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Thursday, May 28, 2009

[mukto-mona] Education: Let Us Think

Dear Editor,
 
I wrote this article 2 years back. Recently I published another Bengali article named "Ek Chilte Megh". This "Ek Chilte Megh" actually was written recently with the light of this article in Bangla. Just now in Bangladesh we are thinking and eagerly awaiting for a standard education policy. Renowned intellectuals are working on it. Hopefully we are going to steps ahead recently with this process. So I like to publish my personal thinking through your online process and forum to present my opinions with the others. My target is to get some new idea and unknown sides of our education system.

http://mukto-mona.com/wordpress/?p=322


 Yours sincerely,Drr. Keshab K. Adhikary
(Associate Professor)
Department of Biotechnology and Genetic Engineering
University of Development Alternative

E-mail: keshabadhikary@hotmail.com
B A N G L A D E S H

 



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Mukto Mona plans for a Grand Darwin Day Celebration:
Call For Articles:

http://mukto-mona.com/wordpress/?p=68

http://mukto-mona.com/banga_blog/?p=585

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VISIT MUKTO-MONA WEB-SITE : http://www.mukto-mona.com/

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[ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?

Now that you have lost the argument you resort to misinterpreting what I write. I did not say that one has to work with all these intelligence agencies to acquire information. You have to be a real moron to believe that or even suggest it. Since some here are clearly working on a RAW agenda they obviously know that intel agencies often work together. Look at the torture allegations against MI5 that has involved the DGFI of Bangladesh. Not to appreciate the connections and networks that are part and parcel of intel work shows an utter ignorance of these work. Clearly Mr. Mushfique Rahman you are either deceiving us or a complete novice and should remain silent.

The question that started this thread was whether India had deliberately diverted a section of our command officers so an effective military option could not be taken against the mutineers. This is the only question thats needs an answer so please stop diverting the thread to an irrelevant track.

--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Mashuque Rahman <mashuque@...> wrote:
>
> I personally don't have any problem when a Bangladeshi (origin) person claims to have contacts and access to Bangladesh Intelligence forces. Even if some one does not have direct access, it is not too difficult to manage to get there if he/she wants to (as almost all of us know some one in some place who can help us get there).
>
> I do have major problem when someone (of Bangladesh origin) claims to have sources (I assume that means access through the sources as well) at not only Bangladesh Intelligence, but also with RAW, ISI, CIA, MI6, SVR (I am lost on this one!), MOSSAID!! Give me a break! PLEASE!
>
> I must have missed out on the bidding process as I don't get paid by RAW although I don't subscribe to your beliefs (please note I did not say "your logic" as your arguments are always formed around your beliefs observing the writings I have seen on this forum). You must be making a lot just being paid by all these agencies now. Can you do me (and may be some others on the forum) a favor, and use your sources to give an update on Sunita Paul as we are missing her on the forum -- she has very similar beliefs and writings as yours and we are getting worried not seeing her presence on the forum lately (she can write at lightning speed comparable to yours I think). Keep up the "good" work, but cut down the number of sources as even they would not feel comfortable sharing inside info with you (as you might pass it on to the others) any more.
>
> - mashuque
>
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: M.B.I. Munshi <MBIMunshi@...>
> To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> Sent: Thursday, May 21, 2009 8:07:24 PM
> Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Actually I have had excellent access to Bangladesh intelligence and far greater than you can imagine or will ever personally have. I have also sources on RAW, ISI, CIA, MI6, SVR, MOSSAD. If you write and work in these areas you are bound to acquire a wealth of information. So in other words all the RAW stooges here are entirely wrong and since they have not read the book either they are making wild and uncorroborated assumptions. Of course, I believe many who now hold the Indian position have actually prostituted themselves out to the highest bidder so their opinions and attitudes may be safely disregarded. Their fear is that the truth is now out it needs to be repressed at all costs. They no longer have an opinion of their own and have lost their souls so they can now only abuse and insult on instructions form higher authority. It is truly sad when you lose your identity as a human being but that is the cost of working for RAW.
>
> --- In alochona@yahoogroup s.com, Cyrus <thoughtocrat@ ...> wrote:
> >
> > Do you have any access to the intelligence community in Bangladesh? or Indian or Pakistani intelligence community with credible intelligence reports?
>


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[ALOCHONA] Military needs more funds for modernisation: JS panel



Military needs more funds for modernisation: JS panel

 

The military has sought more funds in the upcoming budget for modernisation of the services as, it says, lower than expected allocation has kept the forces outmoded in term of military hardware.
   'The military cannot procure modern equipment for want of money,' the chief of the parliamentary standing committee on the ministry of defence, Idris Ali, said Thursday after a meeting at the Jatiya Sangsad.
   The military gave a presentation before the committee at the meeting in which they pointed out that the hardware the forces were using dated back to the 1980s.
   The military-backed interim administration had approved over 6.4 per cent of the Taka 999.66 billion budget for the 2008-09 fiscal year for defence, compared to 5.9 per cent allocation for health sector, 6.1 per cent for transport and communications and 5.6 per cent for public order and security.
   The Awami League-led government will place the budget for 2009-01 fiscal year on June 11 and the parliament is expected to pass it sometime in late July.
   At Thursday's meeting, the committee suggested that the Bangladesh Machine Tools Factory and Ordnance Factory should be upgraded.
   'It would help reduce dependence on import of arms and weapons,' said the chairman.
   The meeting attended by the members of the committee – Mujibul Haq, Nurul Mazid Mahmud Humayun, Md Rafiqul Islam and Manjur Kader Koraisy – also emphasised formulation of a national defence policy.
   It asked the ministry and the Armed Forces Division to present the draft defence policy before the next meeting to be held towards the end of June.
   The draft was prepared during the Bangladesh Nationalist Party-led alliance government incorporating suggestions made by the parliamentary standing committee.
   'There should be a reflection of the people's expectations in the defence policy,' said the committee chairman adding that the military affairs were being handled on an ad-hoc basis in the absence of a policy in the last 38 years.
   Idris Ali, also a former defence secretary, said that there should be a guideline for implementation of the policy. 'We need a defence policy before everything.'
   The meeting also asked the government to take immediate measures to settle the disputes with India and Myanmar over maritime boundary.
   Foreign secretary Touhid Hossain, who attended the meeting, said that a process for negotiations had started to settle the disputes.
   The committee observed that the Bangladesh Navy lacked necessary equipment to gather information on the country's maritime boundary. It suggested procurement of an oceanic hydrographical survey vessel for gathering necessary maritime data for the naval force.
   'It would cost between Tk 80 and 100 crore,' the committee chairman said.
   Bangladesh Navy is scheduled to present its functions and strength at the committee's next meeting.
   Army chief General Moeen U Ahmed, naval chief Rear Admiral ZU Ahmed, air force chief Air Marshal Shah Md Ziaur Rahman and senior officials of the ministry attended the meeting.

 

http://www.newagebd.com/2009/may/29/front.html




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[ALOCHONA] Amnesty International Report 2009 India



Amnesty International Report 2009  India
 
Police were either inactive or responded with excessive force in the face of sectarian violence against religious and linguistic minorities and ethnic clashes. Adivasis (indigenous communities) and small farmers continued to protest their exclusion from government decision-making on new development projects which could threaten their livelihoods and result in forced evictions. The low-level conflict continued between Maoists and the government and militia widely believed to be supported by the government. Both sides committed abuses including targeting civilians. Bomb-blasts in various parts of the country killed hundreds of people. In response the government arbitrarily detained and tortured suspects. Following the November Mumbai attacks in which more than 170 people were killed, the government tightened security legislation and set up a federal agency to investigate terrorist attacks. Judicial processes failed to ensure justice for many victims of communal violence. The courts sentenced at least 70 people to death. No executions took place.

Background

In addition to the 170 killed in the November Mumbai attacks, more than 400 people were killed in bomb attacks in the cities of Jaipur, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Malegaon, Delhi and Imphal and in the states of Tripura and Assam.
India-Pakistan ties deteriorated following allegations by the Indian authorities that the November Mumbai attacks had been carried out by people or groups based in Pakistan. India-Pakistan peace initiatives including talks on Kashmir failed to make progress.
The government's response to widespread violence against women remained inadequate.
While India continued to experience economic growth, a quarter of the population, approximately 300 million people, 70 per cent of whom lived in rural areas, remained in poverty. Indian authorities had not managed to ensure the rights of already marginalized communities, such as landless farmers and adivasi communities, who oppose exploitation of their land and other resources for industrial projects.

Violence against minorities

In August, a prominent local Hindu leader and four of his associates who campaigned against conversion to Christianity were killed in the state of Orissa, sparking two months of attacks against Christian minorities. The attacks, which resulted in at least 25 deaths, were led by supporters of Hindu nationalist organizations reportedly allied to the Bharatiya Janata Party – part of Orissa's ruling coalition – and included arson, looting and sexual assault of women. Police either failed to act or used excessive force resulting in the fatal shooting of 15 people. At least 15,000 people, mostly Christians, were displaced by the violence. In at least two camps for the displaced, Christians continued to be subjected to violent attacks by supporters of Hindu nationalist organizations. During the two months of violence, more than 250 people were arrested in connection with the attacks. However, no judicial inquiries had been completed at the end of the year.
"...Orissa police shot dead 20 people in nearby forests claiming them to be Maoists and their supporters"
In September, supporters of Hindu nationalist organizations damaged about 30 Christian places of worship in Karnataka. The suspected perpetrators were arrested only after opposition party protests.
In Mumbai city and other places in Maharashtra, linguistic minorities from northern states were subjected to repeated attacks by supporters of the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, resulting in around 1,000 migrant workers fleeing the state. Police were slow to stop the attacks and arrest suspected perpetrators.
More than 50 people were killed in intra-ethnic clashes between members of the Muslim community and the Bodo community in the predominantly Bodo districts of Assam. The authorities failed to take timely action to prevent the violence.
During July and August, communal protests in Jammu and Kashmir rose to levels unseen in recent years and erupted into violence on several occasions. Police used excessive force to deal with the violence and shot dead more than 60 people.
Members of Dalit communities in several states continued to face attacks and discrimination. The authorities failed to use existing special laws enacted to prosecute perpetrators of ethnic violence.
Human rights defenders working on minority rights including rights of Dalits and adivasis in Chhattisgarh continued to face harassment, including arbitrary detention by state police.
Legislation introduced in 2005 to address communal violence was still pending before parliament at the end of the year.

Forced evictions

Local authorities forcibly displaced or evicted marginalized communities in rural areas, including landless farmers and adivasis to make way for mining, irrigation, power, urban infrastructure and other industrial projects. In several states, authorities evicted adivasis from land demarcated as exclusively adivasis by constitutional provision. Authorities failed to comply with new legislation guaranteeing access to information by denying affected communities information on planned development projects. In most cases communities were excluded from decision-making processes. Legislation containing improvements in land acquisition procedures and rehabilitation and resettlement policies was pending before parliament.
Local community protests continued over land acquisition and forced evictions. In some cases, police responded by baton-charging peaceful protesters and detaining them without charge for up to one week. Police failed to protect protesters when private militias, reportedly allied with ruling political parties, violently suppressed the protests. Authorities did not carry out timely or impartial inquiries into several of these incidents.
  • In May, private militia reportedly shot dead Amin Banra, an adivasi leader, during a protest against forced displacement in Kalinganagar steel city complex, Orissa. The authorities arrested two people but failed to investigate reports that they were part of a large private militia.
  • In August, members of the endangered Dongria Khond adivasi in Orissa resumed protests after the Supreme Court permitted a joint venture between Vedanta, a multinational company, and the government to open a bauxite mine in protected forest areas on Dongria Khond land.
  • At least 30 people were injured in six-month-long protests by farmers and opposition parties in Singur, West Bengal, against acquisition of their lands for an automobile manufacturing plant without the farmers' prior and informed consent. Subsequent negotiations between the protesters and the state authorities failed, forcing the project to relocate to Gujarat.

Human rights defenders

Human rights defenders campaigning for land and environmental rights of rural communities were subjected to harassment, torture and other ill-treatment by police and to violent attacks by private militias, sometimes resulting in death.
Ongoing monitoring by local communities and human rights defenders ensured that new legislation guaranteeing the rural poor a right to work for at least 100 days per year was implemented in a few states.

Violence between security forces, militia and Maoists

In Chhattisgarh, clashes continued between Maoist armed groups and state forces supported by Salwa Judum, a militia widely believed to be state-sponsored. Both sides targeted civilians, mainly adivasis who reported killings, abductions and torture and other ill-treatment. Around 40,000 adivasis continued to be internally displaced, of whom 20,000 lived in camps in Chhattisgarh and 20,000 were scattered in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh.
In November, India's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) submitted its findings of a month-long inquiry to verify reports of human rights abuses by Salwa Judum and the Maoist armed groups.. The NHRC found that both sides were responsible for abuses. Human rights organizations criticized the findings, stating that the NHRC had failed to fully investigate abuses committed by the Salwa Judum.
Violence escalated between Maoist armed groups and police in Orissa and Jharkhand.
  • On 15 February, more than 500 armed Maoists raided the Nayagarh district police armoury in Orissa, killing 16 police. In a combing operation following the raid, the Orissa police shot dead 20 people in nearby forests claiming them to be Maoists and their supporters.
Human rights defenders in Orissa and Jharkhand who exposed abuses by the parties to the conflict continued to be at risk of harassment by state authorities.
  • Dr Binayak Sen, who worked for the rights of adivasis and contract labourers and had been critical of the Salwa Judum militia, remained in Chhattisgarh prison while his trial continued. He was imprisoned in May 2007 on charges relating to aiding Maoists. Human rights organizations expressed fair trial concerns.

Security and human rights

The authorities responded to the November Mumbai attacks by tightening security legislation and setting up a federal investigating agency. The amended legislation includes sweeping and broad definitions of "acts of terrorism" and of membership of terrorist organizations and extends the minimum and maximum detention periods for terrorism suspects before they are charged.
More than 70 people were detained without charge, for periods ranging from one week to two months in connection with bomb-blasts in several states throughout the year. Reports of torture and other ill-treatment of suspects led to protests from both Muslim and Hindu organizations.
  • In November, the authorities in Andhra Pradesh announced cash compensation for 21 Muslims who had been detained without charge for five to ten days and tortured in the wake of multiple bomb-blasts in Hyderabad in August last year. No criminal proceedings were initiated against those responsible for their torture.
  • In January, Abujam Shidam, a college teacher and member of the opposition Manipur People's Party, was arrested and tortured in police custody for four days following the December 2007 bomb-blast that killed seven people in Manipur. No action was taken against those responsible for his torture.
 
  • AI India deathpenalty action, Delhi, 10 October 2008.
    AI India deathpenalty action, Delhi, 10 October 2008.
Despite ongoing protests, the authorities refused to repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958. The UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions stated that the Act could facilitate extrajudicial executions by giving security forces the power to shoot to kill in circumstances where they are not necessarily at imminent risk. 
Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh joined the list of states that enacted special security legislation meant to control organized criminal activity. The legislation provided for detention without charge for periods ranging from six months to one year. Uttar Pradesh repealed a similar law.

Jammu and Kashmir

Between June and August, central security forces shot and killed at least 40 people who defied curfew restrictions. The curfew had been imposed during demonstrations and counter-demonstrations over a proposal to transfer forest land to the Amarnath Shrine Board.
Impunity continued for past offences including enforced disappearances of thousands of people during the armed conflict in Kashmir since 1989.

Impunity

Impunity continued to be widespread.

Gujarat

Those responsible for the violence in 2002 in which thousands of Muslims were attacked and more than 2000 killed largely continued to evade justice. The Mumbai High Court made limited progress towards accountability by convicting 12 people in January for one incident of sexual assault.

Punjab

Many of the police officers responsible for serious human rights violations between 1984 and 1994 were not brought to justice. Findings of a Central Bureau of Investigation inquiry into allegations of unlawful killings of 2,097 people cremated by police has not been made fully public.

Assam

No action was taken on the Commission of Inquiry findings published in 2007 that found the unlawful killings of 35 individuals between 1998 and 2001 were carried out at the behest of a former chief minister and the state police.

Death penalty

The authorities failed to make public information detailing the number of executions and people on death row. However, no executions were known to have taken place during the year. Despite government claims that the death penalty was used only in the "rarest of cases", the courts sentenced at least 70 people to death. The NHRC began conducting a study into the application of the death penalty.
In December, India voted against the UN General Assembly resolution calling for a worldwide moratorium on executions.



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[ALOCHONA] Fw: Re: Zia That I Knew: A Flashback: Response





--- On Thu, 5/28/09, alaldulal@aol..com <alaldulal@aol.com> wrote:
Correction of dates. In the 4th para, last line in bracket the date should be March 25, 1971.

In the 6th para within bracket, the date should be March 24, 1971.

Sorry for the oversight.
AOC


-----Original Message-----
From: Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com>
To: Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com>
Sent: Wed, 27 May 2009 8:38 pm
Subject: Re: Fw: Re: Zia That I Knew: A Flashback

Abu Obaid Chowdhury New York, USA, alaldulal@aol.com writes:
 
This is in response to the comments by Dr. Siddiqui. Below is the response from the writer:

"I am glad that Dr. Siddiqui took time to read my write-up and offer his comments. I appreciate it. We have the right to our own views, and I did not attempt to impose my views on anyone. I wrote the facts that=2 0I was part of, and those that I learnt from friends. Most officers I named in the article are still alive and can verify. 

I fully agree with Dr. Siddiqui that 'in our love for anyone, we need not rewrite history to undeservingly give credit to someone when it is not due.' I could say the same thing to him.

Major Rafique could not be immune to partisan feelings and perceptions, knowing his current political identity. I read his book 'Lokkho Praner Binimoye' when it was published long time ago. The English version and its later editions have lot of changes and additions. About 2 months ago in a TV talk show, Rafique gave his version of the independence declaration, implying (if I am not wrong) he was instrumental in making the declaration from a make shift wireless network with the help one Mr. Khandakar. He also mentioned of a declaration received from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through some source. He totally underplayed, rather ignored for understandable reasons, the role of Ziaur Rahman and the declaration he made at Kalurghat. When questioned by the host about a report that a declaration (perhaps obtained by ASM Abdur Rob on the night of December 25, 1971) from Sheikh Mujib was sent to the BDR network at Pilkhana, Major Rafique was vague.   

Major Rafique wrote his side of the story about Chittagong in 1971. I was not part of that. Whatever I wrote was related to me by friends and from reading other accounts. I do not claim to be 100% correct.

There was nothing for Zia to contradict Rafique's account. M R Chowdhury and Zia advised Rafique not to preempt any action that might tantamount to mutiny at a time when Sheikh Mujib was still negotiating with the Pakistanis (if you recall, until December 24, 1971). In this context, I may point out that Sheikh Mujib himself never contradicted Zia's declaration of independence either.

From Dr. Siddiue's comments it also appeared that M R Chowdhury and Zia were mostly responsible for the Chittagong massacre. I can only say that any person with some military knowledge would recognize that the operation Search Light of the Pakistanis was a much bigger game plan than individual actions by Zia or Rafique, and the subsequent events testified that.

Finally, my anonymity does not make my account fake. The military officials and others that I named, as well as Bangladesh military records, can easily find out who I am. The issue is not who I am, it is what I said."

Thanks and sincerely,
AOC


--- On Tue, 5/26/09, Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com>
Subject: Fw: Re: Zia That I Knew: A Flashback
To: "Dhaka Mails" <dhakamails@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Tuesday, May 26, 2009, 7:10 PM



--- On Tue, 5/26/09, saeva@aol.com <saeva@aol.com> wrote:


From the link in NFB: http://www.newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=265512, it is obvious that Mr. A.O. Chowdhury is not the person whose account on Zia we are reading, but that he is simply relaying information from an admirer of Ziaur Rahman (see, e.g., the statement: "Retrospect - This is a story related to me by a friend, who preferred to remain anonymous"). This kind of posting is problematic in the sense that it does not al low the reader to know who actually is the author, and therefore, whether or not, one can trust him. If the author is serious, he ought to disclose his identity and let people judge the credibility of his story. To me, the write-up appears to come from a blind supporter of the BNP who wants to salvage Zia's image on some controvesial issues.

The writer's account of the 1971 Pakistani crackdown in Chittagong is somewhat difficult to believe and is at variance with the accounts provided by Major Rafiq in his "The Tale of the Millions". How did the 8th Bengal revolt and under whose leadership on the night of March 25? What happened to Zia's own family members, including wife? Note that 8th Bengal's  no. 2, Maj. Zia, himself was on his way to the port for unloading arms for the Pakistan Army. Before that night, Maj. Rafiq says that both Zia and M.R. Chowdhury were opposed to take arms against the Pakistani soldiers. In his lifetime, Zia never challenged Rafiq's version of20history. As a prize for their trust with the Pakistan Army, Col. M.R. Chowdhury was the first senior officer of Bangladeshi origin who was killed by the Pakistani forces in Chittagong on the night of March 25. Not only that some 1200 Bengali new recruits were killed in Halishahar, only a couple of miles from my home. If either of them had a little doubt about their "trusting" Pa kistani brethren many observers and analysts believe that most of those lives would have been saved.

The report below also seems to be a revisionist attempt in doctoring history. It says, "
Here on March 27, 1971, Zia made his famous declaration of independence at the Kalurghat Radio Station. According to Oli, he was instrumental in the making of the declaration. He even claimed to have made Zia. Shamsher told me that he drafted the final version of the declaration. So much for the controversy over the declaration of independence made by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the night of March 25, 1971." I remember very well seeing a copy of Sk. Mujib's telegraph material on the evening of March 26. I have no clue who wrote that piece, how it was sent and to whom. It had Sk. Mujib's printed at the bottom, giving the impression that it was sent on his behest. Thus this material which was later to be called the declaration of independence by Sk. Mujib was seen by me and many others in Chittagong at least 24 hours before I heard Zia's short speech in broken Bengali over the radio. If the declaration was written by Shamsher M. Chowdhury, it is news to us. I don't recall the ex-U.S. Ambassador claiming such.
Only two doors next to our home "Prantik" on Zakir Hossain Road lived Bangladeshi Capt. Moslemuddin and Punjabi Capt. Rizvi. If I am not mistaken Moslem was with the Signal corprs and had shown th e copy to elders in our locality. After Chittagong fell to the Pakistan Army he fled from his home (and probably joined the retreating Bangladeshi forces like Zia and many others that survived).. I have, therefore, serious doubt about Oli's version and find the report below to be a sly attempt to distort history.

This statement of mine should not be interpreted as belittling Zia's, Shamsher's and Oli's contribution during our liberation war. What I am cautioning against is that in our love for anyone, we need not rewrite history to undeservingly give credit to someone when it is not due. When we do that we only soil their image. Unfortunately, in a highly partisan atmosphere of ours, I see many such blind supporters who are doing disservice to our nation.

Intellectuals within our community have to rise above petty, narrow partisanship (above idol worship of their iconic figures) to be taken seriously.

Regards,
Habib Siddiqui

-----Original Message-----
From: bd_mailer@yahoo.com
To: Dhaka Mails <dhakamails@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, 26 May 2009 11:13 am

Zia That I Knew: A Flashback

Abu Obaid Chowdhury New York, USA
 

 

Following my defection from Pakistan Army in 1971 and after being cleared by the Indian and Mujibnagar authorities, I was posted to 'Z Force' of Lt Col Ziaur Rahman in the eastern theater of Bangladesh liberation war. The nearly 20-day journey took me from Lahore to Khemkaran to Ferozepur to Delhi to Kolkata to Agartala and finally to Masimpur, the 4 sector headquarters of Lt Col C R Dutta (later Major General).
 
As I reached my temporary accommodation, I heard a familiar voice next room. He was talking to Col Dutta. I went to check and found a gentleman in uniform, somewhat tired, half lying on the bamboo made platform, used=2 0as bed. It was dark and I could not see the face clearly. I wished him and introduced myself. He sat down and said, "So you are the Captain who came to raise my artillery unit. Sit down."
 
I still could not make out who the person was, though looked familiar. 2/Lt Sajjad Ali Zahir (later Lt Col), another defectee from West Pakistan and posted to my unit, joined me at Agartala. He followed me to the room. As I introduced Sajjad to the man, almost instantly the name flashed across my mind.
 
"He is Col Ziaur Rahman", I said to Sajjad. Earlier, then Major Ziaur Rahman was an instructor in the military academy when I was a cadet and his solid, deep voice was well known to me.On his query, I had to tell Col Zia my defection story—how I crossed the Lahore-Khemkaran border in a military jeep, how I sur vived after falling with the jeep in the Kasur River, who I reported to at India's Rajoke cantonment etc. He seemed to know the route and area pretty well. Somewhat surprised, I asked how he knew the names of those villages, tracks, BRB canal, barriers etc. "I was fighting the Indians there in 1965 with 1 E Bengal Regiment", Zia said.
 
After dinner, Zia left for his headquarters at Kailashahar. Before leaving he told me to take stock of my unit at Kukital and report to him in a day or two to find out what I needed to make the unit battle worthy within the shortest possible time. Capt Oli Ahmed (later Col and BNP Minister) and my Sialkot time friend Capt M A Halim (later Maj Gen), Brigade Major and Quartermaster respectively at Z Force, were very helpful in providing me with the material support I needed.
 
Whole Bangladesh is Firing Range
About two weeks later, Col M A G Osmani (later General and Minister), C-in-C of the Mukti Bahini, was visiting the area. Zia brought him to my camp with a view to showing the readiness of my guns for operation. I arranged a mock gun firing drill for the visiting team. Lt (later Capt and late) Sheikh Kamal, ADC to the C-in-C, told me afterwards, "Sir, the C -in-C was very impressed with the exercise. I heard him saying so to Col Zia." Of course, Osmani himself appreciated the preparedness and congratulated those who participated in the drill. At the luncheon at my camp, I asked him if I could conduct a practice firing before going to the real one, for which I needed a firing range.
"The whole Ban gladesh is your firing range, my boy", said Osmani, "go ahead.." He gave me a blank check.
 
After a day or two, while returning from forward positions, I noticed a large convoy of vehicles carrying soldiers passing by. Initially I thought they were Indians, but with a closer look I recognized they were our Mukti Bahini soldiers. In those days, we had the same OG (olive green) uniform worn by the Indian army in that area. After a while, I found Col Zia coming in a jeep. He stopped when he saw me. I asked him what was all that.
 
"That's my 1st Bengal", Zia brimmed with pride."Where are they going?" I asked.He got off his jeep and asked me to follow him. We went up on a high ground from where we could oversee the convoy passing."They are going to Atgram, to take up positions in preparation for the attack on the Pakistanis" , Zia said as he was preparing to sit down. He briefly explained the plan for a 3-prong attack in north eastern Sylhet with his 1st, 3rd and 8th Bengal regiments.

"Am I not part of your brigade?" I asked, suppressing my disappointment.
"Of course you are", Zia asserted.
0A
"Then why am I left out of this?" I demanded.
"Are you ready?" he asked me.
"Anytime", I replied.
I cannot describe in words the expression of happiness and pride that I noticed in Zia's face at that moment.
 
"Fine", he said, "you are going in support of 8th Bengal, possibly tonight. On my way, I will talk to Brigadier (I don't remember the name who was Zia's Indian support counterpart) to issue the ammunition and gun towers (trucks) to you on a priority basis. See me at headquarters later tonight. I will give you further details."
My excitement knew no bounds and was about to run away to arranged the details for the D-day I was waiting for.
 
Fight the War Our Way
"Wait, sit down", Col Zia stopped me, "there is time. Give me company while I see my unit clear away." As the convoy moved on, our discussion shifted to different directions. I told him how Pakistanis in the west had been conducting misleading propaganda about our war, our heroes and our future. In Pakistan, Zia and many others were already dead. I discovered a different Zia from the reclusive and serious one that most people knew. It looked like he wanted to open his mind.
 
We talked about the war, the strategy, its conduct and the policy makers in Mujibnagar. He expressed his frustration at the style and pace the war was going. He didn't like too much dependence on India for the conduct of our war.
 
"It is our war, we should fight it our way, not on someone else's convenience", he said. He did not hide his dislike for Col Osmani, the Mukti Bahini chief. "That man with white moustache", Zia said referring to Osmani, "has no idea about the situation in the war fronts and the enemy. Just passing orders off the map at someone else's dictation. I don't like it".
 
I was a bit embarrassed that he would open up like that with a subordinate and junior officer. But I also knew Zia, for whatever reasons, developed a liking for me and could confide. Our ass ociation continued till I met the president last in September 1980.
 
The sun was setting when we got up to leave. I told Col Zia that I could be late to reach his headquarters tonight because I had a number of errands to complete before I moved out. "Don't worry", Zia assured me, "I don't go to bed early". I later learnt that Zia usually worked till early hours of the morning in those days. He slept very little.
 
I came to Zia's headquarters around 11 pm and found him working in his tent, dimly lighted by a lantern. Our meeting was brief. He showed me the deployment of 8 Bengal Regiment off the map and I was to place guns suitably to support its attacks and advances. He called his BM Capt Oli and DQ Capt Halim to provide me whatever I needed.
 
My unit's first operation in Baralekha, Sylhet was a huge success. Next morning, an overjoyed Col Zia, accompanied by Capt Oli, visited my gun position. Greeting with a warm handshake, he told me, "You made history in our liberation war". He went round and shook hands and congratulated every man I had. Before Col Zia left, I told him that I would be going to the forward loca tions of 8 Bengal as FOO (Forward Observation Officer) soon.
"Make sure the gun position is well taken care of. These guns are very precious for us", Zia advised.

"It is in good hand, sir", I assured him.
Sometime in 1973, then army deputy chief Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman was on a visit to Chittagong where I was a staff officer to Col (later Lt Gen and BNP Minister) Mir Shawkat Ali, the local commander. At a luncheon for Zia at the commander's Flag Staff House where Brigadier Khalilur Rahman (later Maj Gen, Defense Adviser to Khandakar Mushtaque and AL MP), just repatriated from Pakistan, was also present. Zia and Khalil were discussing our liberation war. At one stage, Zia called me to tell the brigadier how I raised my artillery unit and how long it took me to train and make it ready for the war.
"The whole thing took me less=2 0than 3 weeks", I said.

A skeptical brigadier asked, "If you are given the men and material, would you be able to accomplish the same now?"
"Definitely, sir; however, it may take a little longer time," I replied.
"Please bear in mind, sir", I20added, "it was wartime, that too a liberation war. Our only mission was to fight and win. We used every minute of our time, day and night, to get ready. I had some excellent trained artillery men from former Pakistan army. They formed the core, the rest were ordinary soldiers, students and others.
 
You got to see their spirit to believe it, sir. The beauty was, the unit that went to operation on a Ramadan afternoon without prior practice firing, had its very first shell falling right on the target, a Pakistani concentration in Baralekha, Sylhet, readying for an attack on 8 Bengal positions. That unexpected (Pakistanis never knew before that Mukti Bahini had artillery power) and devastating artillery shelling forced the disarrayed enemy to start a process of retreat leading to a complete defeat in that area."
I could see a proud Gen Zia enjoying our conversation standing nearby. He perhaps desired to highlight my contributions20in our liberation war to the one who missed that chance.
 
The Revolt in Chittagong
Once at Kailashahar, Capt Oli told me the story how 8 E Bengal revolted at Halishahar in Chittagong on the night of March 25, 1971. The fact s were later corroborated by Major Shamsher M Chowdhury, a batch mate (later Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to the US), Brigadier Chowdhury Khaluquzzaman (later Ambassador), and Capt Mahfuzur Rahman (later Lt Col and hanged following the assassination of Zia). They were all serving in 8 Bengal at that time.
 
Lt Col M R Chowdhury of East Bengal Recruits' Center (EBRC), Major Ziaur Rahman, Second-in-Command of 8 Bengal, Capt Rafiqul Islam (later Major and AL Minister) of East Pakistan Rifles and a few other officers had a number of secret coordinating meetings in Chittagong to cope with the situation if Pakistanis attacked the Bengalis. They sent messages to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to inform that Pakistanis were preparing to disarm and attack the Bengali elements of the military and sought his advice and direction. They did not receive any. (Please see "A Tale of Millions" by Major Rafiqul Islam.)
On the night of March 25, 1971, operation Search Light , designed to annihilate the Bengalis by Pakistan Army, started in the cantonments, including Chittagong. Shamsher confirmed that elements of 20 Baluch and 31 Punjab regiments were advancing towards Halishahar. 8 Bengal then decided to revolt and resist the Pakistanis.
 
They arrested t he Pakistani officers, including the Commanding Officer Lt Col Rashid Janjua (these officers were later killed) and wanted Ziaur Rahman to take command. At that moment, Zia was being taken, under naval escorts, to the Chittagong port, ostensibly to help unload the Chinese armaments from HMV Swat. According to other versions, Zia was actually on his way to his final journey! Khaliquzzaman rushed to get Zia and luckily found him waiting by the roadside while his escorts were clearing a barricade at Agrabad area. Khaliquzzaman whispered to Zia of the decision of 8 Bengal and then went to the navy Lt to say that Col Ansari, the new Punjabi Commandant at the EBRC, wanted Zia at Chittagong cantonment immediately. The Punjabi Lt did not suspect any foul play.
 
Zia and Khaliquzzaman rushed to the unit and found a truncated unit ready for action. Half of the men deserted out of fear and confusion. Major Shawkat recently arrived from Quetta after completing staff college course and was temporarily appointed Adjutant of 8 Bengal.=2 0As he was new in the unit, other officers could not take him into confidence at first. Some young officers were not sure if Shawkat was a Bengali at all. Shawkat was at his quarter and knew nothing about all that was going in the unit at that moment. Upon arrival, Zia went to Shawkat and asked if he would join the revolt. Shawkat thought for a while and then decided to join the20group.
 
Though 8 Bengal readied itself to meet the attacking Pakistanis, they were outnumbered. Zia decided to fall back to Kalurghat and reorganize. They fought pitch battles and suffered heavy casualties in the process. Capt Harun Ahmed Chowdhury (later Maj Gen and Ambassador), Shamsher and others were mortally wounded and captured by the Pakistanis.
 
Here on March 27, 1971, Zia made his famous declaration of independence at the Kalurghat Radio Station. According to Oli, he was instrumental in the making of the declaration... He even claimed to have made Zia. Shamsher told me that he drafted the final version of the declaration. So much for the controversy over the declaration of independence made by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the night of March 25, 1971.
 
Audacity to Distort Zia's Role
Lately, a few AL ministers and parliamentarians started disputing Zia's participation in the war of liberation. Former minister Prof Abu Syed and one Dr. Mina Farah of New York, who chose to incinerate her Muslim son instead of burial, had the audacity to claim in recent talk shows that Zia was not a freedom fighter at all. I can only say that these persons need to get their brain che cked.
 
Special Mission
In September 1980, I was sent to Dhaka on a special mission concerning military cooperation in one of the middle-eastern countries. My meetings with Minister Prof Shamsul Huq and Foreign Secretary SHMS Kibria were not positive. Army chief General H M Ershad and chief of the general staff Maj Gen Abdul Manaf were hesitant. I wanted to talk to the president. While I was waiting in the office of the Military Secretary to the President Col Sadequr Rahman Chowdhury in Bangabhaban, President Zia suddenly burst in and asked me, without any prelude, "What kind of proposal is it? How can we agree to this? We have no capability to undertake such a task. Besides, we can't afford to enter into a kind of rivalry with a superpower."
 
I understood the president came straight from the meeting deliberating on the same issue. While coming to the Bangabhaban, I saw Ershad there.
"Sir, give me a few minutes", I requested the president, "and I will explain the stake involved, how it can be made possible and what we stand to gain... There is no superpower rivalry, and I believe you were not given the correct picture by our foreign office. The president tried to defend the foreign office though.
 
We sat down and I stated what I thought right. I also said something to the president in confidence which only I could dare say. I pointed out that peripheral and invisible resources (I even listed those resources) of our military would be more than enough to make an initial commitment. In return, we can seek financial assistance and resources to raise more units, modernize, equip and train our forces. It would be an ongoing process.
That did the job! I could see a glow in the face of the president.
"Please do not say 'NO', sir," I begged the president, further adding, "for the first time, a rich friend requested Bangladesh for something".
 
"Wait a moment=E 2, he told me and turned to the MSP, "Sadeq, get hold of Ershad, he was leaving. I need to talk to him again". The president went out of the room and I was hoping for the best. After half an hour, the president came back and told me, "Ok, you tell them, we accept the proposal in principle. But, we need to discuss further. We may have to send a team of experts to examine the details".

"Thank you, sir. But, it needs to be conveyed by our foreign office", I humbly submitted."I will talk to the foreign minister," the president said.
A little relaxed, I now had time to exchange usual pleasantries with the president. At one stage, he picked up a newspaper, I thought it was Holiday, from the desk of the MSP and proudly showed me a news item that said Bangladesh would export certain type of quality rice.

"How can we do that?" It was my time to be surprised now.
"We will do it, you will see", asserted a confident president.
I later learnt that the Foreign Office maintained its original position. I felt a huge overseas opportunity for our defense forces was sabotaged. (I am unable to detail the opportunity here).
 
That was the last time I saw Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman.
After his death, I went to Bangladesh on vacation. My wife and I visited a bereaved Begum Zia at her residence. Brigadier Mahtab (late), an old friend, was with me. Begum Zia talked very little, but acknowledged receipt of my condolence let ter. In course of our discussion, she asked me, "What do you think should happen now and how the things should be run?" I could not figure out what she meant. Mahtab clarified that who I should think to take the leadership and carry forward ideals of Zia at that juncture.
 
I was not prepared for such a question and had no idea what Begum Zia was trying to lead me to, least of all her political ambition. I just fumbled that if anybody could come close to the stature of Ziaur Rahman, I thought it would be General M A Manzur. Unfortunately, he was the man behind the assassination of the president. (At that time, we were made to believe it was Manzur who masterminded the bloody coup in Chittagong. Later, however, I had different view about Manzur's complicity.) I expressed my inability to name a successor to Zia.
 
Years later, I said to myself in retrospect, "Stupid, the right answer should have been: you Madam." In a letter to General Ershad commending his efforts in quelling the Chittagong rebellion, I said, 'given the peoples' love and respect Shaheed President Zia received (reportedly 2 million people gathered around Dhaka airport when his coffin was brought in from Chittagong and attended his final Janaza), a Zia-like death is worth million times'. I also submitted that he had huge responsibilities for the stability in the military, as well as the nation. Ershad was kind enough to reply saying he was 'working' on some ideas and would seek our support. I later learnt what he was 'working' on.
 
We Have Been Orphaned
I went to the Bangabhaban again, this time to see Justice Abdus Sattar, the acting president. As I was waiting at the office of Col S R Chowdhury, the MSP related an experience. While on a visit to Zia's mazaar at one night, he found an old man crying by the grave. Sadeq went to share the feelings and console the man. He came all the way from Rangpur to pay his respect to the shaheed president. "'Badsha' Zia had walked through my front yard", the old man continued to cry, 8 0how can I forget that? We have been orphaned."
 
During a courtesy call on Maj Gen Mohabbat Jan Chowdhury (later Minister of Ershad), Director General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), I asked how come his intelligence failed when such a tragedy took place in Chittagong? Gen Chowdhury said that they knew something was in the offing in Chitt agong and warned the president accordingly, but the president did not take it seriously. They also reminded the president on more than one occasion that Gen Manzur was going out of control, often refused to follow orders and instructions from army headquarters and mostly did things his way. According to M J Chowdhury, the president never believed them; he would rather rebuke them (repatriated and non-freedom fighter officers) instead, saying that they were jealous of Manzur who was far more superior in intellect and competence.
 
A footnote: The President's rehabilitation of the repatriated officers in high positions in the military enraged the young freedom fighter officers. The coup that killed the president was staged by freedom fighter officers. During a discussion with Gen Manzur in his office in Chittagong in 1979, I discovered how bitter he was against the non-freedom fighters. At the same time, I knew Zia and Manzur enjoyed great cordiality, mutual con fidence and close relation. After the November 7, 1975 Sepoy-Janata Uprising, situation in the military was almost out of control and its discipline was at its lowest. Zia brought in Brig Manzur from New Delhi, where he was the military adviser, and appointed him the chief of the general staff. It was Manzur who brought back order in the military.
 
Incorruptible Zia
President Ziaur Rahman's austere and honest lifestyle was legendary. Even his worst enemy can not dispute that. Critics, however, blamed him for doing little against corrupt practices of some of his ministers and political leaders.
In late 1972, I called on then Brigadier Zia at his residence to introduce my newly married wife. Other than being overwhelmed with the extraordinary beauty of Begum Zia, my wife noticed that Zia was wearing an ordinary leather sandal having repairs done.
 
It was a common knowledge what was found in Zia's broken suitcase at the Chittagong Circuit House following his assassination on May 30, 1981—a few change of clothes that included a torn vest.Here is a story I heard from Hussain Ahmed, a former IGP and Secretary. An SP came to his20residence at a late hour of night with a request to cancel his posting to a distant place. A much annoyed IGP dismissed the request. Before leaving, the disappointed SP pointed to his accompanying gentleman who remained absolutely silent the whole time, "Sir, do you know him?" The IGP replied in negative.
 
"He is Mizanur Rahman, brother of the President", said the SP. Naturally, the IGP became a little soft and more accommodating now and asked the SP to see him in the office. He, however, did not recall if that request was ever met.
 
Later, the IGP casually related the story to Air Vice Marshal Islam, then DGFI. A day or two later, IGP's red phone rang at around 3 am. Somewhat disturbed to be awakened at that odd hour, he picked up the phone and received a thunder.
 
"I heard that b—— went to you for a favor?" It was the president and it took time for the IGP to understand what he was referring to. The IGP tried to pacify the president saying that his brother just accompanied the SP and did not utter a word at all. "I would like to have a full report tomorrow", the president insisted and dropped the phone.
 
Reportedly, president Ziaur Rahman sent out circulars to all departments that personal requests by his family members should be directed to him immediately.
 
Everybody knew the fact that Zia refused to intervene when his son Tarique was thrown out of Shaheen School. During an official visit to Zambia, High Commissioner A N Hamidullah was briefing the president on the program, repeatedly mentioning of an appointment with president's brother Rezaur Rahman who was working there as an engineer. The president did not like it. He rebuked the High Commissioner for putting his brother's appointment in the official program. "I know my brother is here. I will meet him at my own convenience, and it is my personal matter", the president reminded the High Commissioner.
 
Another story from Hussain Ahmed. The almost daily Bangabhaban evening meetings used to run for long hours and working dinners were served from the house. The menu was more than simple–rice or roti with one curry and dal. Minister Moudud Ahmed found difficulty to take that any more. At dinner time, he requested the president if he could be excused as he had promised his childre n to eat together. The president smiled and let him go.
 
One may recall that Ziaur Rahman introduced Toyota Corolla as the official car at all levels, including for himself. A few Mercedes that Bangabhaban had were used only for foreign dignitaries during official visits.
 
Alas, the Zia family seemed to have failed to keep the clean image that Zia had in his lifetime!






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Re: [ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?



Alochok Mashque, SVR is Sluzhba Vneshney Razvedki, the Russian equivalent of CIA, and remnant of its predecessor, KGB. SVR is as gestapo like its counterparts such as CIA, RAW, ISI, et. al. SVR was responsible for the recent assassination of Alexander Litvinenko.
 
C


From: Mashuque Rahman <mashuque@pacbell.net>
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 26, 2009 6:51:56 PM
Subject: Re: [ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?

I personally don't have any problem when a Bangladeshi (origin) person claims to have contacts and access to Bangladesh Intelligence forces. Even if some one does not have direct access, it is not too difficult to manage to get there if he/she wants to (as almost all of us know some one in some place who can help us get there).
 
I do have major problem when someone (of Bangladesh origin) claims to have sources (I assume that means access through the sources as well) at not only Bangladesh Intelligence, but also with RAW, ISI, CIA, MI6, SVR (I am lost on this one!), MOSSAID!! Give me a break! PLEASE!
 
I must have missed out on the bidding process as I don't get paid by RAW although I don't subscribe to your beliefs (please note I did not say "your logic" as your arguments are always formed around your beliefs observing the writings I have seen on this forum). You must be making a lot just being paid by all these agencies now. Can you do me (and may be some others on the forum) a favor, and use your sources to give an update on Sunita Paul as we are missing her on the forum -- she has very similar beliefs and writings as yours and we are getting worried not seeing her presence on the forum lately (she can write at lightning speed comparable to yours I think). Keep up the "good" work, but cut down the number of sources as even they would not feel comfortable sharing inside info with you (as you might pass it on to the others) any more.
 
- mashuque


From: M.B.I. Munshi <MBIMunshi@gmail. com>
To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com
Sent: Thursday, May 21, 2009 8:07:24 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: Was our military short-staffed during the BDR Mutiny and if so why?


Actually I have had excellent access to Bangladesh intelligence and far greater than you can imagine or will ever personally have. I have also sources on RAW, ISI, CIA, MI6, SVR, MOSSAD. If you write and work in these areas you are bound to acquire a wealth of information.. So in other words all the RAW stooges here are entirely wrong and since they have not read the book either they are making wild and uncorroborated assumptions. Of course, I believe many who now hold the Indian position have actually prostituted themselves out to the highest bidder so their opinions and attitudes may be safely disregarded. Their fear is that the truth is now out it needs to be repressed at all costs. They no longer have an opinion of their own and have lost their souls so they can now only abuse and insult on instructions form higher authority. It is truly sad when you lose your identity as a human being but that is the cost of working for RAW.

--- In alochona@yahoogroup s.com, Cyrus <thoughtocrat@ ...> wrote:
>
> Do you have any access to the intelligence community in Bangladesh? or Indian or Pakistani intelligence community with credible intelligence reports?




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Re: [ALOCHONA] UK's MI5 named in Bangladesh torture claim



A thorough investigation needs to be conducted by the BD government, and if our security forces beat a confession out of an innocent man, then they must be brought before justice. This kind of savegary has a place in fascist regimes, and no place in a democracy.
 
C


From: Isha Khan <bd_mailer@yahoo.com>
To: Dhaka Mails <dhakamails@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, May 27, 2009 10:43:17 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] UK's MI5 named in Bangladesh torture claim

UK's MI5 named in Bangladesh torture claim

London, May 27 (bdnews24.com)—A British citizen is set to sue home secretary Jacqui Smith, alleging he was tortured while being held on suspicion of terrorism in Bangladesh with the complicity of UK security force MI5.

Former civil servant Jamil Rahman, who grew up in south Wales, claims he was interrogated by MI5 officers in between beatings by Bangladesh security forces, the British media reported on Wednesday. Rahman said he was forced to give false confessions, including that he masterminded the 2005 terror attacks in London.

The British government has replied that its security forces neither condone nor use torture.. But a home office spokeswoman confirmed that Rahman's legal team had written to the home secretary and said the government would respond "in due course", reported the BBC.

According to the Guardian newspaper, MI5 agents have been accused of collusion in the torture of British nationals in many countries including Pakistan and Egypt and human rights group Amnesty International wants an independent probe into such claims.

Police said in March they would investigate claims that MI5 was complicit in the torture of former Guantanamo Bay detainee Binyam Mohamed in Pakistan.
In the latest allegations, Rahman says he faced repeated beatings by Bangladeshi agents while MI5 officers turned a blind eye.

The events recounted in detail in the Guardian report forms the basis of civil proceedings being brought against the home secretary, says the British newspaper. Rahman says he was arrested in December 2005 by the DGFI - one of Bangladesh's main intelligence agencies. It was the start of an ordeal that would last more than two years, claims Rahman.

The newspaper says the graduate and former civil servant had settled in Bangladesh that year after marrying a woman from Sylhet. The couple were taken to the local headquarters of the directorate general of forces intelligence (DGFI) and held in separate cells, says Rahman.

After being stripped, beaten and told that his wife would be raped and murdered and her body burned, he says he agreed to make a lengthy tape-recorded confession to a number of terrorist offences, including masterminding the suicide bomb attacks on London's transport network the previous July. Rahman claims he was then questioned by two well-spoken Brits by the names of 'Liam' and 'Andrew', who said they were MI5 officers.

Rahman says that after being interrogated for almost three weeks he and his wife were released, but he was told that he must remain in Bangladesh and not talk to anyone about his experiences. He says he was told that his calls would be monitored and that he was specifically instructed not to contact any lawyers or members of the media, or the UK high commission in Dhaka.

On his release, Rahman claims his passport was withheld for two and a half years. During that period, he says he was frequently summoned for interrogations by MI5 and Bangladeshi officials.

Rahman alleges that senior Bangladeshi agents who were supervising his mistreatment would give instructions that his head was not to be marked and that no bones were to be broken.

He says he was shown hundreds of photographs, including surveillance photographs of friends in the UK, whom he was asked to identify. If he did not co-operate, he says, the two British officers would leave the room, during which time he would be beaten. He claims that during these interrogations he was accused of "masterminding" the July 2005 suicide bomb attacks in London.

During many of the interrogations, according to Rahman, the MI5 officers would ask him: "We're not torturing you, are we." He would confirm that they were not, and on one occasion he was told to repeat his answer in a louder voice, which he did. Rahman believes that these exchanges were being recorded.

Rahman returned to the UK in May last year after his passport was returned by British consular officials in Dhaka. He embarked on legal proceedings once his wife and son were able to join him last week, reports the Guardian.

The couple's four-month-old boy remains in Bangladesh, however, as they have not received the British passport for which they applied 12 weeks ago. They say they are deeply concerned for his safety.

The Guardian has been reporting for almost four years on allegations that British intelligence officers have been colluding in the torture of British citizens during counter-terrorism investigations, and on the evidence that supports a number of the claims.

Lawyers for Rahman, who now lives in Britain, claim to have evidence including eyewitness testimony and medical information.




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Re: [ALOCHONA] Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh



Recently, after reading another alochok's comments, I called him a "waste of clean air" and quite unexpectedly, the moderators censored that. So, I will refrain from any such expressions, as much as I am tempted to.
 
But did any of you guys actually read the article on the dam? Or did you just get your knickers in a twist seeing two "Hindu" names who authored it? The whole article actually shows the technical problems, as well as potential disaster scenarios AGAINST the dam, and not for it!! How did Islam and the faith of our people get into this rather technical and engineering discussion? Or is it that anything Farida Majid says or writes you find them offensive to your very shaky faith? Read the article!
 
"Enayet Limbaugh" keeps calling everyone a "boot licker of India", although he is nothing but a hired mercenary for the Jamaat. He keeps throwing the same poop on the wall like an ape does in the zoo, hoping that something will stick on the wall. Unfortunately, it doesn't and his ignorance shows through his desperate comments! Same lines, same propaganda, same fear mongering, and same stupidity. He, like those who commented after his meaningless rhetoric, doesn't understand that like us, many Indians are opposed to this dam as well.
 
These cowards hide behind their faith, and decray secular beliefs, the very foundation upon which our country was founded and built. Secularism is not at war with Islam. Secularism is at war with neocons and puritanism. Do yourselves a favor - come out and say that you hate everyone who is not like you or don't think like you do. You don't represent Islam or peace, nor do you (or anyone) deserve to speak for it, or for the rest of the country or the nation.
C

 

From: amir ali <gulshanali@hotmail.com>
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, May 25, 2009 9:00:23 AM
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh

Because, she is the lobyist working for that country.
Mohammed.
 


To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com
From: nistabdhota@ yahoo.com. au
Date: Sun, 24 May 2009 08:43:06 -0700
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh



When Farida Majid constantly assaults on Islam and Islam loving people of Bangladesh in defense of her secular Bangladesh, it's easily understood that she is an ultra-secularist and as such she exercises her political right and freedom of expression. However, it's really difficult to understand why she has to apply a dying attack on any patriotic attempt, issue, opinion and movement that is simply aimed at safeguarding the safety, security, independence, sovereignty, existence and overall interests of Bangladesh? Her attack becomes even dreadfully fierce and morbid when India is alleged of infringing Bangladesh's rights and interests. Why she must react and castigate any allegation against a country that is not hers.



From: Enayet Ullah <enayet_2000@ yahoo.com>
To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com
Cc: emancipation 4 <4_emancipation@ yahoogroups. com>
Sent: Friday, 22 May, 2009 11:30:31 PM
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh

Farida Majid is another cult BAL-lover, boot-licker of India. Awami League is the only political party in Bangladesh which stitch only one issue - Seikh Mujib. Farida Majib is another concubine of BAL with perverted patriotism, more leaning towards serving India than Bangladesh.
 
Looks like Hasina is in a hurry to give India all the privileges she could, before she misses her joy-ride. Remember Awami League to came power in 1996 since inception of Bangladesh. People of Bagladesh despise Hasina and her politics for last 25 years! This is the biggest victory for Awami League for last 37 years. It will be a grave mistake if Hasina & Farida plays only politics of revenge! It will be a grave mistake if we all keep quiet to the hegemony of India! Silence is not the answer!
 
We need to defend our country's interest first. We can not be silent - if we need to chant slogan in the street of Bagladesh for 48 times for every dam India building against Bangladesh, we should scream loudest! Farida Majid, you can rest in peace next to Taslima Nasrin in Kolkatta, we care less!
 
Our foreign policy should be carefully crafted, Hasina is toying with India, turning Bangladesh as a poodle of India.
 


--- On Thu, 5/21/09, Farida Majid <farida_majid@ hotmail.com> wrote:

From: Farida Majid <farida_majid@ hotmail.com>
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh
To: "Alochona Alochona" <alochona@yahoogroup s.com>
Date: Thursday, May 21, 2009, 3:04 PM

   Here is a message I received from the Land of the Dreaded Dadas.  Not one or two.
India is planning 48 major dams! How many grand rallies will Jamaat stage?
 
     Progresive Indians are just as worried.
 
     The Dreaded Dadas are likely to travel by train to Toronto and convert all the B'deshi Muslims in Canada by the process of 'suddhi'.
 
============ ==
 
This is a joint struggle and all of us have to get involved. Unfortunately the rest of India is really not aware of it and of the 48 major dams that are scheduled to be built in this decade. Bye
 
Walter
 
Dr Walter Fernandes
Director
North Eastern Social Research Centre
110 Kharghuli Road (1st floor)
Guwahati 781004
Assam, India

 

To: dhakamails@yahoogro ups.com
From: bd_mailer@yahoo. com
Date: Tue, 19 May 2009 17:41:58 -0700
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh



Tipaimukh Dam/Cachar Plain Irrigation Project: A Complicated International Disaster Scenario for Bangladesh
 
By: Dr. Debabrata Roy Laifungbam / Dr. Soibam Ibotombi

The scenario and consequences of a Tipaimukh Dam-break has not been thoroughly studied. NEEPCO has yet to complete a basic scientifically sound environment impact assessment even though it is geared up to start construction after having opened international bidding for Engineering, Procurement and Construction (EPC). Such a study has to be conducted by international as well as national dam-safety experts as the impacts of a dam-break will have both severe upstream and downstream effects.

However, the downstream effects of a Tipaimukh Dam-break have been studied by the Government of Bangladesh since 1992-94. In its Flood Action Plan 6 (FAP 6) as part of the North Eastern Regional Water Management Plan of Bangladesh, the scenario of a dam failure at Tipaimukh Dam project was investigated by international hydraulic and environmental experts in the context of a comprehensive flood action plan for Sylhet District.

India is also planning a major Cachar Plain Irrigation Project downstream of the dam. Bangladesh already knew a fact that we in Manipur do not know still. Surprisingly, for the people of Manipur, the Tipaimukh project is not the only project at the drawing board on the Barak River. This means that water released from the dam reservoir will be further diverted for the irrigation project planned in Cachar District, contrary to NEEPCO's recent claims.

FAP 6 had a Future Without Plan (FWO) component that looks at a dam-break scenario with minimally adequate project description available through the Joint Rivers Commission (Indo-Bangladesh) . Bangladesh has pending issues with the Government of India with regard to the dam that includes the effects of flow regulation. Regulation of the Barak's flow by Tipaimukh Dam would provide India with the opportunity to irrigate the Cachar Plain; this India proposes to do.

Since the Cachar Plain Irrigation plan involves the loss of water, it is a matter of great concern to Bangladesh particularly its North Eastern Region as no statement is available how much water Indian intends to take from this scheme. For the purposes of the FAP 6 study it was assumed that the total depth of irrigation water to be applied is 1 M and that the water is diverted on a continuous basis during the six dry months (November through April).

A dam-break scenario must be studied by dam safety specialists. It is very doubtful whether NEEPCO or any other agency has conducted such a study. According to the Bangladesh study, the risk that the Tipaimukh Dam poses for Bangladesh is extremely significant for the Meghna River system (including the Surma and Kushiyara Rivers of Sylhet).

The study recognises that the region is known to be vulnerable to earthquakes. These events, though relatively rare are extreme in intensity, and can reverse existing morphologic trends and even induce re-configuration of the drainage system.

The likelihood that during 1991-2015 the region would experience an earthquake of magnitude 7.6 (similar to the 8 July 1918 event with its epicenter at Srimangal of magnitude 7.6, return period of 30 to 50 years) is between 40 and 60%; of magnitude 8.7 (similar to the 12 June 1897 event with its epicenter at the Shillong Plateau with magnitude 8.7, the largest on record, return period of 300 to 1000 years) is perhaps 2 to 5%, assuming the events are random and can be described with a simple binomial probability model.

On past evidence, river channels and sedimentation patterns in the Northeast Region may be subject to major disruptions following a severe seismic event. During past earthquakes, instances of ground liquefaction, landsliding, rapid subsidence, collapse of river banks, and changes to river courses have been documented (District Gazetteer, 1917). The effects of earthquakes along the Brahmaputra River were described in 1899:

"Strong ground shaking triggers liquefaction of river cross-sections in a few seconds; underwater slopes slide towards the stream axis, the bottom of the river heaves, and the banks become lowered; water immediately starts to rise and overflows the banks and adjacent zones where infilling of the channels takes place. Natural sills form, causing temporary lakes to develop; channels gradually re-open by scouring where currents are strong enough, and consequently water levels decrease.

Where channels remain blocked, streams desert their old channels to form new ones; and in subsequent years, the huge amounts of sediment poured into the river as a result of the earthquake gradually moves downstream. Sediment transport is higher than previously and siltation conditions are therefore modified.

Earthquakes are believed to have also induced landsliding and slope failures in headwater catchments in the Shillong Plateau, which could greatly increase the amount of sediment supplied to the region for long periods of time. Joglekar (1971) described apparent impacts of major earthquakes on the upper Brahmaputra in Assam, India. After the severe earthquakes of 1947 and 1950, the bed level near Dibrugarh rose substantially. Between 1947 and 1951, low water levels rose by as much as three to four metres; thereafter they were steady.

Dam Failure

This risk is however a significant issue relating to future environmental management of the Northeast Region water system of Bangladesh.

A dambreak is a catastrophic failure of a dam which results in the sudden draining of the reservoir and a severe flood wave that causes destruction and in many cases death downstream. While such failures are rare and are not planned they have happened to dams, large and small, from time to time. The International Commission on Large Dams (ICOLD) has identified 164 major dam failures in the period from 1900 to 1965.

With respect to the safety of the proposed Tipaimukh Dam, hydraulic and environmental specialists opine that well-designed and constructed rockfill dams are perhaps the safest type for large heights (Tipaimukh would be among the largest of such dams in the world), but local circumstances may be much more important in this respect than dam type.

Two examples illustrate the types of failures that have been reported. The most famous, the Teton Dam in the United States was a 90 m high earth-fill dam which failed in 1.25 hours. The flood wave which was released had a peak discharge of 65,000 m3 s-1 at the dam and a height of 20 m high in the downstream canyon. The Huaccoto Dam in Peru was 170 m high, similar to the Tipaimukh Dam; it failed over 48 hours due to a natural landslide in the reservoir.

Generally, a flood wave travels downstream at a rate in the order of 10 km hr-1 although velocities as high as 30 km hr-1 have been reported near failure sites. From these wave velocities, it would appear that the initial flood wave could travel the 200 km distance from Tipaimukh Dam site to the eastern limit of Bangladesh within 24 hours having a height of perhaps 5 m. Peak flooding would occur some 24 to 48 hours later. High inflows would persist for ten days or longer and the flooded area would likely take several weeks to drain.

The Tipaimukh reservoir is huge (15,000 Mm3) compared with experience reported in the literature. In the event of a significant unplanned discharge, the river system in Bangladesh would respond (drain) rather slowly, as characterized by the outflow rate relative to the floodplain storage volume), such that most of the water released would remain ponded over the Northeast Region for some time. Assuming a release volume of 10 Mm3 and a ponded area of 100 km2, the depth of flooding would be an average of 1.0 m above the normal flood level.

There will be first an imperative need for Bangladesh and India to cooperate in formulating and implementing risk management measures if the Tipaimukh Dam as presently designed should be constructed. A wide range of risk management measures are normally undertaken, including: regular inspections by independent engineering teams, instrumentation and plans for warning downstream populations of deteriorating conditions of a dam, evacuation plans, and so on. As and when India's plans proceed, there will be a clear need for Bangladesh to avail itself of expert technical assistance from dam safety specialists experienced with very large dam/reservoir systems and trans-border risk management.

For illustrative purposes only, the Bangladesh study modeled flood waves for a test case of an instantaneous failure, 50 m wide extending to 100 m below the crest of the dam. Discharge and water level hydrographs were presented for three locations: at the exit from the mountain valley (km 80), at Silchar (in the middle of the Cachar plain, km 140) and at Amalshid (km 200).

It was forecast that substantial attenuation of the flood wave would occur upstream of Amalshid and that the flood wave at Amalshid would be a long-duration event. Depending on the breech geometry and peak discharge, the flood peak would occur at Amalshid approximately 2 to 3 days after the dam break had occurred and flooding would continue for ten days or more. The flood levels at Amalshid would rise to approximately 25 m PWD (peak water discharge), which is at approximately 8 m above the floodplain level. This flood level depends on the boundary assumptions made and could vary depending on floodplain conveyance.

Socio-Economic Aspects: "An Electric Bulb from every Tree"

As per the technical report of the NEEPCO (1998), the dam will have a firm generation of 401.25MW only implying that 401.25MW of power only will be generated regularly, and this is the best scenario. And again as per the past Central Government formula, the Government of Manipur (GOM) will get only 12% of 401.25 i.e. 40-43MW free (sharing with Mizoram where 90% is claimed by Manipur state but this is subject to Government of India set norms which has changed from time to time; it has been revised since).

In order to get this 40-43MW of power, the State will be loosing around 293.56Km2 under submergence of reservoir water which includes 4760ha of gardens, 2053ha of rice cultivable land, 178.21Km2 of total 7251.36Km2 of forest land beside affecting a numbers of villages (15+90). Let us introspect as well as retrospect the case of Tipaimukh dam in comparison with the Loktak Hydro Electric Project and analyze the possible implications in the next 50 years hence especially for the natural resources that will be deprived of the state.

When Loktak project was initiated in the late 1960's - the tall claims made by the authority/governmen t were: thousands of hectares of cultivable land will be generated by draining water of Loktak lake to Leimatak river, price of 1 unit of power will be only 5 paise, the installed capacity of 105MW is 10 times more than the power what the State requires and there will be no power problem for the next 50 years or so, etc.

Now it is over 20 years of commissioning of the project - thousands of cultivable land have been submerged under the lake (reservoir) water contrary to what they claimed, 50-70 paise was price of 1 unit of power at the time of commission, power supply is at its worst nowadays and likely to worsen, which every citizen knows; and rehabilitation and compensation issues are yet to be settled at the Gauhati High Court.

And besides, a range of grave environmental and ecological problems especially of the Loktak Lake threatens this internationally important wetland's very existence along with the Keibul Lamjao National Park, with ecological damage to the entire Imphal Valley and the catchment areas. The State gets about 6-10MW of free power intermittently from the Loktak Hydro Project. The question is whether it is sufficient to compensate the economic, natural resources and environmental loss which the State bears presently?

Now let us examine the possible implications of the Tipaimukh project in a similar manner. As pointed out above, the 293.56Km2 of submerged area consists of 5760ha and 2053ha of garden and cultivable lands respectively. These figures, the author believes, are far underestimated because at present, less than 50% of arable and cultivable lands in the Barak river beds are utilized due to thin population of the region, which will be possibly utilized in the next 50 years due to population increase. So approximately a total of about 15,626ha (11520ha + 4106ha) of cultivable land will be lost.

Again, although 178.21Km2 of the total forest area will be permanently submerged under water, practically the natural resources of a much larger forest area will be unavailable permanently to the State.. Net Present Value levy for forest land conversion to non-forestry use as per the Supreme Court directives would also make the project economically unviable, as claimed by NEEPCO on 28t January 2006 (Tipaimukh Multipurpose project tariff increases by 67 paisa/unit on this account of NPV) in its submission to the Supreme Court's Expert Committee.

Compensatory Afforestation Programmes (CAP) will take over large tracts of other categories of forested lands besides Reserve Forests as well, but most of these programmes will never be implemented. After completion of the project, the project authority will claim that depletion of forest and other natural resources in the nearby catchment area will increase siltation in the reservoir leading to the reduction in storage capacity of the reservoir. This, in turn, will reduce the generation capability of the power plant and so on.

The same was true in the case Loktak project where the lake water level is to be maintained as a reservoir in order to generate electricity, submerging thousands of cultivable land contrary to what the authority claimed in the beginning. So the question that can be raised is whether it will be a wise policy, in the long run, to surrender such a huge natural resources just for 40-43MW of free power. This is a huge question, no doubt, to ponder upon.

Discussion and Conclusion

Structural and tectonic setting, plate kinematics and interaction as well as seismic potential of Manipur state and the serious implications for the entire region's existing geomorphologic trends and even induce re-configuration of the drainage system amount to scientific and technical objections to the construction of a huge dam of the magnitude proposed in case of the Tipaimukh dam. Because, such a outmoded design dam may have the potential risk of a great disaster, killing hundreds and thousands of lives, and causing generational incalculable losses to future economic options, livelihoods and cultures.

So, the government must rethink about the construction of such a huge dam. Instead, it is advisable to construct relatively smaller projects with improved modern designs in order to scale down the magnitude of possible disaster since earthquake prediction and prevention is beyond human capability. It would be wiser and economically more sustainable to consider smaller dams or Run-of-the-River (RoR) schemes with an objective to reduce human induced disaster, and save the river.

Construction of smaller projects not only will tone down the magnitude of the possible human induced disaster but also will provide balanced sustainable development avenues for various regions of the State as well as minimize the environmental and ecological instability. In the meantime, Government of Manipur also should reassess all the power projects especially in terms of its operational efficiency and potentiality instead of simply waiting for a mere 40-43MW free power from Tipaimukh project which could last as long as 20-25 years.

For instance, the expected maximum head (difference between reservoir water level and power generation unit) is about 160m in the case of Tipaimukh project while in the case of Loktak Lake the head is about 269m which is approximately 100m more than that of the proposed Tipaimukh project. But such a tremendous head is wasted just to generate a variable 40-80MW of power only. This is nothing but sheer wasting of huge natural resources by severely underutilizing the immense potential. So, the potential of the installed Loktak project should be fully harnessed by Manipur after reassessing and renovating with an objective of enhancing its efficacy and benefit to the State while the project exists.

In conclusion, let us not waste and surrender our huge natural resources just for 40-43MW of power, and let us introspect, learn through mistakes of the past and rectify ourselves than repeating it. Because a wrong decision of ours will cost heavily on our future generation who will, otherwise, never forgive us. Let us remember popular Native American proverb which says, "The frog does not drink up the pond in which he lives."

Dr. Debabrata Roy Laifungbam is the Director, CORE, Manipur. Dr. Soibam Ibotombi is from the Dept. of Earth Sciences, Manipur University. This is their first contribution to e-pao.net . You can contact CORE (Centre for Organisation Research & Education) at http://www.coremani pur.org/

  Opinion Section - "Building of Tipaimukh Dam"
     A special repprt by Jalal Moin from Bangladesh
     David Buhril asks is this really a "development projects"?
     David Buhril asks is this really a "development projects"?
     David Buhril asks is this really a "development projects"?
     RS Jassal wonders will it be Loss or Revival of Culture?
     Thangkhanlal Ngaihte says it is not going to be completed soon
     T. Vunglallian paints a gloomy picture if..
     Prof. T Awnzagen analyse the good and bad of Tipaimukh Dam.
     Geoffery argues that NE will become an investor?s paradise.
     U A Shimray urges to follow Kayapo's example.
     T. Vunglallian suggests a smaller dam!
     T. Vunglallian suggests a smaller dam!
     Elf Hmar questions armed groups involvement.
     Namdingpou Kamei on the losses and destructions to people.
     N Shyamsundar Singh gives a technical Q&A on Tipaimukh Dam
     N Shyamsundar Singh gives a technical Q&A on Tipaimukh Dam
     Elf Hmar elicits more analytic ground realities assessment
     Anna Pinto argues pm the climate impact of building Tipaimukh dam.
     Shonadhar Meinam says building Tipaimukh dam makes sense.
     Dr. Soibam Ibotombi & Dr. Debabrata Roy Laifungbam analyze the implication of building a Tipaimukh Dam
     Dr. Soibam Ibotombi analyze the implication of building a Tipaimukh Dam
     Dr RK Ranjan gives a scientific perspective on Tipaimukh Dam
     Thuanrei Phaomei paints a gloomy picture..
     Dr Laishangbam Sanjit argues the pros side of Dam building
     Thangkhanlal Ngaihte points out the other side in dam debate.
     By: Khwairakpam Gajananda
 
 





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