in a common cause. All the tactics of the autocrat Ershad began to fail.

Ershad started spending millions of taka to buy the student leaders. He released many convicts from the jails and armed them to put down the movement. One such criminal shot and killed Dr. Milan on the 27th of November. The movement now spread like wildfire. The curfew as well as the general strikes for indefinite periods brought to a halt all activities. The only activities that went on unabated, were street processions, firing of tear gas shells and lethal bullets.

ROLE OF THE ARMY IN THE FALL OF ERSHAD

High ranking Army officers prevailed on the Army Chief Lt. General Nuruddin Khan (at present Minister in Sheikh Hasina's Government) to hold a secret meeting with the senior officers. A decision was taken in that meeting that no support would be given to General Ershad any more. When the responsibility to communicate this decision to General Ershad was given to Lt. General Nuruddin Khan, he expressed his inability to do so. Then G.O.C. of 9 Division (Savar Cantonment) Major General Abdus Salam (at present Awami League M.P. and Chairman of Red Crescent Society)1 took the responsibility to communicate the decision of the meeting to General Ershad. From the meeting he straightway went to Dhaka Cantonment and informed clearly General Ershad of the decision of the senior army officers not to give support to him any longer. The autocrat completely broke down. Soon after that he decided to resign. In order to restore civilian administration following the resignation, Vice President Barrister Moudud Ahmed resigned first and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was appointed the Vice President. After that President General Ershad submitted his resignation to the Vice President. As the president had resigned, vice president Shahabuddin Ahmed became the Acting President. The caretaker Government under his leadership held election of Jatiya Sangsad (Parliament) on February 27, 1991. In the history of Bangladesh for the first time all the political parties took part spontaneously in a free, fair election to the parliament under the caretaker Government. Election Process was proceeding in full swing. All the parties participating in the election had finalized the nomination of their candidates. People of the country also for the first time would get an opportunity to cast their votes in a free, fair and impartial election. Election campaign was going on widely throughout the whole country. Posters and graffiti covered the walls in all places. Processions and meetings were being held day in and day out. There would be severe competition mainly between the two parties - B.N.P. and Awami League. It was difficult to say at what place, which of these two parties would win. At this time the Bangabandhu's daughter Awami League President Sheikh Hasina said in a press conference that BNP would not get more than ten seats.

At the schools and colleges, offices and courts, homes and outside, every where election propaganda was going on. On February 10, a closed-door meeting took place in a room at 32 Dhanmondi. The meeting was in connection with the election. In the deliberations of the meeting

1 There is some contusion of identity. It was actually Major General Salam. the then Chief of Staff (COS) of the Army. (Translator)

the motorcycle rider (author) argued with reason that this time Awami League would not go to power. In the February election Awami League would be defeated and Sheikh Hasina will lose in both the seats in Dhaka.

Rabiul Alam Chowdhury (now Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's P.S. Muktadir Chowdhury) who was present in the meeting was furious and said: "You fellow, why do you think that Awami League will not go to power? Awami League is already in power. Look, the Home Secretary, Establishment Secretary, Foreign Secretary are sitting in the other room. In the room on the opposite side Inspector General of police is waiting. A little earlier Army Chief General Nuruddin Khan had come. Even then you say that Awami League will not go to power and Sheikh Hasina will not become Prime Minister?'

The author said, "in spite of so many Secretaries sitting and police Chief and Army Chief paying their respects, there is little chance for Awami League winning February election."

The moment these words were uttered Bnagahandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina said in angry voice - "you get out right now. Don't come again."

While going out the author said "Leader, when you have asked me to get out, I must comply. You yourself will understand after a few days what I have said."

On February 27, 1991 not only in the election history of Banagladesh, but also in that of the Sub-continent an unprecedented example of free and fair election was set. The people, male and female, exercised their voting rights without fear in a festive mood. After the counting of the votes was over, it was clear that Awami League had been defeated. In both the seats in Dhaka People's Leader Sheikh Hasina was defeated by a large margin of votes. Begum Khaleda Zia and her party B.N.P. became the winner. Rejecting the results, Sheikh Hasina said, "that there was subtle rigging in the election. I do not accept this result and if Begum Zia forms the Government, I shall not allow her to be in peace for a single moment."

DRAMA ABOUT RESIGNATION

All of a sudden Shaikh Hasina announced to the journalists that she had resigned as the President of the Awami League. It created a great stir in all relevant quarters. The leaders of the Central Committee of the Awami League were stunned. The office bearers in the Central Office were stupefied. Without any indication or discussion with any one Shaikh Hasina declared that she had resigned. But, to whom did she submit her latter of resignation? Where was her letter of resignation? There was no resignation letter with any official at the Central Office. She did not even resign in a meeting of the Central Working Committee. There was plenty of speculation in and outside the Party about the resignation of Shaikh Hasina. Some were saying that she had not resigned. Some others said that she indeed had done so as she herself had announced her resignation.

While these speculations were going around, Shaikh Hasina issued instructions to all Students League and Youth League workers to hold meetings, processions and also organize fasting till death with the demand for Shaikh Hasina withdrawing her resignation. But as workers of Student League and Youth League did not respond positively and since the newspapers created a great commotion, Shaikh Hasina requested Sajeda Chowdhury, the Secretary General of the Party (at present Shaikh Hasina's Minister of Forests and Environment), to announce that she had torn the letter of resignation. In response, Sajeda Chowdhury promptly complied and made the announcement. The curtain was finally drawn on the drama of resignation.

The rider of motor cycle (the author) returned to Shaikh Hasina, who received him warmly and restored to him the responsibility and status as her personal adviser. He advised Shaikh Hasina to wait patiently and not to make untoward comments about the recently concluded election and the new government.

PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATURE AGAINST MONEY

Before the election to the post of the President in place of the one heading the caretaker government Justice Shahahuddin Ahmed, Shaikh Hasina nominated Haji Makbul Hossain (at present Awami League MP from Dhanmandi-Mohammadpur constituency and President of

Mohammadpur Thana Awami League) in exchange for a payment of Taka 30 lacs (3 million). However, Ershad and his Jatiya Party put up the candidature of the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Justice Badrul Haider Chowdhury. As many people advised Shaikh Hasina that if Haji Maqhul became the presidential candidate from the Awami League, the latter's image would he tarnished and, it would be desirable to put up Jusice Badrul Haider Chowdhury's candidature jointly. She finally agreed. She called Justice Chowdhury to her house at Road 32 and after some discussion asked him to meet and obtain the blessings of Professor Golam Azam, Amir of ]amaat-e-lslami, a war criminal and murderer during the liberation war.

Haji Maqbul Hossain however was hesitating in with drawing his candidature, in spite of instructions given by Shaikh Hasina to do so. At one stage, he refused to withdraw his candidature without getting the refund of Taka 30 lacs paid to Shaikh Hasina. She called him, almost forcibly brought him, to her house at Road No. 32 and asked him angrily if he was fit to be a Presidential candidate.

Then she said, "By nominating you as Awami League's candidate for presidential election I had given you a rare honour. Is not this enough for you? It is certain that you will not win the election for president. Now, remain silent"

Haji Makbul was not happy. Sheikh Hasina said, I will remember what you have done for me. I will compensate you in the future. Now show your loyalty to me. Haji Makbul complied.

JAHANARA IMAM AND SHAIKH HASINA

Begum Khaleda Zia was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and Shaikh Hasina the Leader of the Opposition. Instead of co-operation and friendship, great enmity developed between the two, which became increasingly more intense.

At this time, anti-liberation forces and fundamentalist political party, Jamaat-e-lslami, made the war criminal and murderer, Golam Azam their Amir or the chief of the party. In protest, Jahanara Imam, the mother of a martyr established a national coordination committee called the Committee for the Realization of the Spirit of Liberation War and Elimination of Murderers and Agents on February II, 1992 and started a movement. There was widespread acceptance of this movement. When the new generation of people started participating in the program of Jahanara

Imam with great faith and enthusiasm, Shaikh Hasina began to feel uneasy and became agitated. She continued to say that Jahanara Imam had opened up a new shop and started a new business in order to become a leader. Jahanara Imam can not run a business and that is why she opened up a new business exploiting name of the liberation war."

The rider of motor cycle (author) said to Shaikh Hasina, "What are you talking about? The entire nation knew well that Jahanara Imam was the Shahid's mother. Her son, Rumi, became a martyr during the liberation war. She is a martyr's mother."

Shaikh Hasina got excited and said, "Stop talking about martyr's mother. What type of martyr's mother was she'? Her son Rumi got killed by his own shots fired while engaged in plundering. Her husband used to provide supplies to the Army during the war in 1971. The motor cycle rider pointed out that if one talked such things to the people, it would be counter productive.

The daughter of Bangabondhu replied, 'that is why I have been enduring all these things and not breathing a word. I am now saying something which you should convey to the people. They (Jahanara Imam) used to Live in the first house on the right of Road 32 in a 2-stovey building. It was the first house east of our house (Bangabandhui Hiuse). The Pakistani Army used to guard Jahanara Imam and her family. Jahanara Imam's husband used to manage supplies to the Pakistan Army; They amassed huge fortune at that time. And now they have come here to realize the spirit of the liberation war! In fact, she has come here to seize my leadership. As I was defeated in the election, .Jahanara Imam, in clandestine collaboration with Khaleda Zia, has been thinking of becoming a leader of the people. That is why she has been talking about the trial of Golam Azam, trial of war criminals, realization of the spirit of liberation war, and so on. You should all beware of her and caution everyone about her. No one should get into the trap of Jahanara lmam."

The author inquired of Shaikh Hasina if she would attend the function and participate in the program of Jahanara Imam. Bangabandhu's daughter replied, "It does not matter whether I go or not, but you all must not attend those functions. Don't you understand I have to go to many places against my wish. I may have to go to the program of Jahanara Imam for tactical reasons, but you all must not go.


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