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Thursday, January 27, 2011

[ALOCHONA] Microcredit's mega feat



One crore Bangladeshis move above $1.25 a day between 1990-2008, finds a survey of an int'l advocacy group

The country's 18 lakh microcredit borrowers -- nearly a crore with their family members -- moved above the $1.25 a day earning threshold between 1990 and 2008, according to an international advocacy group.

In 2008, the World Bank came out with a revised figure of income at $1.25 per day as the standard poverty line. Previously it was $1 as per day.

A survey of about 3,620 households, led by economist Sajjad Zohir, director of Dhaka-based non-profit Economic Research Group, found that a dramatic number of families moved up the hardcore poverty line between 1990 and 1997.

However, the devastating flood in 1998 and food and fuel crisis in 2008 caused hundreds of thousands of families to fall below the earning mark.

Even with these setbacks, on an average nearly one crore people rose above poverty line, according to a report by Microcredit Summit Campaign, a programme of the US-based advocacy group RESULTS Educational Fund.

The findings are quite contrary to political and non-political critics' claims that the initiative, championed by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus, has failed to deliver and pull people out of poverty in a country where about 40 percent of 16 crore people live on less than a dollar each day.

The report of the Microcredit Summit Campaign closely reflects the findings of official country-level research in Bangladesh with the national Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) that estimated 1.062 crore Bangladeshis languishing under the poverty line between 1990 and 2005.

Zohir said their estimate seems quite in line with the national level findings.

He said the study however made no attempt to establish causality between microcredit and poverty alleviation. Instead, it simply estimated the change in the status of microcredit-client households during the time -- before and after any family member received the first loan.

"While the survey for Bangladesh was not designed to assign causality, it is very significant that the number of successful micro-finance clients closely links to the national data on poverty reduction," said Sam Daley-Harris, director of Microcredit Summit Campaign, in a statement of the organisation.

'The majority of poverty cases in Bangladesh is in rural areas and so are the majority of micro-finance clients," he said.

The survey report came at a time when the microcredit sector is under pressure in Bangladesh, its origin, and the rest of the world.

In Bangladesh, politicians, particularly of the ruling party, and many economists and experts censured micro-finance practices, with the prime minister accusing micro-lenders of "sucking blood of the poor".

In India, micro-lenders are now struggling to survive after a crackdown in the state of Andhra Pradesh, where the authorities accused the lenders of seeking hyper-profit from the poor through high interest rates and coercive debt collection tactics.

There are quite a few people who believe that micro-finance has lost its way," said Alex Counts, president of Grameen Foundation, adding, "This survey on Bangladesh reminds us that even in the most difficult circumstances, major progress can be made."

He said Bangladesh is not the "bottomless basket" as it was termed 35 years ago by the then US secretary of state Henry Kissinger. It is instead a teacher to the rest of the world with its civil society leading the way, he added.

The survey was conducted at 72 villages under 36 districts in four divisions between February and August 2009. It included a large number of clients of Brac and Grameen Bank.

Of the households surveyed, 94 percent were in non-metropolitan areas and six percent in metropolitan slums.

The study said in some years a large percentage of clients came out of poverty, but in years coinciding with the floods in 1998 and food and fuel crisis in 2008 many households, including those which were not as poor when they joined microcredit, slid below the $1.25 earning threshold.

Sajjad Zohir said timing is also important. "People taking loans in the early and mid 90s have moved up the ladder than those who received loans after the floods. We have even found negative growth after the flood."

The economist said people should consider the contribution of micro-financers in education, health and insurance sectors rather than seeing them as lender agencies.

He, however, said there are room for improvement. "The microcredit organisations cannot continue the way they are operating, or else there will be a decline in its progress. They must be allowed to mobilise funds on their own rather than depending on bank loans at high interest rates," Zohir told The Daily Star yesterday.

Launched in 1997, the Microcredit Summit Campaign committed to creating the will to eliminate poverty. In 2007 surpassed its original goal of reaching 10 crore poorest families with credit for self-employment and other financial and business services.

In Bangladesh, about 1,200 micro-lenders, including government institutions, banks and charities, have around Tk 15,000 crore in outstanding loans to some 3 crore borrowers.

http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=171858



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[ALOCHONA] zia



Commens from " amar faashi chai"..................

Any suggestion / comment...from our readers??

khoda hafez.

===============================================================================


ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT ZIA

On 23 and 24 May 81, an urgent secret meeting of freedom fighters of 71 and 75 and some former members of the Army was held in the seminar room of the T.S.C. of Dhaka University. In that meeting, Colonel Shawkat Ali (at present Awamni League M.P. and an accused in the Agartala Conspiracy case) informed the meeting of the plan to assassinate freedom fighter President Ziaur Rahman and told what to do during and after the killing. 

Colonel Shawkat Ali said that under the leadership of the G.O.C. Chittagong Major General Manzur Bir Uttam Zia would be killed and that our leader Shaikh Hasina had the knowledge of this plan for assassination. Our leader had instructed us to help and play a role in this plan.

Awami League President Shaikh Hasina had returned home only a few days ago; how could she give a directive of this nature? When asked, Colonel Shawkat replied that Shaikh Hasina had been informed while she had been out of the country in India. 

When asked as to what we were to do during and after the killing, Colonel Shawkat said that we would have to stay in Chittagong and Dhaka; those who would be in Chittagong should take the responsibility of coming to Dhaka after collecting arms from General Manzur; and those who could be in Dhaka should establish control over important places like radio and television centers with these weapons. 

In reply to a question from one of us, he said that anytime from now the assassination could take place.


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[ALOCHONA] Re: [Dahuk]: Felani was raped by BSF (Amadershomoy reported, Jan27, 2011)



Dear friend Nayan Khan


For and except the patriots Bangladeshis, the BAL/K.Jibis/Banga Shangskritik gusty/nari odikar forum etc etc definitely tolerates(as they kept tight lipped since 1971) this incredible news of Bestiality of the Bastard BSF since they(hidustan) are their's mentors n fathers !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

2011/1/27 Nayan Khan <udarakash08@yahoo.com>
 

Amadershomoy reported, Felani's relatives claimed that she was sexually tortured and her wealth (taka and gold) was stolen by BSF.
 
Who can tolerate to hear such idotic news?
 
Alas! Bangladesh!
 
'বিএসএফের হাতে নিরীহ বাংলাদেশি হত্যার প্রতীক হয়ে উঠেছে ফেলানি'
আর কে রনি, কুড়িগ্রাম সীমানত্ম থেকে ফিরে:
 
কুড়িগ্রাম জেলার অননত্মপুর সীমানত্ম এলাকায় ৭ জানুয়ারি তারিখে বিএসএফ ফেলানিকে গুলি করে। পরে নিহত ফেলানিকে কাঁটাতারে ওড়না দিয়ে বেঁধে ঝুলিয়ে রাখে বিএসএফ। ফেলানি হত্যাকাণ্ড নিয়ে সরেজমিন অনুসন্ধানে এ তথ্য পাওয়া গেছে।

ফেলানির বাবা নুরু হোসেন জানান, ফেলানিকে নিয়ে অননত্মপুর সীমানত্ম পার হওয়া জন্য তিনি কুঁচবিহার এলাকার দালাল মুশারফকে ৩ হাজার টাকা দেন। দালালের কথা মতো তিনি ও ফেলানি রাত ৩টায় কাঁটাতারের সঙ্গে লাগানো মই বেয়ে উপরে ওঠেন। উপরে উঠে বাংলাদেশ সীমানত্মে পাতা মইয়ে যখন তিনি পা রাখতে যাচ্ছিলেন তখনই সামনে থেকে গুলি করে বিএসএফ। ফেলানি নুরু হোসেনের ডান দিকে ছিল। গুলি এসে ফেলানির ডান বুকের একটু উপরে লাগে। আতঙ্কে নুরু হোসেন মই থেকে ছিটকে পড়ে যান বাংলাদেশ অংশে। তিনি বলেন, আমি তাড়াতড়ি উঠে দাঁড়িয়ে বলি_ মা নেমে আয়। কিন্তু সঙ্গে সঙ্গে ৪/৫ জন বিএসএফ দৌড়ে এসে একজন মই বেয়ে উঠে যায়, বাকিরা তার দিকে রাইফেল তাক করলে তিনি দৌড়ে পালিয়ে আসেন। এরপর তিনি দিকভ্রানত্মের মতো সীমানত্মের আশপাশে ছোটাছুটি করতে থাকেন। এ সময় তিনি থেকে থেকে ফেলানির কান্নার আওয়াজ শুনতে পান। নুরু হোসেনের বিলাপ শুনে আশপাশের বাসিন্দারা বেরিয়ে আসে। স্থানীয়দের নিয়ে কিছুক্ষণ খোঁজাখুঁজি করেও ফেলানিকে আর পাওয়া যায়নি। স্থানীয়রা নুরু হোসেনকে শানত্ম করার চেষ্টা করেন। একপর্যায়ে সকালের দিকে তিনি তার গ্রাম বানারবিটায় ফিরে আসেন।

ওইদিন সকাল ১১টার দিকে একটি দৈনিকের স্থানীয় প্রতিনিধি শাহিন কাঁটাতারের সঙ্গে ফেলানির লাশ আটকে থাকতে দেখেন। এরপর ঘটনা জানাজানি হলে ওই এলাকায় মানুষের ঢল নামে। দুই দেশের সীমানত্ম গার্ডদের উপেক্ষা করে মানুষ কাঁটাতারের বেড়ার কাছে পেঁৗছে যায়। এ সময় ভারত সীমানত্মে প্রায় ১০০ বিএসএফ ও বাংলাদেশ অংশে ২০/২৫ জন বিজিবি সদস্য অবস্থান নেয়। ফেলানির খালাত ভাই ইসমাইল হোসেন জানান, কাঁটাতারের সঙ্গে ওড়না দিয়ে ফেলানির লাশ বাঁধা ছিল। পরে দুজন মেথর ওড়নার বাঁধন কেটে ফেলানির লাশ নিচে নামান। দুই দিন পর বিএসএফ অননত্মপুর বিজিবি ক্যাম্পে ফেলানির লাশ হসত্মানত্মর করে।

ফেলানির পরিবার ও সীমানত্ম সংলগ্ন এলাকার বাসিন্দারা অভিযোগ করেন, গুলিবিদ্ধ ফেলানিকে পাশের শরিষা ক্ষেতে নিয়ে যৌননির্যাতনের পর হত্যা করে কাঁটাতারের সঙ্গে ঝুলিয়ে রাখে বিএসএফ। তারা আরো অভিযোগ করেন বিএসএফ ফেলানির কাছে থাকা তার মায়ের দেয়া বিয়ের খরচের ৫০ হাজার টাকা ও স্বর্ণালঙ্কার নিয়ে গেছে।

ফেলানির নানা কবিরাজ রশিদ আলী জানান, আমরা সীমানত্ম সংলগ্ন শরিষা ক্ষেতে রক্ত দেখেছি। গুলিবিদ্ধ ফেলানিকে কাঁটাতার থেকে নামিয়ে নির্যাতনের পর হত্যা করে আবার ঝুলিয়ে রাখা হয়। সীমানত্ম সংলগ্ন জামে মসজিদের মুয়াজ্জিন মো. আকবর আলী জানান, আমি যখন ওজু করতে উঠি ক্ষেতের দিক থেকে চিৎকার শুনতে পাই।

ভারত থেকে পাঠানো ময়নাতদনত্ম রিপোর্টে গুলিবিদ্ধ হয়ে ফেলানির মৃতু্য হয়েছে বলে উলেস্নখ করা হয়েছে। কুড়িগ্রাম সদর হাসপাতালের চিকিৎসক নজরুল ইসলাম বাংলাদেশের ময়নাতদনত্ম রিপোর্ট সম্পর্কে কোনো কথা বলতে রাজি হননি। রাজাপুর থানার ওসি রুহুল আমিন জানান, ভারতের রিপোর্ট ও এখানকার রিপোর্ট একই। কিন্তু ফেলানির শেষকৃত্যের গোসলে যারা ছিলেন, তাদের অভিযোগ, ফেলানিকে যৌননির্যাতন করা হয়েছে। তার নানি খোদেজা বেগম জানান, ফেলানির ওপর ব্যাভিচার করা হয়েছে। ফেলানির বাবা নুরু হোসেন বলেন, আমি আমার মেয়ের ওপর নির্যাতন ও হত্যার বিচার চাই। তিনি বলেন, আমার মেয়ে ও জমানো শেষ সম্বল হারিয়ে এখন আমি নিঃস্ব। তিনি ভারতের কুচবিহরে চা বিক্রি করতেন।

এদিকে ফেলানি হত্যাকাণ্ড নিয়ে তদনত্ম করতে আসা মার্কিন অনুসন্ধানী সাংবাদিক স্কট কার্নি ঘটনাস্থলে এ প্রতিবেদককে বলেন, সাধারণ সীমানত্ম হত্যাকাণ্ড আর ফেলানি হত্যা এক নয়। এমনকি ফেলানি যেখানে গুলিবিদ্ধ হয়েছে সেটা কোনো ক্রাইম স্পট নয়। এটা বিশ্ব বিবেককে নাড়া দিয়েছে। বিএসএফের হাতে নিরীহ বাংলাদেশি হত্যার প্রতীক হয়ে উঠেছে ফেলানি।
 


' ' ,
'Awami League' is not a name of a political party, it's a name of disease of Bangladesh.




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Re: [ALOCHONA] Google's Secret Relationship with NSA




Albeit some of the concerns shared by Consumer watchdog group are valid. This groups "Smells funny" to me. ;-)

All top US companies have ties with NSA and other government agencies. They regularly share data when government asks for it. That is how laws have been drafted in the US. Lots of people have valid concerns about Google's privacy policies. I have more concern with Facebook, which has lot more personal information about it's members.

I think this is [Consumer watchdog group] a "Front organization" for other companies who are having problem competing with Google. Microsoft is in sink or swim state, so it only shows how desperate they are.....

Peace.


-----Original Message-----
From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
Sent: Thu, Jan 27, 2011 6:49 pm
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Google's Secret Relationship with NSA

 
Google Comes Under Fire for 'Secret' Relationship with NSA
 
Consumer Watchdog, an advocacy group largely focused in recent years on Google's privacy practices, has called on a congressional investigation into the Internet giant's "cozy" relationship with U.S. President Barack Obama's administration.
In a letter sent Monday, Consumer Watchdog asked Representative Darrell Issa, the new chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, to investigate the relationship between Google and several government agencies.
The group asked Issa to investigate contracts at several U.S. agencies for Google technology and services, the "secretive" relationship between Google and the U.S. National Security Agency, and the company's use of a U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration airfield in California.
Federal agencies have also taken "insufficient" action in response to revelations last year that Google Street View cars were collecting data from open Wi-Fi connections they passed, Consumer Watchdog said in the letter.
"We believe Google has inappropriately benefited from close ties to the administration," the letter said. "Google is most consumers' gateway to the Internet. Nonetheless, it should not get special treatment and access because of a special relationship with the administration."
Consumer Watchdog may have an ally in Issa, a California Republican. In July, he sent a letter to Google raising concerns that White House Deputy Chief Technology Officer Andrew McLaughlin, the former head of global public policy for Google, had inappropriate e-mail contact with company employees.
A Google spokeswoman questioned Consumer Watchdog's objectivity. Some groups have questioned the group's relationship with Google rival Microsoft, and Consumer Watchdog's criticisms of online privacy efforts have also exclusively zeroed in on Google, with the group rarely mentioning Microsoft, Facebook and other Web-based companies in the past two years.
"This is just the latest in a long list of press stunts from an organization that admits to working closely with our competitors," said the Google spokeswoman.
But Consumer Watchdog gets no funding from Microsoft or any other Google competitor, said John Simpson, consumer advocate with the group. "We don't have any relationship with Microsoft at all," he said. "We don't take any of their money."
Consumer Watchdog has decided to focus on Google's privacy practices because the company's services serve as a gateway to the Internet for many people, Simpson said. If the group can push Google, "without a doubt the dominant Internet company," to change its privacy practices, other companies will follow suit, he said.
"Google's held itself to be the company that says its motto is, 'don't be evil,' and they also advocate openness for everyone else," he said. "We're trying to hold them to their own word."
Consumer Watchdog, in January 2009, suggested that Google was preparing a lobbying campaign asking Congress to allow the sale of electronic health records. Google called the allegations "100 percent false and unfounded."
In September, Consumer Watchdog bought space on a 540-square-foot video screen in New York's Times Square, with the video criticizing Google's privacy practices.
In April, Consumer Watchdog officials called for the U.S. Department of Justice to break up Google. They appeared at a press conference with a representative of the Microsoft- and Amazon.com-funded Open Book Alliance.
Consumer Watchdog's latest complaints about the relationship of Google and the Obama administration are outlined in a 32-page report.
The paper questions a decision by NASA allowing Google executives to use its Moffett Federal Airfield near Google headquarters. Although H211, a company controlled by Google top executives, pays NASA rent, they enjoy access to the airfield that other companies or groups don't have, Simpson said.
The paper also questions Google contracts with the U.S. Department of Defense and other agencies, suggesting that, in some cases, Google contracts were fast-tracked. The paper also questions Google's relationship with the U.S. National Security Agency and calls for the company to be more open about what consumer information it shares with the spy agency.
When asked if other companies, including broadband providers, should disclose what customer information they share with the NSA, Simpson said they should, too.
"I understand the NSA is a super-secret spook organization," he said. "But given Google's very special situation where it possesses so much personal data about people, I think that there ought to be a little more openness about what precisely goes on between the two."
Grant Gross covers technology and telecom policy in the U.S. government for The IDG News Service. Follow Grant on Twitter at GrantGross. Grant's e-mail address is grant_gross@idg.com


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[ALOCHONA] US diplomat kills two Pakistanis in Lahore

US diplomat kills two Pakistanis

Leaks reveal fears over Pakistan Pakistan's troubles start to stack up
ominously An American diplomat in the Pakistani city of Lahore has
shot and killed a Pakistani motorcycle rider and his pillion
passenger, police say.

Police told the AFP news agency that the American fired his pistol in
self-defence. US embassy officials confirmed that an American was
involved.

Police say that the men were pursuing the American in his car.A
pedestrian was also killed by a speeding car from the US consulate
which came to help, police say.

Police told the Reuters news agency that they were investigating
whether the two men on the motorcycle were robbers. Weapons had been
recovered from the bodies of the dead men, police said.

Local TV showed footage of what it said was the American official's
car. It had several bulletholes in the windscreen.The American had
stopped at a traffic light when two men riding a motorcycle stopped
near his car, police say.

"The man told us he pulled out his pistol in self-defence," Lahore
police chief Aslam Tarin told AFP news agency.Police officer Umar
Saeed said that the American was being held in custody.

Officials at the US embassy in Islamabad say they are still
investigating what happened and cannot comment further at this stage.
Mr Saeed said that the officials used a wireless radio to call
colleagues for help immediately after the shooting - and a second
consular car turned up to rescue him.

"Dozens of people gathered after the incident and tried to stop both
the vehicles. Drivers of both the vehicles tried to flee the scene but
police managed to stop them," he told AFP.

More than 100 people blocked the road after the incident by setting
tyres on fire to protest against the killing.The protest later moved
to picket the police station where the car involved in the incident
was impounded.

The BBC's Syed Shoaib Hasan in Pakistan says that the incident, if
confirmed, may add to anti-American sentiment in Pakistan.

Our correspondent says questions are certain to be asked as to why the
American was carrying arms and why, if he was a diplomat, he was not
provided with armed protection.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-12298546


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[ALOCHONA] Fanshi Chai [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from Isha Khan included below]

'Amar Fanshi Chai"
 
by Motiur Rahman Rentu
 
 
SHEIKH HASINA IN POLITICS
 
Because of the leadership of unintelligent, compromising and unfit people with Malek Ukil at the helm of the Awami League and Obaidul Kader in charge of the Students League, dedicated workers were highly disappointed and angry. In this situation, character and role of Abdur Razzak came to be questioned. In the meantime, the
 
Besides, Shaikh Hasina was a woman, inexperienced in politics and had been non-political. All these considerations prompted Abdur Razzak and others to make Shaikh Hasina the President of the Awami League so that she could be made to play a second fiddle to the wishes of Abdur Razzak and his friends. In the past, dedicated, idealist and self-sacrificing leaders and workers of the organization lost much confidence in the leadership of Abdur Razzak due to the latter's help to Malek Ukil to be President of the Awami League and to Obaidul Kader President of the Students League. There was a sigh of relief as Shaikh Hasina, the daughter of Shaikh Mujib, was being made President of the Awami League. As the Army Generals started unlawful and unwanted interference in politics and started to exercise influence over the public, we, the warriors of 71 and of 75, began to contemplate an alternative Force to the Army. During political
 
training of students they were taught that students were a stronger Force than the Army. Students were told that the Army is armed but uneducated, whereas students are unarmed and educated. The Army personnel live in the barracks in cantonment and the students live in the hostels of educational institutions. The Army opposes the people and work against the interests of the people. Students, on the other hand, support the people and are ready to sacrifice their lives for them. There would be a war in the future and in that war, uneducated Army would be defeated by the educated cadres of students.
 
After (retired) Major General Khalilur Rahman and (retired) Colonel Shawkat Ali joined the Awami League, Rezaul Baqi, Golam Mostafa Khan Miraj. Abdus Samad Pintu, the late Hedayetul Islam Kajal , Mobarak Hossain Selim and a few others discussed the situation and decided to form an organization of freedom fighters. Accordingly, Freedom Fighters Solidarity Organization composed of freedom fighters of 71 and 75 with Colonel Shawkat Ali as its Convener was formed. Our sight was fixed on the Cantonment.
 
Our aim was to occupy Dhaka Cantonment. In order to attain that objective, we had to expand our organizational activities and political training. We started to motivate the youth and the students to participate in the coming social revolution and to be prepared to make the supreme sacrifice, if needed. To bring about a revolution one may have to incur heavy personal loss. But one must not take into account that loss. Revolution through personal losses brings about good for the society and promotes a better life for the next generation. At this stage of our activities we were joined by a few freedom fighter military officers, who had participated in the abortive coup staged by General Khaled Mosharraf on 3 November 75. Among those who joined us were Lt. Col. A.H.M. Ghaffar Bir Bikram (dismissed from the Army following the abortive coup of 3 November and later became Minister of Commerce of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad), Major Nasir (newspaper columnist and husband of the distinguished artist Lutfun Nahar Lata) and Captain Hafiizullah. Captain Ghaffar always used to take classes in English. In one class he taught, there is only enjoyment in consumption or acquisition but no satisfaction. In sacrifice, there are both happiness and satisfaction. On 17 May, '81 when Shaikh Hasina, the non-political daughter of Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujibur Rahman, returned home as the President of the Awami League the workers and people accorded unparalleled reception at the airport.
 
THIS ZIA IS NOT THAT ZIA
 
Three or four days after her return we had a meeting with Shaikh Hasina. At the outset, Shaikh Hasina told student leaders and freedom fighters that from today onwards we would have to start the publicity campaign that this "Zia is not that Zia." In other words, the present freedom fighter President Ziaur Rahman is not the same one, who had declared independence. Sheikh Hasina said, refering to Goebbels, the Information Adviser to Hitler, "if you can successfully publicize that this Zia is not that Zia who had declared independence, then one day people will come to believe it." Someone from amongst us asked, in that case who shall we call this Zia'? Shaikh Hasina replied, "there is no need to go into so much of talks; you will only say this Zia is not the same
 
3rd Awami League convention was held and there was a sharp contest for leadership and posts of President and General Secretary between Razzak and Tofail Groups. In this competition, despite Malek's support to Razzak, Tofail decided not to give up the race for leadership. Consequently, Awami League faced disintegration. Already, under the leadership of Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury a small splinter group of the Awami League had formed a separate Awami League party. The Awami League conference was held in the midst of battle for leadership. Having perceived an unfavourable situation and in order to counter the opposition in the Party itself, Razzak brought in Sheikh Hasina, daughter of Sheikh Mujib, to be installed as the President of the Awami League. Razzak hoped that Shaikh Hasina, the non-political daughter of Shaikh Mujib, would always remain dependent upon him. During the lifetime of Shaikh Mujib, his son Shaikh Kamal, nephew Shaikh Moni, Shaikh Salim and sometimes Shaikh Jamal used to poke in or get involved in politics, but never did Shaikh Hasina tread her feet on politics. Though recently some claims have been made that Shaikh Hasina was a Vice-President. of the students body of the Eden Women's University. But she herself had never made any such claim. Rather, the fact that Shaikh Hasina was never a member of the Central Committee of the Students League used to be repeated by her at many functions of the Students League. Zia." At this, we all became surprised, whispered and laughed among ourselves. But we never propagated the lesson given by Shaikh Hasina, 'this Zia is not that Zia."
 
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT ZIA
 
On 23 and 24 May 81, an urgent secret meeting of freedom fighters of 71 and 75 and some former members of the Army was held in the seminar room of the T.S.C. of Dhaka University. In that meeting, Colonel Shawkat Ali (at present Awamni League M.P. and an accused in the Agartala Conspiracy case) informed the meeting of the plan to assassinate freedom fighter President Ziaur Rahman and told what to do during and after the killing. Colonel Shawkat Ali said that under the leadership of the G.O.C. Chittagong Major General Manzur Bir Uttam Zia would be killed and that our leader Shaikh Hasina had the knowledge of this plan for assassination. Our leader had instructed us to help and play a role in this plan.
 
Awami League President Shaikh Hasina had returned home only a few days ago; how could she give a directive of this nature? When asked, Colonel Shawkat replied that Shaikh Hasina had been informed while she had been out of the country in India. When asked as to what we were to do during and after the killing, Colonel Shawkat said that we would have to stay in Chittagong and Dhaka; those who would be in Chittagong should take the responsibility of coming to Dhaka after collecting arms from General Manzur; and those who could be in Dhaka should establish control over important places like radio and television centers with these weapons. In reply to a question from one of us, he said that anytime from now the assassination could take place.
 
As soon as Ziaur Rahman would visit Chittagong, he would be killed. Colonel Shawkat also said that until Zia was killed, Chief of Staff of the Army Gcneral H.M.Ershad and other Generals in Dhaka as well as Colonel Mahfuzur Rahman of the President's Guard Regiment would remain with the leader of the uprising, General Manzur. After the assassination, they would be divided. The Generals of Dhaka and the repatriated officers and troops from Pakistan would remain with the chief of staff. On the other side, General Manzur would give leadership to the freedom fighter officers and troops of Chittagong. After the killing of General Zia, there would be a fight between the troops loyal to General Ershad and those loyal to General Manzur. In this battle, one side would be totally defeated by the other, though the victor would be very week. At this moment, we should attack the weak victors and defeat them. This was our task during and after the assassination.
 
In this secret and urgent meeting were present about 70 or 75 people, including Colonel Ghaffar, Major Nasir, Captain Hafiz and a few others, who had a role in the uprising on 3 November 75. In this meeting we were divided into three groups. One group was given the responsibility of going to Chittagong to collect weapons from General Manzur. The second group of about 30 or 35 pet-sons was entrusted with the work of travelling all over the country to inform the plan and to prepare all anti-Zia freedom fighters to take any type of action. The rest belonging to the third group would stay in Dhaka, and make preparation for action.
 
After President Ziaur Rahman arrived Chittagong a few Army officers under the leadership of General Manzur organized the uprising and at the dawn of 30th November killed freedom fighter Ziaur Rahman in the Chittagong Circuit House with little opposition. Yet, the troops and the general public rejected this killing. Officers obedient to General Manzur occupied Chittagong Radio and Television centers and kept these under their control. On this side in Dhaka, Chief of the Army General Ershad, General Mir Shawkat Bir Uttam, General Rahman and other officers and troops took position against General Manzur.
 
To counter General Manzur, GOC of Comilla Mainamati Cantonment Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan was sent towards Chittagong in Brigade strength. Brigadier Hasan took position on the Dhaka side of Shuvapur Bridge on Chittagong road. On the other side of the bridge Captain Dost Mohammad, loyal to General Manzur, took position with his troops in order to oppose Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan's advance. In Dhaka there was widespread agitation, processions and meetings in protest of the killing of President Ziaur Rabman. On hearing about the
 
assassination of President Zia, Vice Presient Justice Sattar out of fear got himself admitted into the Combined Military Hospital. A signboard hanging on the door of his cabin read, Patients critical; no one to visit." Later, Ziaur Rahman's Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman and Communications Minister Abdul AIim went to the CMH and informed the Vice President Sattar that he was now the President. This was the message from General Ershad. In reply, Justice Sattar asked them to bring the Army Chief Ershad to him.
 
Under the patronage of the Army Chief General Ershad, Vice President Sattar became the Acting President. Though outwardly the Army was split into two groups and took opposing positions at the Shuvapur Bridge and there was the possibility of bloodshed among brothers, General Manzur lost real control of Chittagong Cantonment. The troops in general did not support the killing of President Ziaur Rahman and refused to show obedience to General Manzur. Troops under Captain Dost Mohammad also refused to fight against Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan and his troops who had taken position on the other side of the bridge. Non-commissioned officers and soldiers told Captain Dost Mohammad clearly that 'General Manzur had killed President Ziaur Rahman; now General Manzur would become the President. We the Subedars, Havildars, Sepoys would remain in the same positions. We will not sacrifice our lives. You officers do the lighting yourselves; we will not fight.'
 
Captain Dost Mohammad having found an unfavourable situation decided to surrender to Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan. Meanwhile, when General Manzur came out of the Cantonment to deliver an address over Chittagong Radio and Television and also to meet journalists, eminent persons and freedom fighters, the Cantonment went completely out of his control. The Army, specially noncommissioned officers and soldiers were so loyal to President Ziaur Rahman that at the very first opportunity they revolted against General Manzur. As a result, General Manzur and his officers could not go back to the Cantonment, nor even escape successfully. While escaping from the troops apparently loyal to Acting President Abdus Sattar but in fact loyal to the late President Ziaur Rahman some of the supporters of Manzur got killed. But Major Khaled and Major Mozaffar instead of going towards Indian frontiers were able to go to Dhaka and remained under the protection of Colonel (retired) Shawkat Ali. On the other hand, though General Manzur and some of his supporters were arrested by the officers loyal to General Zia, General Ershad who had been playing his game from a safe distance, got General Manzur killed in order to avoid exposure of his complicity in Zia's killing.
 
We did not get arms following the arrest and death of General Manzur. Our companions came back to Dhaka and helped Major Khaled and Major Muzaffar cross into India through Murshidabad borders. When twelve accomplices of General Manzur were arrested and tried under court martial, Freedom Fighters Solidarity Parishad under the leadership of Colonel Shawkat, Freeedom Fighters Struggle Parishad under Major Ziauddin and Freedom Fighters Shangshad under Deputy Sector Commander of the liberation war Lt. Colonel Kazi Nuruzzaman called out for movement against that trial and demanded release of those arrested freedom fighter officers. Those three Freedom Fighters related organizations continued their program of staging demonstrations, processions and meetings etc. and made sustained efforts for all other freedom fighter organizations to support and participate in that movement. But except for Abdur Razzak no other political leader was at hand. Despite all these protest and movement, the death sentence of the twelve officers implicated in Zia's murder was carried out. At the same time, the acting President Abdus Sattar announced holding of Presidential election and himself became a candidate.
 
From the Awami League side, though Dr. Kamal Hossain had been nominated as the candidate against Justice Sattar, Sheikh Hasina demanded postponement of election. But the Army supported the government of Justice Sattar, which rejected the demand for postponement. At the Presidential election in 1981 the largest number of candidates in the history of Bangladesh contested. Government's secret service, the National Security Intelligence, persuaded many candidates to withdraw their candidature by way of heavy bribing. On the other side, Awami League chief Shaikh Hasina issued secret instructions to kill any one of the Presidential candidates in order to ensure postponement of the election. It may be mentioned that if a candidate is killed, according to election rules, election will be postponed for three months. Because of non-realization of the secret instructions of Shaikh Hasina to kill a candidate and the refusal of Sattar government to postpone election, election was held as scheduled. Justice Sattar defeated Dr. Kamal Hossain by a wide margin of votes and was elected President. However, the main power rested with the Army Chief Hussain Muhmmad Ershad. General Ershad used to manipulate Justice Sattar in any manner he wanted. Thus in reality, ihe elected President Justice Sattar became a toy in the hands of Army Chief General Ershad.
 
TRAINING IN LEBANON
 
Some of those who started a war under the leadership of Kader (Bagha) Siddiqui in protest against the killing of Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975 met Shaikh Hasina, daughter of Bangabandhu, at her house at Road 32 in Dhanmandi sometime in the first week of January 1982. They proposed a plan to capture Dhaka Cantonment, which was accepted with great pleasure by Shaikh Hasina The plan was: "A group of 25 to 30 thousand committed persons are to be given political education and military training. They would capture Dhaka Cantonment by lauching a commando type attack." The capture of Dhaka Cantonment meant the capture of state power in Bangladesh. Shaikh Hlasina instructed that this plan should be implemented by all possible means.
 
Work started about preparation of political workers for the purpose of capturing the cantonment and giving them military training. The workers were to be recruited secretly. One paid special attention to the mind-set, thoughts and personal qualities of these workers. In a short period of time a large group of workers were recruited and trained. Out of these workers a batch was specially selected for military training.
 
After imparting political education to these recruits, a batch was selected for military training. But problem arose as to where a place for military training would be found and wherefrom arms would be available Military training was not so easy as political training. For military training, at first a safe open area is needed, where the trainees will learn the use of arms through safe arms exercises. During7 l's great liberation war we used Indian territory for such training. But it is not possible now. Only a few years back India had driven away Kader Siddiqui's forces from their soil. For military training there was no chance of using Indian soil. Sundarban or Hill-Tracts were also not safe for military training. In the world outside we had no friend. Afganistan was in the control of the staunch fundamentalists. There we have no place. There was no response from the Soviet Union (Russia). In the circumstances Lebanon and the P.L.O. (Palestine Liberation Organization) came up for consideration. Secret communication was established with P.L.O. Representative in Dhaka, Mr. Ahmed A. Razek. A few meetings were held secretly with Mr. A.A. Razek at the P.L.O. Embassy in Gulshan. Mr. Razek was told candidly that we wanted military training and in return we would give whatever he wanted. Ahmed A Razek asked for one month's time.
 
After a month, again a meeting was held with Ahmed Razek. It was decided that P.L.O. would be giving us military training in the soil of Lebanon. In return, we shall have to fight against the lsraelis on behalf of the P.L.O. We agreed. When our first batch would arrive Lebanon they would be given military training and sent to the battlefield straight way to fight the Israeli on behalf of the P.L.O. The first batch would go to Lebanon. After the training of the second batch they would go to war and the first batch would be sent back to Bangladesh. It means, one batch of ours will always fight on behalf of the P.L.O.
 
P.L.O. would bear expenses of our travel to Lebanon and return to Dhaka. P.L.O. would pay salaries to those of us who would fight for P.L.O.
 
From time to time all aspects of the plan were intimated to Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina and her advice was taken. In pursuance of the decision of the meeting with P.L.O. first batch was sent to Lebanon in the last week of May, 1982.
 
After receiving training the first batch started fighting for the P.L.O. in the Israeli border. The second batch was prepared to go to Lebanon. At that time Israel made an attack and occupied Lebanon. All of our fighters became captives in the hands of Israelis. Our plan failed. Parents and relatives of all of our fighters started crying for them. Mujib's daughter Sheikh Hasina conveniently forgot everything. She remained passive and silent. She never uttered any word about our sons. After this with much difficulty, through Pakistan Red Cross our fighters who were captives in the hands of the Israelis were brought back to the country.
 
INVITING ERSHAD TO SEIZE POWER
 
Awami League President Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina began to give repeated calls to the Army Chief General H. M. Ershad to seize state power. People's Leader Sheikh Hasina gave assurances of all sorts of co-operation and help on behalf of the people to General Ershad. In order to topple the elected President and the Government and to capture state power by the army secret meetings were held between General Ershad and Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina on several occasions.
 
After that, setting an unprecedented example in the history of military coup, General Ershad gave an announcement of coup d'etat by calling Newspapers Editors in a meeting at Dhaka Cantonment, much before actually capturing the power.
 
On 24h March, 1982 without any resistance and without any word, General Ershad pushed out Justice Abdus Sattar, the President elected by the people, from Bangabbaban, and on the following day he was pulled by the collar and taken to Radio and Television to make a speech to the effect that due to his inability and his Government's corruption, nepotism, etc. he had voluntarily handed over power to Army chief General Ershad and abdicated on his own accord. The old, octogenarian and infirm President Justice Abdus Sattar made his exit silently without a word for fear of life. Army Chief Lt. Gen. H. M. Ershad proclaimed Martial law in the country and he himself became Chief Martial Law Administrator .He made Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury the President in name only without any authority. On secret invitation of Sheikh Hasina and with her cooperation General Ershad seized all powers and imposed himself on the people like an unmovable heavy stone.
 
MID FEBRUARY STUDENT KILLING (1983).
 
Before the turn of the year, dissension cropped up silently in the secret alliance between the Chief Martial Law Administrator General Ershad and Sheikh Hasina. In the last week of January, 1983 at the official residence of Sheikh Hasina's husband Dr. Wazed Mia at Mohakhali which belonged to the Atomic Energy commission, Sheikh Hasina said - 'Lt. Gen. Ershad the khatas (wolf), is gradually slipping away from my grip. He needs to be kept under tight control."
 
With a view to keeping Ershad in her grip, Sheikh Hasina presented in the name of student movement a bogus plan and said - "In this student movement certain number of students will have be killed."
 
'With such killings, student's movement will gain momentum. An intensified student's movement will help keep, Gen. Ershad in my grip." Sheikh Hasina thus hatched a ruthless plan for the murder of students in the of name students' movement. Killing of students by any unknown killer will not do. Students will have to be killed by the military or police."
 
Sheikh Hasina said, This will have to be done at the cost of whatever money is needed" Everybody was busy thinking as to how this plan could be executed
 
Contact was established with Hafizur Rahman Laskar, Company Commander (senior S.P.) of the Armed Police. This Hafizur Rahman Laskar, being a police officer, was occupying surreptitiously the post of Deputy Director of NSA. (National Security Intelligence) for a long time. After capturing power Ershad drove away unceremoniously Hafizur Rahman Laskar from N.S.I. by saying, "What are you doing here, being a police man? Go and wearing police uniform catch thieves." Hafizur Rabman Laskar was transferred to the then Headquarters of Armed Police at 14, Mirpur and posted as the Company Commander. For this reason Hafizur Ranman Laskar was angry with General Ershad and his military rule On top of this was his greed for money. Anger, hostility to Ershad and greed for money, all combined to make Hafizur Rahman Laskar accept the proposal for killing students in the name of students' movement. N.S.I.'s main duty is to prepare list of people who work against the Government and to supply such list to the Government. And when a Government falls, all files and papers prepared during the period of the previous regime are to be burnt. The process was to be repeated.
 
When President Ziaur Rahman was killed on 30th May, 1981, N.S.I. officers wanted to burn all files prepared during the time of Zia or BNP Government. But when the files were about to set on fire Vice-President Justice Abdus Sattar became the Acting President, which meant that the BNP Government remained in power. As a result, NSI officer kept the files carefully in the shelves instead of burning them. Although Vice-President Sattar became the Acting President, real state power was in the hands of the Army Chief H.M. Ershad. On that strength General Ershad glanced through the N.S.l.'s files. Name of General Ershad was also there. So as soon as General Ershad came to power he drove away people like Hafizur Rahman from N.S.l. For this reason as well as for his love of money, Hafizur Rahman Laskar and others supported the plan.
 
In the name of students' movement a blue print for killing of students was finalized with Hafizur Rahtnan Laskar. According to the plan, a procession of students would have to be brought to Doel Yard, south of Bangla Academy, north of Curzon Hall and west of Shishu (children) Academy. The armed police will do the remaining work. Our responsibility was to bring a students procession up to the Duel yard, and then the responsibility was on the Armed police Company Commander Hafizur Rabman Laskar to kill students by firing on the procession. The
 
primary responsibility of bringing out the procession devolved upon the Jagannath Hall Students' Union General Secretary and members of Kaderia Force Nirunjan Sarker, Bachchu, Sadhan Sarker, ladab, Bidyut. Shyamol and others. The proposal to bring out a procession against General Ershad was discussed with the student leaders, Fazlur Rahman, Bahalul Majnun Chunnu, Dr. Mostafa lalal, K. M. Jahangir, DUCSU VP Akhtaruzzaman, G. S. Ziauddin Bablu, Faruk, Anwar, Milon. Jalal and others. Everyone was in favour of the procession.
 
In the beginning of the 2nd week of February date for the procession was fixed and it was decided to take the procession up to Education Bhaban. Pursuant to the discussion, a procession started from the Arts building. On the other side Hafizur Rahman Laskar was waiting eagerly like a thirsty bird with his Armed Police Force near Shishu Academy fully prepared to kill the students by firing on the procession.
 
The procession however, could not be taken far from the vicinity of the Arts building. Most of the student leaders, though not refusing verbally to go forward with the procession, did not actually go outside the Arts building. As a result the blueprint failed. We got agitated and harassed the student leaders, and some of the student leaders were physically hurt. Again a new date was fixed for the procession.
 
It was decided that on the 14h February, 1983, (1st Falgoon of Bengali era) there would be a procession of students which would proceed towards the Education Bhaban.
 
On the 12 of February, 83 at 8 a.m. Armed Police Company Commander was informed of the decision of the final program of student's procession of 14 February. On 13 February at 8 P.m. at the house of Hafizur Rahman Laskar at section 2, Mirpur, the program to bring the procession up to Shishu Academy at any cost was firmed up and he (Hafizur Rahman) himself was fully prepared to kill students in return of cash money paid to him.
 
At II O'clock at night in the Assembly building of Jaganuath Hall of Dhaka University the last secret meeting was held in the room of Niranjan Sarkar Bachchu, G.S. of Students Union and a member of Kaderia Force. In the meeting the present student leaders Niranjan Sarker Bachchu, Mobark Hossain Selim, DUCSU's Lady Secretary Nahid Amin Khan, Sadhan Sarker, Jadab, Biduyut and others were informed of the details of the students procession of 14th February including plan for killing. It was decided that student leaders Fazlur Rahman, Bahalul Maznun
 
Chunnu, progressive student leaders and top-ranking workers would not remain in the procession beyond the Atomic Energy Commission office under any circumstances and arrangements would have to be made accordingly.
 
It was the 1st of Falgoon, February 14, 1983. Spring season would start by the Calendar whether flowers blossomed or not. Everybody was delighted at the breeze of the spring, the king of the seasons. Bengali women wearing yellow Sarees with red borders had come out of their houses early in the morning to welcome the spring season. Girl students of Rokeya Hall and Shamsun Nahar Hall of Dhaka University wearing yellow sarees had been engaged in the festival since morning. The University was humming with spring festival. Some girl students wearing festive dresses were going to far off places with their boy friends. All were in joyous mood. Nobody knew what was going to happen a little later. Who was going to be killed? Which loving mother was going to lose her son? At about It) O'clock in the day students started gathering for the procession at the foot of Aparajeya Bangla in front of the Arts building. One motorcycle rider was maintaining contacts all the time with sheikh Hasina at 32 of Dhanmondi, Arts building and Hafizur Rahman Laskar of the Armed Police. The motorcycle rider (the author) was communicating with great speed the latest situation in the University to Sheikh Hasina at No 32 of Dhanmondi. Hafizur Rahman took his position at the eastern side of Shishu Academy. At about II a.m. the procession began.
 
Those student leaders and workers who were not to remain in the procession beyond the Atomic Energy Commission were informed of the developments.
 
Everything including the procession was going on in accordance with the plan. When the students procession reached Atomic Energy Commission, a few student leaders and workers slipped away from the procession from behind. The procession passed Bangla Academy and proceeded farther to Doel yard towards the south. As soon as the procession took a turn towards the east keeping the Doel yard behind, the Armed police under Hafizur Rahman opened fire-'Gurum", "Gurum' "Tash", 'Tash". Within seconds several students fell down on the ground.
 
The motorcycle rider went to No.32 of Dhanmondi immediately to give the news of firing to Sheikh Hasina and then proceeded to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. Meanwhile the students had brought the bullet-injured students to the Emergency ward of the hospital. Of the bullet-hit
 
students, Joynal and Zafar breathed their last. Oh, how did their mother and their father take the death of their loved ones?
 
The motorcycle rider again went to No.32 of Dhanmondi with the final news of the implementation of the blueprint. After giving the news of successful killing of two students to Sheikh Hasina the motorcycle rider returned to the University.
 
Shadows of mourning tell on the University. The festivities of the I" of Falgoon had vanished. The students brought the dead bodies of their friends Zafar and Joynal to the historic Battala at the foot of Aparajeya Bangla. The news of Zanaja prayer and mourning meeting to be held at 3 O'clock in the afternoon was given to No.32 of Dhanmondi and Bangbandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina came to the Battala of the University at about 2 PM. She saw the bodies of the dead students and made pretension of wiping her eyes with handkerchief. She left the University without announcing any program to protest the killing. Students stricken with grief assembled at Battala and the girl student who, a little earlier were celebrating spring festival joined the condolence meeting at Battala.
 
Soon after leaving the University area Sheikh Hasina contacted Martial law Administrator General H.M. Ershad and secured fulfillment of certain secret demands from him in exchange of not giving any program protesting the killing of the students. After getting assurances from Sheikh Hasina, General Ershad carried on an unprecedented attack with his military and police in the University area from all sides. The multi pronged attack by the police on the students holding condolence meeting at Battala, forced the assembled students to run away for their lives. But whichever direction they were running to they were being intercepted ano beaten mercilessly by the police and army. In a moment there was no sign of any human being at Battala, except thousands of sandals and shoes lying scattered all over.
 
It was with great difficulty the students carried the dead bodies of Zafar and Zainul to Surya Sen Hall and locked the Hall gate from inside. Inside, there were students, teachers and employees. The whole, University area including the courtyard of the Hall was full of Police and Army personnel. Within seconds the army and the police would break open the gate and enter the Hall. Seeing no other alternative the motor-cycle rider (author) jumped out from the first floor of the Hall to its court-yard. Immediately the police force pounced on him and started beating him the way vultures grab the caracas of a cow and start eating it. The motorcycle rider, somehow
 
disengaged himself from them and started running towards the boundary walls of the Hall. The author was being chased by the army and police personnel. With great risk he jumped over the wall and got to Kataban and Plassey Road. He went to Rd 32 Dhanmondi but did not get Hasina there. Then he went to the house of Dr. Wazed Miah, Hasina's hausband, at Mohakhali whcrc Hasina's Pajero jeep was parked. Hasina was not found. The favourite and trusted cook of Hasina, Ramakanta said that she had put on Burqa (veil) and left loran unknown destination in a private car driven by an unknown person.
 
The police and the Army broke open the doors and gates of all the Halls and indiscriminately beat up the students, teachers and employees, made them sit throughout the night in the open sky and arrested some of them. They took away the lifeless bodies of Zainul and Zafar. It may be mentioned here that in those days there was no organizational presence of Begum Khaleda Zia- led B.N.P. That's why Begurn Khaleda Zia did not come to the University after the killing of the students. This was the first movement, the first uprising and the first sacrifice of the traditionally struggling simple-minded student community of the country. 1'he movement totally collapsed due to the failure of the political leadership and the machinations of Sheikh Hasina. The sacrifice of Zafar and Zainul went in vain. The military dictator Ershad held on to power without any worry. The student community became directionless and depressed in the absence of political leadership. Ershad's military administration managed the main opposition force Awami League and its leader Sheikh Hasina, as he wished and continued its ruthless rule.
 
The killing of Selim and Delwar
 
The year 1984 began, and came the month of February, the month of the Shahids (martyrs) of the Language movement. The instruction of Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangabandhu, for the New Year was to start students' movement against Ershad once again.
 
On February 3, 1984, a closed door meeting was held at 4 p.m. at the Bangabandhu Bhaban at Road 32, Dhanmondi. In the meeting the leader gave strict instruction to start student's movement by all means. A new conspiratorial plan was formulated. On the one hand, the job of hiring killer police officers like Hafizur Rahinan Laskar was organized and on the other, efforts to motivate the students and to mobilize students' movement were initiated.
 
The job of hiring killer police officers was completed in no time under the personal direction and supervision of Sheikh Hasina. But the job of mobilizing the students was not over. The students could not be mobilized even with great efforts.
 
The whole student community was against Ershad. But they did not trust Awami league and its leader Sheikh Hasina in matters of organizing a movement. The Begum Zia-led B.NP. did not virtually exist that lime. Days rolled by, but there was no indication of any Students' movement. It was repeatedly suggested that a procession of students be brought out, the way it was done in mid - February 1983. Sheikh Hasina was directly encouraging this. But it had no effect. At one stage Sheikh Hasina lamented - "Nothing can be accomplished by you."
 
We could not come out of the University with a procession of even 500 students. So the 1983 episode could not be repeated and the method of killing students had to be changed.
 
In the new scheme for killing students, senior S. P. Hafizur Rabman Lasker involved Riot police in place of the armed contingent. According to the plan it was decided that it if a procession of even twenty - twenty five students, at some point of time could somehow be brought out of the University, the riot police, who stayed around the University round the clock, would implement the plan for killing the students. However, even the leaders and workers of the Students' League did not want to join any procession, let alone the ordinary students.
 
The Leader then gave strict orders that a students procession, however small, would have to be organized. Otherwise the leaders of the Students League would he relieved of their responsibilities.
 
It was then decided that a procession would be brought out on February 28, and as usual, Sheikh Hasina, the leader of Awami League, was informed of this. She immediately transmitted the news to the Riot police squad through Hafizur Rahman Lasker.
 
On the appointed day, a procession of about thirty-four students suddenly came out of the University and started moving fast towards Fulbaria bus stand via Chan Kharpool. As had been planned earlier, a lorry of the Riot police followed the procession.
 
The plan this time was that the students would be killed from behind, and not from the front. Those who were aware of the plan tried their very best to be in the front part of the procession. It was generally known that the attack would come mm behind. But it was not certain whether there would be firing from the lorry or there would he a different manner of attacking the students. It was 5 p.m. in the afternoon. As soon as the small procession entered Fulbaria bus-stand, the riot police lorry gathered lightning speed and ran over the processionists. In a moment's time, Selim, who was at the rear of the procession was crushed under the wheels of the Police lorry. Though others got scattered on either side, Delwar started running straight and the police lorry followed him in great speed. Within one or two minutes, the police lorry ran over him. The body was so smashed that it became unrecognisable.
 
The author conveyed the news of the killing of Selim and Delwar under the wheels of the riot police van to Sheikh Hasina, who had been waiting to hear it eagerly at Bangabandhu Bhaban.
 
When Sheikh Hasina heard the news of the killing of two Student League leaders, she cried out 'bravo' in great delight.
 
Then she instructed driver Jalal to keep the car ready for her. She would go out.
 
When the author wanted to accompany her, she asked him and others to leave away and return to Road 32 next day in the morning'.
 
The next morning the motor cycle rider (author) went to Road 32, but could not find Sheikh Hasina there. He then went to Mahakhali. When he saw the Pajero Jeep and driver Jalal there, he thought that the leader would also be there. However, he did not find Hasina and got the information from the cook Ramakanta that the leader had left for an unknown destination early in the morning, in a car driven by an unknown person.
 
The leader returned around 1 p.m. had her lunch, and came straight to the Bangabandhu Bhaban. Quite a few Student League leaders came at about 3 p.m. and met Hasina there. When they wanted to have a plan of action against Ershad to protest against the brutal killing of Selim and Delwar, Sheikh Hasina consoled the student leaders and said, "our main enemy is Ziaur Rahman, and BNP is his party. Zia has already been eliminated. General Ershed has seized power from BNP only some time ago. Our main goal now is to completely finish BNP for
 
good. At this moment, we should not go directly against General Ershad. We have to keep in view that our main enemy is BNP." When the student leaders were overwhelmed with emotion at the killing of Delwar and Selim, Sheikh Hasina said "there is no point in being emotional, their families would be duty compensated. "The heartbroken student leaders left the Bangabandhu Bhaban without obtaining any plan of action.
 
 
TRAINING IN LEBANON
 
Some of those who started a war under the leadership of Kader (Bagha) Siddiqui in protest against the killing of Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975 met Shaikh Hasina, daughter of Bangabandhu, at her house at Road 32 in Dhanmandi sometime in the first week of January 1982. They proposed a plan to capture Dhaka Cantonment, which was accepted with great pleasure by Shaikh Hasina The plan was: "A group of 25 to 30 thousand committed persons are to be given political education and military training. They would capture Dhaka Cantonment by lauching a commando type attack." The capture of Dhaka Cantonment meant the capture of state power in Bangladesh. Shaikh Hlasina instructed that this plan should be implemented by all possible means.
 
Work started about preparation of political workers for the purpose of capturing the cantonment and giving them military training. The workers were to be recruited secretly. One paid special attention to the mind-set, thoughts and personal qualities of these workers. In a short period of time a large group of workers were recruited and trained. Out of these workers a batch was specially selected for military training.
 
After imparting political education to these recruits, a batch was selected for military training. But problem arose as to where a place for military training would be found and wherefrom arms would be available Military training was not so easy as political training. For military training, at first a safe open area is needed, where the trainees will learn the use of arms through safe arms exercises. During7 l's great liberation war we used Indian territory for such training. But it is not possible now. Only a few years back India had driven away Kader Siddiqui's forces from their soil. For military training there was no chance of using Indian soil. Sundarban or Hill-Tracts were also not safe for military training. In the world outside we had no friend. Afganistan was in the control of the staunch fundamentalists. There we have no place. There was no response from the Soviet Union (Russia). In the circumstances Lebanon and the P.L.O. (Palestine Liberation Organization) came up for consideration. Secret communication was established with P.L.O. Representative in Dhaka, Mr. Ahmed A. Razek. A few meetings were held secretly with Mr. A.A. Razek at the P.L.O. Embassy in Gulshan. Mr. Razek was told candidly that we wanted military training and in return we would give whatever he wanted. Ahmed A Razek asked for one month's time.
 
After a month, again a meeting was held with Ahmed Razek. It was decided that P.L.O. would be giving us military training in the soil of Lebanon. In return, we shall have to fight against the lsraelis on behalf of the P.L.O. We agreed. When our first batch would arrive Lebanon they would be given military training and sent to the battlefield straight way to fight the Israeli on behalf of the P.L.O. The first batch would go to Lebanon. After the training of the second batch they would go to war and the first batch would be sent back to Bangladesh. It means, one batch of ours will always fight on behalf of the P.L.O.
 
P.L.O. would bear expenses of our travel to Lebanon and return to Dhaka. P.L.O. would pay salaries to those of us who would fight for P.L.O.
 
From time to time all aspects of the plan were intimated to Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina and her advice was taken. In pursuance of the decision of the meeting with P.L.O. first batch was sent to Lebanon in the last week of May, 1982.
 
After receiving training the first batch started fighting for the P.L.O. in the Israeli border. The second batch was prepared to go to Lebanon. At that time Israel made an attack and occupied Lebanon. All of our fighters became captives in the hands of Israelis. Our plan failed. Parents and relatives of all of our fighters started crying for them. Mujib's daughter Sheikh Hasina conveniently forgot everything. She remained passive and silent. She never uttered any word about our sons. After this with much difficulty, through Pakistan Red Cross our fighters who were captives in the hands of the Israelis were brought back to the country.
 
INVITING ERSHAD TO SEIZE POWER
 
Awami League President Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina began to give repeated calls to the Army Chief General H. M. Ershad to seize state power. People's Leader Sheikh Hasina gave assurances of all sorts of co-operation and help on behalf of the people to General Ershad. In order to topple the elected President and the Government and to capture state power by the army secret meetings were held between General Ershad and Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina on several occasions.
 
After that, setting an unprecedented example in the history of military coup, General Ershad gave an announcement of coup d'etat by calling Newspapers Editors in a meeting at Dhaka Cantonment, much before actually capturing the power.
 
On 24h March, 1982 without any resistance and without any word, General Ershad pushed out Justice Abdus Sattar, the President elected by the people, from Bangabbaban, and on the following day he was pulled by the collar and taken to Radio and Television to make a speech to the effect that due to his inability and his Government's corruption, nepotism, etc. he had voluntarily handed over power to Army chief General Ershad and abdicated on his own accord. The old, octogenarian and infirm President Justice Abdus Sattar made his exit silently without a word for fear of life. Army Chief Lt. Gen. H. M. Ershad proclaimed Martial law in the country and he himself became Chief Martial Law Administrator .He made Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury the President in name only without any authority. On secret invitation of Sheikh Hasina and with her cooperation General Ershad seized all powers and imposed himself on the people like an unmovable heavy stone.
 
MID FEBRUARY STUDENT KILLING (1983).
 
Before the turn of the year, dissension cropped up silently in the secret alliance between the Chief Martial Law Administrator General Ershad and Sheikh Hasina. In the last week of January, 1983 at the official residence of Sheikh Hasina's husband Dr. Wazed Mia at Mohakhali which belonged to the Atomic Energy commission, Sheikh Hasina said - 'Lt. Gen. Ershad the khatas (wolf), is gradually slipping away from my grip. He needs to be kept under tight control."
 
With a view to keeping Ershad in her grip, Sheikh Hasina presented in the name of student movement a bogus plan and said - "In this student movement certain number of students will have be killed."
 
'With such killings, student's movement will gain momentum. An intensified student's movement will help keep, Gen. Ershad in my grip." Sheikh Hasina thus hatched a ruthless plan for the murder of students in the of name students' movement. Killing of students by any unknown killer will not do. Students will have to be killed by the military or police."
 
Sheikh Hasina said, This will have to be done at the cost of whatever money is needed" Everybody was busy thinking as to how this plan could be executed
 
Contact was established with Hafizur Rahman Laskar, Company Commander (senior S.P.) of the Armed Police. This Hafizur Rahman Laskar, being a police officer, was occupying surreptitiously the post of Deputy Director of NSA. (National Security Intelligence) for a long time. After capturing power Ershad drove away unceremoniously Hafizur Rahman Laskar from N.S.I. by saying, "What are you doing here, being a police man? Go and wearing police uniform catch thieves." Hafizur Rabman Laskar was transferred to the then Headquarters of Armed Police at 14, Mirpur and posted as the Company Commander. For this reason Hafizur Ranman Laskar was angry with General Ershad and his military rule On top of this was his greed for money. Anger, hostility to Ershad and greed for money, all combined to make Hafizur Rahman Laskar accept the proposal for killing students in the name of students' movement. N.S.I.'s main duty is to prepare list of people who work against the Government and to supply such list to the Government. And when a Government falls, all files and papers prepared during the period of the previous regime are to be burnt. The process was to be repeated.
 
When President Ziaur Rahman was killed on 30th May, 1981, N.S.I. officers wanted to burn all files prepared during the time of Zia or BNP Government. But when the files were about to set on fire Vice-President Justice Abdus Sattar became the Acting President, which meant that the BNP Government remained in power. As a result, NSI officer kept the files carefully in the shelves instead of burning them. Although Vice-President Sattar became the Acting President, real state power was in the hands of the Army Chief H.M. Ershad. On that strength General Ershad glanced through the N.S.l.'s files. Name of General Ershad was also there. So as soon as General Ershad came to power he drove away people like Hafizur Rahman from N.S.l. For this reason as well as for his love of money, Hafizur Rahman Laskar and others supported the plan.
 
In the name of students' movement a blue print for killing of students was finalized with Hafizur Rahtnan Laskar. According to the plan, a procession of students would have to be brought to Doel Yard, south of Bangla Academy, north of Curzon Hall and west of Shishu (children) Academy. The armed police will do the remaining work. Our responsibility was to bring a students procession up to the Duel yard, and then the responsibility was on the Armed police Company Commander Hafizur Rabman Laskar to kill students by firing on the procession. The
 
primary responsibility of bringing out the procession devolved upon the Jagannath Hall Students' Union General Secretary and members of Kaderia Force Nirunjan Sarker, Bachchu, Sadhan Sarker, ladab, Bidyut. Shyamol and others. The proposal to bring out a procession against General Ershad was discussed with the student leaders, Fazlur Rahman, Bahalul Majnun Chunnu, Dr. Mostafa lalal, K. M. Jahangir, DUCSU VP Akhtaruzzaman, G. S. Ziauddin Bablu, Faruk, Anwar, Milon. Jalal and others. Everyone was in favour of the procession.
 
In the beginning of the 2nd week of February date for the procession was fixed and it was decided to take the procession up to Education Bhaban. Pursuant to the discussion, a procession started from the Arts building. On the other side Hafizur Rahman Laskar was waiting eagerly like a thirsty bird with his Armed Police Force near Shishu Academy fully prepared to kill the students by firing on the procession.
 
The procession however, could not be taken far from the vicinity of the Arts building. Most of the student leaders, though not refusing verbally to go forward with the procession, did not actually go outside the Arts building. As a result the blueprint failed. We got agitated and harassed the student leaders, and some of the student leaders were physically hurt. Again a new date was fixed for the procession.
 
It was decided that on the 14h February, 1983, (1st Falgoon of Bengali era) there would be a procession of students which would proceed towards the Education Bhaban.
 
On the 12 of February, 83 at 8 a.m. Armed Police Company Commander was informed of the decision of the final program of student's procession of 14 February. On 13 February at 8 P.m. at the house of Hafizur Rahman Laskar at section 2, Mirpur, the program to bring the procession up to Shishu Academy at any cost was firmed up and he (Hafizur Rahman) himself was fully prepared to kill students in return of cash money paid to him.
 
At II O'clock at night in the Assembly building of Jaganuath Hall of Dhaka University the last secret meeting was held in the room of Niranjan Sarkar Bachchu, G.S. of Students Union and a member of Kaderia Force. In the meeting the present student leaders Niranjan Sarker Bachchu, Mobark Hossain Selim, DUCSU's Lady Secretary Nahid Amin Khan, Sadhan Sarker, Jadab, Biduyut and others were informed of the details of the students procession of 14th February including plan for killing. It was decided that student leaders Fazlur Rahman, Bahalul Maznun
 
Chunnu, progressive student leaders and top-ranking workers would not remain in the procession beyond the Atomic Energy Commission office under any circumstances and arrangements would have to be made accordingly.
 
It was the 1st of Falgoon, February 14, 1983. Spring season would start by the Calendar whether flowers blossomed or not. Everybody was delighted at the breeze of the spring, the king of the seasons. Bengali women wearing yellow Sarees with red borders had come out of their houses early in the morning to welcome the spring season. Girl students of Rokeya Hall and Shamsun Nahar Hall of Dhaka University wearing yellow sarees had been engaged in the festival since morning. The University was humming with spring festival. Some girl students wearing festive dresses were going to far off places with their boy friends. All were in joyous mood. Nobody knew what was going to happen a little later. Who was going to be killed? Which loving mother was going to lose her son? At about It) O'clock in the day students started gathering for the procession at the foot of Aparajeya Bangla in front of the Arts building. One motorcycle rider was maintaining contacts all the time with sheikh Hasina at 32 of Dhanmondi, Arts building and Hafizur Rahman Laskar of the Armed Police. The motorcycle rider (the author) was communicating with great speed the latest situation in the University to Sheikh Hasina at No 32 of Dhanmondi. Hafizur Rahman took his position at the eastern side of Shishu Academy. At about II a.m. the procession began.
 
Those student leaders and workers who were not to remain in the procession beyond the Atomic Energy Commission were informed of the developments.
 
Everything including the procession was going on in accordance with the plan. When the students procession reached Atomic Energy Commission, a few student leaders and workers slipped away from the procession from behind. The procession passed Bangla Academy and proceeded farther to Doel yard towards the south. As soon as the procession took a turn towards the east keeping the Doel yard behind, the Armed police under Hafizur Rahman opened fire-'Gurum", "Gurum' "Tash", 'Tash". Within seconds several students fell down on the ground.
 
The motorcycle rider went to No.32 of Dhanmondi immediately to give the news of firing to Sheikh Hasina and then proceeded to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. Meanwhile the students had brought the bullet-injured students to the Emergency ward of the hospital. Of the bullet-hit
 
students, Joynal and Zafar breathed their last. Oh, how did their mother and their father take the death of their loved ones?
 
The motorcycle rider again went to No.32 of Dhanmondi with the final news of the implementation of the blueprint. After giving the news of successful killing of two students to Sheikh Hasina the motorcycle rider returned to the University.
 
Shadows of mourning tell on the University. The festivities of the I" of Falgoon had vanished. The students brought the dead bodies of their friends Zafar and Joynal to the historic Battala at the foot of Aparajeya Bangla. The news of Zanaja prayer and mourning meeting to be held at 3 O'clock in the afternoon was given to No.32 of Dhanmondi and Bangbandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina came to the Battala of the University at about 2 PM. She saw the bodies of the dead students and made pretension of wiping her eyes with handkerchief. She left the University without announcing any program to protest the killing. Students stricken with grief assembled at Battala and the girl student who, a little earlier were celebrating spring festival joined the condolence meeting at Battala.
 
Soon after leaving the University area Sheikh Hasina contacted Martial law Administrator General H.M. Ershad and secured fulfillment of certain secret demands from him in exchange of not giving any program protesting the killing of the students. After getting assurances from Sheikh Hasina, General Ershad carried on an unprecedented attack with his military and police in the University area from all sides. The multi pronged attack by the police on the students holding condolence meeting at Battala, forced the assembled students to run away for their lives. But whichever direction they were running to they were being intercepted ano beaten mercilessly by the police and army. In a moment there was no sign of any human being at Battala, except thousands of sandals and shoes lying scattered all over.
 
It was with great difficulty the students carried the dead bodies of Zafar and Zainul to Surya Sen Hall and locked the Hall gate from inside. Inside, there were students, teachers and employees. The whole, University area including the courtyard of the Hall was full of Police and Army personnel. Within seconds the army and the police would break open the gate and enter the Hall. Seeing no other alternative the motor-cycle rider (author) jumped out from the first floor of the Hall to its court-yard. Immediately the police force pounced on him and started beating him the way vultures grab the caracas of a cow and start eating it. The motorcycle rider, somehow
 
disengaged himself from them and started running towards the boundary walls of the Hall. The author was being chased by the army and police personnel. With great risk he jumped over the wall and got to Kataban and Plassey Road. He went to Rd 32 Dhanmondi but did not get Hasina there. Then he went to the house of Dr. Wazed Miah, Hasina's hausband, at Mohakhali whcrc Hasina's Pajero jeep was parked. Hasina was not found. The favourite and trusted cook of Hasina, Ramakanta said that she had put on Burqa (veil) and left loran unknown destination in a private car driven by an unknown person.
 
The police and the Army broke open the doors and gates of all the Halls and indiscriminately beat up the students, teachers and employees, made them sit throughout the night in the open sky and arrested some of them. They took away the lifeless bodies of Zainul and Zafar. It may be mentioned here that in those days there was no organizational presence of Begum Khaleda Zia- led B.N.P. That's why Begurn Khaleda Zia did not come to the University after the killing of the students. This was the first movement, the first uprising and the first sacrifice of the traditionally struggling simple-minded student community of the country. 1'he movement totally collapsed due to the failure of the political leadership and the machinations of Sheikh Hasina. The sacrifice of Zafar and Zainul went in vain. The military dictator Ershad held on to power without any worry. The student community became directionless and depressed in the absence of political leadership. Ershad's military administration managed the main opposition force Awami League and its leader Sheikh Hasina, as he wished and continued its ruthless rule.
 
The killing of Selim and Delwar
 
The year 1984 began, and came the month of February, the month of the Shahids (martyrs) of the Language movement. The instruction of Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangabandhu, for the New Year was to start students' movement against Ershad once again.
 
On February 3, 1984, a closed door meeting was held at 4 p.m. at the Bangabandhu Bhaban at Road 32, Dhanmondi. In the meeting the leader gave strict instruction to start student's movement by all means. A new conspiratorial plan was formulated. On the one hand, the job of hiring killer police officers like Hafizur Rahinan Laskar was organized and on the other, efforts to motivate the students and to mobilize students' movement were initiated.
 
The job of hiring killer police officers was completed in no time under the personal direction and supervision of Sheikh Hasina. But the job of mobilizing the students was not over. The students could not be mobilized even with great efforts.
 
The whole student community was against Ershad. But they did not trust Awami league and its leader Sheikh Hasina in matters of organizing a movement. The Begum Zia-led B.NP. did not virtually exist that lime. Days rolled by, but there was no indication of any Students' movement. It was repeatedly suggested that a procession of students be brought out, the way it was done in mid - February 1983. Sheikh Hasina was directly encouraging this. But it had no effect. At one stage Sheikh Hasina lamented - "Nothing can be accomplished by you."
 
We could not come out of the University with a procession of even 500 students. So the 1983 episode could not be repeated and the method of killing students had to be changed.
 
In the new scheme for killing students, senior S. P. Hafizur Rabman Lasker involved Riot police in place of the armed contingent. According to the plan it was decided that it if a procession of even twenty - twenty five students, at some point of time could somehow be brought out of the University, the riot police, who stayed around the University round the clock, would implement the plan for killing the students. However, even the leaders and workers of the Students' League did not want to join any procession, let alone the ordinary students.
 
The Leader then gave strict orders that a students procession, however small, would have to be organized. Otherwise the leaders of the Students League would he relieved of their responsibilities.
 
It was then decided that a procession would be brought out on February 28, and as usual, Sheikh Hasina, the leader of Awami League, was informed of this. She immediately transmitted the news to the Riot police squad through Hafizur Rahman Lasker.
 
On the appointed day, a procession of about thirty-four students suddenly came out of the University and started moving fast towards Fulbaria bus stand via Chan Kharpool. As had been planned earlier, a lorry of the Riot police followed the procession.
 
The plan this time was that the students would be killed from behind, and not from the front. Those who were aware of the plan tried their very best to be in the front part of the procession. It was generally known that the attack would come mm behind. But it was not certain whether there would be firing from the lorry or there would he a different manner of attacking the students. It was 5 p.m. in the afternoon. As soon as the small procession entered Fulbaria bus-stand, the riot police lorry gathered lightning speed and ran over the processionists. In a moment's time, Selim, who was at the rear of the procession was crushed under the wheels of the Police lorry. Though others got scattered on either side, Delwar started running straight and the police lorry followed him in great speed. Within one or two minutes, the police lorry ran over him. The body was so smashed that it became unrecognisable.
 
The author conveyed the news of the killing of Selim and Delwar under the wheels of the riot police van to Sheikh Hasina, who had been waiting to hear it eagerly at Bangabandhu Bhaban.
 
When Sheikh Hasina heard the news of the killing of two Student League leaders, she cried out 'bravo' in great delight.
 
Then she instructed driver Jalal to keep the car ready for her. She would go out.
 
When the author wanted to accompany her, she asked him and others to leave away and return to Road 32 next day in the morning'.
 
The next morning the motor cycle rider (author) went to Road 32, but could not find Sheikh Hasina there. He then went to Mahakhali. When he saw the Pajero Jeep and driver Jalal there, he thought that the leader would also be there. However, he did not find Hasina and got the information from the cook Ramakanta that the leader had left for an unknown destination early in the morning, in a car driven by an unknown person.
 
The leader returned around 1 p.m. had her lunch, and came straight to the Bangabandhu Bhaban. Quite a few Student League leaders came at about 3 p.m. and met Hasina there. When they wanted to have a plan of action against Ershad to protest against the brutal killing of Selim and Delwar, Sheikh Hasina consoled the student leaders and said, "our main enemy is Ziaur Rahman, and BNP is his party. Zia has already been eliminated. General Ershed has seized power from BNP only some time ago. Our main goal now is to completely finish BNP for
 
good. At this moment, we should not go directly against General Ershad. We have to keep in view that our main enemy is BNP." When the student leaders were overwhelmed with emotion at the killing of Delwar and Selim, Sheikh Hasina said "there is no point in being emotional, their families would be duty compensated. "The heartbroken student leaders left the Bangabandhu Bhaban without obtaining any plan of action.
 
UNCIVILIZED UNPATRIOTIC FORCE
 
On May 3, 1984, in the late afternoon, Sheikh Hasina was chatting with a few people at Bangabandhu Bhaban. In the course of discussions the topic of liberation war and Pakistan Army came up. Also came up for discussion the subject of Bangladesh Army, which emerged through the war of liberation.
 
The leader Sheikh Hasina commented about Bangladesh Army, "is it an Army? It is a barbaric Force composed of ill-disciplined, greedy, unruly and blood-thirsty men. This Army has no sense of loyalty, no discipline, no patriotism. They are disobedient and beneft of any humane attitude. Talk about the Pakistan Army. You will not find such a gentle, civil, polite, courteous and loyal Army in the whole world. They really are so decent and modest."
 
"They came in the night of March 25 and saluted my father, (Sheikh Mujib) my mother and even me. Then they said to my father; "sir, we have come only to provide security to you. You can go wherever you want, wherever you please. Anyone can come and meet you. We will only ensure your security. If you go out we will accompany you to provide security. We will search an incoming guest properly before we let him in. Really, whatever the Pakistani Army did was meant for our security. On the twenty-sixth of March when Abba (Sheikh Mujib) was taken away by the Pakistan Army, General Tikka Khan himself came, saluted my father and my mother. He kept standing and courteously told my father (Sheikh Mujib) — Sir, Yahya Khan has asked us to take you for consultations. I have come here to take you. A special flight is ready for you. Please get ready, and if you so wish you can take anyone, including the Madam (Begum Mujib). Abba consulted my mother and went away alone. As long as the Pakistan Army performed their duty, they came and saluted us first.
 
"Not only that. When my paternal grandmother had some fever, the Pakistanis got her transported by a helicopter from Tungipara to Dhaka for treatment at the PG. Hospital. When I
 
was expecting Joy (Hasina's son), I was taken every week to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) for medical checkup. I was admitted to the CMH a month before Joy was born. When he was born in 1971, the Pakistan Army personnel distributed sweets. All the cost associated with the birth of Joy was borne by the Pakistan Army. We went wherever we wanted to go. The Pakistanis accompanied us in two jeeps. They guarded us to provide security.
 
And the Bangladesh Army! These animals, these inhuman brutes killed my father, my mother and all my brothers. I wish their destruction."
 
REMOVE THE MOSQUE
 
From the beginning of 1985, Sheikh Hasina, again tried to provoke the students to start a movement. When no sign of it was visible in spite of pressure, threats and persuasion, Sheikh Hasina angrily went away to her birth place at Tungipara. There she stayed for quite a few days. In the course of her stay, one day a few elderly gentlemen from Tungipara village including Sheikh-Bari (ancestral home of Sheikh Hasina where other share-holders also lived) came and met Sheikh Hasina. They told her that a coconut tree had been causing damage to a Mosque that was constructed by other share-holders of Sheikh-Bari. They proposed felling of the tree. Sheikh Hasina's prompt response was, "No, my tree cannot be cut down. If needed, remove the Mosque. The elderly people then entreated Sheikh Hasina to permit felling of the tree which had grown up close to the wall and the roof of the Mosque, with the plea that the removal of a Mosque was forbidden in the Holy Quran. Sheikh Hasina responded by saying - Close down this Mosque. I will have a bigger Mosque constructed."
 
The respectable elderly people said that the tree would hit the wall and the root of the Mosque even if mild wind blew. If this continued then the roof and the wall of the Mosque would be damaged. Sheikh Hasina said - "Let it be damaged. It does not bother me at all. I will not permit felling of the coconut tree even if you keep weeping for years."
 
THE ELECTIONS OF 1986
 
After the killing of the Student League leaders Selim and Delawar on February 28, 1984, Sheikh Hasina tried her very best of instigate the students.
 
At that time a secret meeting was held between the leader Sheikh Hasina and Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, the then Director General of the Defense Forces Intelligence (DGFI) at the Gulshan residence of a business man, one S.I. Chowdhury. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, on behalf of General Ershad, personally requested Sheikh Hasina to participate in the elections and promised to bear all the cost involved in the participation. Sheikh Hasina, as a part of the movement (against Ershad), responded favorably to the proposal. Under the circumstances, the difference of views between Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, due to the efforts of the left leaning leaders, particularly of the General Secretary of the Communist Party late Comrade Farhad, was reduced to this strategy that no one, other than the two leaders, (Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina) would stand in the Parliamentary elections. The leftist leaders proposed that both Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina would contest in 150 Parliamentary seats each, and all others should ensure the victory of the leaders in all the 300 seats. Thus, the military autocrat General Ershad could be removed from power through elections in a democratic manner. And this would not create any disunity or division among the political parties.
 
Keeping the removal of Ershad in view. Beguin Khaleda Zia agreed to the proposal. Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina held a short face - to - face meeting. But, Ershad came to know about the secret election strategy of the two leaders through the businessman S. I. Chowdhury. Ershad then issued a Presidential Ordinance forbidding participation of a candidate in more than five parliamentary seats.
 
As a result, the strategy of the two leaders to contest elections on the basis of 150 seats each formula" was frustrated. Begum Zia went back to her original position of mobilizing people for the movement against Ershad without falling into his election trap. There was however a meeting between Sheikh Hasina and DGFI Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan at the residence of S. I. Chowdhury. At that meeting, it was demanded that three times the sum, which had originally been agreed as the election cost, should now be paid for participating in the elections. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, DGFI asked for an hour's time and left. The daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangabandhu Bhavan. After about two hours, the businessman S.I.
 
Chowdhury came to Road 32 with two microbuses. He talked to Sheikh Hasina for about a minute or so, and then nine sealed new sacks were brought out from the microbuses and carried to the master bathroom located in the lower floor of Bangabandhu Bhavan, between the library and the bedroom.
 
After that Sheikh Hasina instructed that a Press conference be organized and Awame League central leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain be urgently asked to come to Bangabandhu Bhavan.
 
Dr. Kamal Hossain and other leaders who could be contacted over telephone were summoned to Bangahandhu Bhaban. Different newspaper offices were contacted and journalists were asked to attend an urgent press conference, the purpose of which was not disclosed to them. Neither the journalists nor the leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain had any knowledge about the objective of the press conference. Only four people knew about it: (I) Sheikh Hasina, (2) S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, (3j Brig. Mabmudul Hasan, the D.G.F.I. and (4) Chief Martial Law Administrator and the president, General Hussain Mohammad Ershad.
 
Although it was late at night, many newspapermen arrived at 32, Dhanmondi. Sheikh Hasina told the leaders her decision to participate in the election to be organized by Ershad. The leaders were of the view that while the election was desirable, the matter needed future consultation and a decision could then be taken.
 
Sheikh Hasina said: "we have no time. The decision should be made quickly. We have to go to the election bypassing Khaieda Zia and her party. There is no need to have a long discussion on this. The newspapermen are waiting outside. We have to announce our decision right now." Without further discussion she walked into the room where the journalists were waiting and made the announcement about her participation in the election.
 
The following day a large steel almirah (6'X3' was brought in. Several bags containing currency notes of Tk. 500 denomination which, had been received earlier were brought out from the bathroom. The bags were opened and wads of notes were stacked up in the steel cabinet. Notes that could not be kept there for want of space were removed to some other place.
 
Thus, began the 1986 election campaign. The nation became divided into two factions. One, led by Sheikh Hasina associated itself with the election to be manipulated by Ershad. The other group, at the call of Khaleda Zia directed its activities to frustrating the fake election and working for the fall of Ershad.
 
Sheikh Hasina declared to the party workers that Awami League would return to power through this election and that they should organize the campaign with all their might. Though such statements had little impact on the general masses, the Awami League workers began their activities seriously and created a kind of election atmosphere throughout the country.
 
About the same time there were parallel developments in the Philippines. Mrs. Corazon Aqino, was leading the popular movement against the dictator Marcus. The developments in the Philippines had drawn attention of the entire world. In Bangladesh, everybody was observing the situation in the Philippines with great interest.
 
At the final election meeting of Sheikh Hasina, speeches were being made. Suddenly the speeches stopped. It was announced that Marcos had fled the country. The people burst into cheers as if Ershad himself had fled the country and Sheikh Hasina had come to power. The developments in the Philippines gave a sense of direction to the political activists in Bangladesh.
 
After two days the election was held. Ershad, like Marcos was declared elected. Sheikh Hasina also declared herself elected. Both summoned the parliament. Ershad's Parliament held its session in the assembly house. Sheikh Hasina's parliamentary sessions began to be held on the stairs of the Parliament Building. It went on like this for several days.
 
One day in the evening, S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, arrived 32, Dhanmondi, with three microbuses. Sheikh Hasina ran to the Microbus to meet him. Chowdhury off-loaded thirteen stuffed jute sacks, which were taken to a pre-selected place (bathroom?). The leader requested S. I. Chowdhury to have tea with her. But Chowdhury said that he was busy and left in a hurry.
 
It was estimated that the money she had received before announcing participation in the election was Tk. Ten Crores brought in nine jute bags. Now, after the announcement, a fresh amount of Tk. Fifteen Crores was brought in thirteen bags. The people expected that Sheikh
 
Hasina, like Mrs. Corazon Aquino of the Philippines, would remain uncompromising and call for a popular movement for the fall of the dictator Ershad. In the face of the people's determination the army and the tanks would be of no avail. Ershad would flee the country. But no, this was not to be. She gave a damn to people's wishes. Quietly, she joined the Parliament of Ershad and became the Honourable Leader of the 'opposition'. The country could not rid itself of the autocrat. On the contrary. Ershad became more powerful through the manipulated election of '86 and strengthened his stranglehold on the people.
 
SUCH A LARGE FIELD
 
On a certain day Sheikh Hasina arrived at her ancestral village, Tungibari, in a Nissan Patrol. In the following morning the teachers of the local primary school invited her to visit the school. She accepted the invitation. A dirt road led to the school. After walking for about a mile, the school could be seen from a distance. It consisted of three large iron sheet structures, with a large field in the middle. Two of the structures were in a state of dilapidation. One, probably built in more recent years, was in better condition. It was clear that there was none to look after the maintenance of the school. A large number of boys of different age groups, their number varying between five and seven hundred, had assembled in rows and were shouting: 'victory to Sheikh Hasina, victory to Bangabandhu'. Virtually none of them had shirts to cover their bodies. Some even did not have pants and stood naked. The sight of her ancestral village was depressing — the dilapidated school, seven hundred boys and children with little clothes on. How will they sustain themselves when they grow older? These were disturbing thoughts that crossed my mind. I was waiting to hear what Sheikh Hasina had to say.
 
There was an old table, a chair, and a microphone in one corner of the field. Slowly she moved towards the table and straightway began to speak over the microphone. She did not talk about the school and its state of disrepair, about the naked children and about their future. She expressed her amazement at the large size of the field. "School children in the urban areas cannot think of such a large field." she said. She urged the audience to plant trees in the field. A member of her entourage offered the suggestion of planting guava trees. Sheikh Hasina promptly took the suggestion: 'Yes, plant guava trees. The children can eat the fruits'.
 
On one side of the political scenario was Ershad, the military dictator and Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the opposition in the rubber stamp parliament. On the other side. Khaleda Zia, a
 
housewife, assuming an uncompromising stand, was organizing, single handed, a movement (for the fall of the autocratic regime) and for this purpose, she was building her party, BNP, on a strong footing.
 
THE PLAY ACTING OF POLITICAL MOVEMENT
 
The rider of the motor cycle (i.e. the author) thought, that a single handed effort by Khaleda Zia and her party would not produce the desired result. He inquired of the leader of her sincerity about the movement. She answered: "whatever program Khaleda announces, I will give a similar program. This will create an impression that we are in the anti-Ershad movement. The Awami League workers should do the play-acting, but never seriously get involved in the movement. In other words, the movement should be stabbed at the back. Khaleda Zia must go back home with failures so that she does not think of politics ever again." However, the Awami League workers at the field level were so keen on the fall of Ershad that her design had little effect. The workers began to play a positive role in the movement. When the workers were told that they were acting contrary to the wishes of Sheikh Hasina, they wanted to hear her instructions directly from her. It was not possible for Sheikh Hasina to come out in the open. So no clear and open statement was made.
 
As a result, Khaleda Zia gave leadership to the movement and Awami League workers were shedding their blood.
 
DISSOLUTION OF '86 PARLIAMENT
 
On the 10th of November, 1987, Nur Hussain an Awami Youth League activist was killed when the police fired on a protest rally. Nur Hussain was carrying banners on his body. The banners had the following inscriptions: "Down with Autocracy", 'Let Democracy be Unchained." These words were widely broadcast home and abroad though the news media.
 
Ershad became very unhappy. As the Awami League workers were playing a positive role in the movement, he misunderstood Sheikh Hasina and thought that she in fact had set her workers against him: "You take my money, eat off my hand, amid then be a traitor to me. I have made you (Hasina) the leader of the opposition with rank of a minister and with lots of facilities. I have
 
allowed you to share powers with me in the administration of the country. And then you turn traitor."
 
Sheikh Hasina, S.I. Chowdhury the businessman, and Mahmudul Hasan. D.G. Forces Intelligence tried to reason with Ershad and explain Hasina's strategy of stabbing the movement at the back. But Ershad remained unconvinced. He held that Hasina should publicly support him. Otherwise, he would not keep her as the leader of the opposition. He would even dissolve the parliament.
 
When Sheikh Hasina. owing to tactical reasons, expressed her inability to openly extend support to Ershad, the latter in 1988, dissolved the two-year old parliament. Through another bout of election skullduggery, he created a new parliament. ASM Rab of J.S.D., (presently a minister in Sheikh Hasina's cabinet) became the leader of the opposition in the new parliament.
 
THE FALL OF ERSHAD AND THE CARETAKER GOVERNMENT
 
Khaleda Zia established herself as the uncompromising leader of the people in their struggle against autocracy. The people were ready to make supreme sacrifices for the fall of Ershad. As the situation was turning against Sheikh Hasina, she had no option other than aligning herself with the movement led by Khaleda Zia.
 
There were meetings on organizing movements under the two leaders. The political movement now reached a new height. Ershad called the army and clamped curfew. But these were of no use in the face of the determination of the people united in a common cause. All the tactics of the autocrat Ershad began to fail.
 
Ershad started spending millions of taka to buy the student leaders. He released many convicts from the jails and armed them to put down the movement. One such criminal shot and killed Dr. Milan on the 27th of November. The movement now spread like wildfire. The curfew as well as the general strikes for indefinite periods brought to a halt all activities. The only activities that went on unabated, were street processions, firing of tear gas shells and lethal bullets.
 
ROLE OF THE ARMY IN THE FALL OF ERSHAD
 
High ranking Army officers prevailed on the Army Chief Lt. General Nuruddin Khan (at present Minister in Sheikh Hasina's Government) to hold a secret meeting with the senior officers. A decision was taken in that meeting that no support would be given to General Ershad any more. When the responsibility to communicate this decision to General Ershad was given to Lt. General Nuruddin Khan, he expressed his inability to do so. Then G.O.C. of 9 Division (Savar Cantonment) Major General Abdus Salam (at present Awami League M.P. and Chairman of Red Crescent Society)1 took the responsibility to communicate the decision of the meeting to General Ershad. From the meeting he straightway went to Dhaka Cantonment and informed clearly General Ershad of the decision of the senior army officers not to give support to him any longer. The autocrat completely broke down. Soon after that he decided to resign. In order to restore civilian administration following the resignation, Vice President Barrister Moudud Ahmed resigned first and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was appointed the Vice President. After that President General Ershad submitted his resignation to the Vice President. As the president had resigned, vice president Shahabuddin Ahmed became the Acting President. The caretaker Government under his leadership held election of Jatiya Sangsad (Parliament) on February 27, 1991. In the history of Bangladesh for the first time all the political parties took part spontaneously in a free, fair election to the parliament under the caretaker Government. Election Process was proceeding in full swing. All the parties participating in the election had finalized the nomination of their candidates. People of the country also for the first time would get an opportunity to cast their votes in a free, fair and impartial election. Election campaign was going on widely throughout the whole country. Posters and graffiti covered the walls in all places. Processions and meetings were being held day in and day out. There would be severe competition mainly between the two parties - B.N.P. and Awami League. It was difficult to say at what place, which of these two parties would win. At this time the Bangabandhu's daughter Awami League President Sheikh Hasina said in a press conference that BNP would not get more than ten seats.
 
At the schools and colleges, offices and courts, homes and outside, every where election propaganda was going on. On February 10, a closed-door meeting took place in a room at 32 Dhanmondi. The meeting was in connection with the election. In the deliberations of the meeting
 
1 There is some contusion of identity. It was actually Major General Salam. the then Chief of Staff (COS) of the Army. (Translator)
 
the motorcycle rider (author) argued with reason that this time Awami League would not go to power. In the February election Awami League would be defeated and Sheikh Hasina will lose in both the seats in Dhaka.
 
Rabiul Alam Chowdhury (now Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's P.S. Muktadir Chowdhury) who was present in the meeting was furious and said: "You fellow, why do you think that Awami League will not go to power? Awami League is already in power. Look, the Home Secretary, Establishment Secretary, Foreign Secretary are sitting in the other room. In the room on the opposite side Inspector General of police is waiting. A little earlier Army Chief General Nuruddin Khan had come. Even then you say that Awami League will not go to power and Sheikh Hasina will not become Prime Minister?'
 
The author said, "in spite of so many Secretaries sitting and police Chief and Army Chief paying their respects, there is little chance for Awami League winning February election."
 
The moment these words were uttered Bnagahandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina said in angry voice - "you get out right now. Don't come again."
 
While going out the author said "Leader, when you have asked me to get out, I must comply. You yourself will understand after a few days what I have said."
 
On February 27, 1991 not only in the election history of Banagladesh, but also in that of the Sub-continent an unprecedented example of free and fair election was set. The people, male and female, exercised their voting rights without fear in a festive mood. After the counting of the votes was over, it was clear that Awami League had been defeated. In both the seats in Dhaka People's Leader Sheikh Hasina was defeated by a large margin of votes. Begum Khaleda Zia and her party B.N.P. became the winner. Rejecting the results, Sheikh Hasina said, "that there was subtle rigging in the election. I do not accept this result and if Begum Zia forms the Government, I shall not allow her to be in peace for a single moment."
 
DRAMA ABOUT RESIGNATION
 
All of a sudden Shaikh Hasina announced to the journalists that she had resigned as the President of the Awami League. It created a great stir in all relevant quarters. The leaders of the Central Committee of the Awami League were stunned. The office bearers in the Central Office were stupefied. Without any indication or discussion with any one Shaikh Hasina declared that she had resigned. But, to whom did she submit her latter of resignation? Where was her letter of resignation? There was no resignation letter with any official at the Central Office. She did not even resign in a meeting of the Central Working Committee. There was plenty of speculation in and outside the Party about the resignation of Shaikh Hasina. Some were saying that she had not resigned. Some others said that she indeed had done so as she herself had announced her resignation.
 
While these speculations were going around, Shaikh Hasina issued instructions to all Students League and Youth League workers to hold meetings, processions and also organize fasting till death with the demand for Shaikh Hasina withdrawing her resignation. But as workers of Student League and Youth League did not respond positively and since the newspapers created a great commotion, Shaikh Hasina requested Sajeda Chowdhury, the Secretary General of the Party (at present Shaikh Hasina's Minister of Forests and Environment), to announce that she had torn the letter of resignation. In response, Sajeda Chowdhury promptly complied and made the announcement. The curtain was finally drawn on the drama of resignation.
 
The rider of motor cycle (the author) returned to Shaikh Hasina, who received him warmly and restored to him the responsibility and status as her personal adviser. He advised Shaikh Hasina to wait patiently and not to make untoward comments about the recently concluded election and the new government.
 
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATURE AGAINST MONEY
 
Before the election to the post of the President in place of the one heading the caretaker government Justice Shahahuddin Ahmed, Shaikh Hasina nominated Haji Makbul Hossain (at present Awami League MP from Dhanmandi-Mohammadpur constituency and President of
 
Mohammadpur Thana Awami League) in exchange for a payment of Taka 30 lacs (3 million). However, Ershad and his Jatiya Party put up the candidature of the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Justice Badrul Haider Chowdhury. As many people advised Shaikh Hasina that if Haji Maqhul became the presidential candidate from the Awami League, the latter's image would he tarnished and, it would be desirable to put up Jusice Badrul Haider Chowdhury's candidature jointly. She finally agreed. She called Justice Chowdhury to her house at Road 32 and after some discussion asked him to meet and obtain the blessings of Professor Golam Azam, Amir of ]amaat-e-lslami, a war criminal and murderer during the liberation war.
 
Haji Maqbul Hossain however was hesitating in with drawing his candidature, in spite of instructions given by Shaikh Hasina to do so. At one stage, he refused to withdraw his candidature without getting the refund of Taka 30 lacs paid to Shaikh Hasina. She called him, almost forcibly brought him, to her house at Road No. 32 and asked him angrily if he was fit to be a Presidential candidate.
 
Then she said, "By nominating you as Awami League's candidate for presidential election I had given you a rare honour. Is not this enough for you? It is certain that you will not win the election for president. Now, remain silent"
 
Haji Makbul was not happy. Sheikh Hasina said, I will remember what you have done for me. I will compensate you in the future. Now show your loyalty to me. Haji Makbul complied.
 
JAHANARA IMAM AND SHAIKH HASINA
 
Begum Khaleda Zia was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and Shaikh Hasina the Leader of the Opposition. Instead of co-operation and friendship, great enmity developed between the two, which became increasingly more intense.
 
At this time, anti-liberation forces and fundamentalist political party, Jamaat-e-lslami, made the war criminal and murderer, Golam Azam their Amir or the chief of the party. In protest, Jahanara Imam, the mother of a martyr established a national coordination committee called the Committee for the Realization of the Spirit of Liberation War and Elimination of Murderers and Agents on February II, 1992 and started a movement. There was widespread acceptance of this movement. When the new generation of people started participating in the program of Jahanara
 
Imam with great faith and enthusiasm, Shaikh Hasina began to feel uneasy and became agitated. She continued to say that Jahanara Imam had opened up a new shop and started a new business in order to become a leader. Jahanara Imam can not run a business and that is why she opened up a new business exploiting name of the liberation war."
 
The rider of motor cycle (author) said to Shaikh Hasina, "What are you talking about? The entire nation knew well that Jahanara Imam was the Shahid's mother. Her son, Rumi, became a martyr during the liberation war. She is a martyr's mother."
 
Shaikh Hasina got excited and said, "Stop talking about martyr's mother. What type of martyr's mother was she'? Her son Rumi got killed by his own shots fired while engaged in plundering. Her husband used to provide supplies to the Army during the war in 1971. The motor cycle rider pointed out that if one talked such things to the people, it would be counter productive.
 
The daughter of Bangabondhu replied, 'that is why I have been enduring all these things and not breathing a word. I am now saying something which you should convey to the people. They (Jahanara Imam) used to Live in the first house on the right of Road 32 in a 2-stovey building. It was the first house east of our house (Bangabandhui Hiuse). The Pakistani Army used to guard Jahanara Imam and her family. Jahanara Imam's husband used to manage supplies to the Pakistan Army; They amassed huge fortune at that time. And now they have come here to realize the spirit of the liberation war! In fact, she has come here to seize my leadership. As I was defeated in the election, .Jahanara Imam, in clandestine collaboration with Khaleda Zia, has been thinking of becoming a leader of the people. That is why she has been talking about the trial of Golam Azam, trial of war criminals, realization of the spirit of liberation war, and so on. You should all beware of her and caution everyone about her. No one should get into the trap of Jahanara lmam."
 
The author inquired of Shaikh Hasina if she would attend the function and participate in the program of Jahanara Imam. Bangabandhu's daughter replied, "It does not matter whether I go or not, but you all must not attend those functions. Don't you understand I have to go to many places against my wish. I may have to go to the program of Jahanara Imam for tactical reasons, but you all must not go.
 
 
UNCIVILIZED UNPATRIOTIC FORCE
 
On May 3, 1984, in the late afternoon, Sheikh Hasina was chatting with a few people at Bangabandhu Bhaban. In the course of discussions the topic of liberation war and Pakistan Army came up. Also came up for discussion the subject of Bangladesh Army, which emerged through the war of liberation.
 
The leader Sheikh Hasina commented about Bangladesh Army, "is it an Army? It is a barbaric Force composed of ill-disciplined, greedy, unruly and blood-thirsty men. This Army has no sense of loyalty, no discipline, no patriotism. They are disobedient and beneft of any humane attitude. Talk about the Pakistan Army. You will not find such a gentle, civil, polite, courteous and loyal Army in the whole world. They really are so decent and modest."
 
"They came in the night of March 25 and saluted my father, (Sheikh Mujib) my mother and even me. Then they said to my father; "sir, we have come only to provide security to you. You can go wherever you want, wherever you please. Anyone can come and meet you. We will only ensure your security. If you go out we will accompany you to provide security. We will search an incoming guest properly before we let him in. Really, whatever the Pakistani Army did was meant for our security. On the twenty-sixth of March when Abba (Sheikh Mujib) was taken away by the Pakistan Army, General Tikka Khan himself came, saluted my father and my mother. He kept standing and courteously told my father (Sheikh Mujib) — Sir, Yahya Khan has asked us to take you for consultations. I have come here to take you. A special flight is ready for you. Please get ready, and if you so wish you can take anyone, including the Madam (Begum Mujib). Abba consulted my mother and went away alone. As long as the Pakistan Army performed their duty, they came and saluted us first.
 
"Not only that. When my paternal grandmother had some fever, the Pakistanis got her transported by a helicopter from Tungipara to Dhaka for treatment at the PG. Hospital. When I
 
was expecting Joy (Hasina's son), I was taken every week to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) for medical checkup. I was admitted to the CMH a month before Joy was born. When he was born in 1971, the Pakistan Army personnel distributed sweets. All the cost associated with the birth of Joy was borne by the Pakistan Army. We went wherever we wanted to go. The Pakistanis accompanied us in two jeeps. They guarded us to provide security.
 
And the Bangladesh Army! These animals, these inhuman brutes killed my father, my mother and all my brothers. I wish their destruction."
 
REMOVE THE MOSQUE
 
From the beginning of 1985, Sheikh Hasina, again tried to provoke the students to start a movement. When no sign of it was visible in spite of pressure, threats and persuasion, Sheikh Hasina angrily went away to her birth place at Tungipara. There she stayed for quite a few days. In the course of her stay, one day a few elderly gentlemen from Tungipara village including Sheikh-Bari (ancestral home of Sheikh Hasina where other share-holders also lived) came and met Sheikh Hasina. They told her that a coconut tree had been causing damage to a Mosque that was constructed by other share-holders of Sheikh-Bari. They proposed felling of the tree. Sheikh Hasina's prompt response was, "No, my tree cannot be cut down. If needed, remove the Mosque. The elderly people then entreated Sheikh Hasina to permit felling of the tree which had grown up close to the wall and the roof of the Mosque, with the plea that the removal of a Mosque was forbidden in the Holy Quran. Sheikh Hasina responded by saying - Close down this Mosque. I will have a bigger Mosque constructed."
 
The respectable elderly people said that the tree would hit the wall and the root of the Mosque even if mild wind blew. If this continued then the roof and the wall of the Mosque would be damaged. Sheikh Hasina said - "Let it be damaged. It does not bother me at all. I will not permit felling of the coconut tree even if you keep weeping for years."
 
THE ELECTIONS OF 1986
 
After the killing of the Student League leaders Selim and Delawar on February 28, 1984, Sheikh Hasina tried her very best of instigate the students.
 
At that time a secret meeting was held between the leader Sheikh Hasina and Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, the then Director General of the Defense Forces Intelligence (DGFI) at the Gulshan residence of a business man, one S.I. Chowdhury. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, on behalf of General Ershad, personally requested Sheikh Hasina to participate in the elections and promised to bear all the cost involved in the participation. Sheikh Hasina, as a part of the movement (against Ershad), responded favorably to the proposal. Under the circumstances, the difference of views between Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, due to the efforts of the left leaning leaders, particularly of the General Secretary of the Communist Party late Comrade Farhad, was reduced to this strategy that no one, other than the two leaders, (Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina) would stand in the Parliamentary elections. The leftist leaders proposed that both Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina would contest in 150 Parliamentary seats each, and all others should ensure the victory of the leaders in all the 300 seats. Thus, the military autocrat General Ershad could be removed from power through elections in a democratic manner. And this would not create any disunity or division among the political parties.
 
Keeping the removal of Ershad in view. Beguin Khaleda Zia agreed to the proposal. Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina held a short face - to - face meeting. But, Ershad came to know about the secret election strategy of the two leaders through the businessman S. I. Chowdhury. Ershad then issued a Presidential Ordinance forbidding participation of a candidate in more than five parliamentary seats.
 
As a result, the strategy of the two leaders to contest elections on the basis of 150 seats each formula" was frustrated. Begum Zia went back to her original position of mobilizing people for the movement against Ershad without falling into his election trap. There was however a meeting between Sheikh Hasina and DGFI Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan at the residence of S. I. Chowdhury. At that meeting, it was demanded that three times the sum, which had originally been agreed as the election cost, should now be paid for participating in the elections. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, DGFI asked for an hour's time and left. The daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangabandhu Bhavan. After about two hours, the businessman S.I.
 
Chowdhury came to Road 32 with two microbuses. He talked to Sheikh Hasina for about a minute or so, and then nine sealed new sacks were brought out from the microbuses and carried to the master bathroom located in the lower floor of Bangabandhu Bhavan, between the library and the bedroom.
 
After that Sheikh Hasina instructed that a Press conference be organized and Awame League central leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain be urgently asked to come to Bangabandhu Bhavan.
 
Dr. Kamal Hossain and other leaders who could be contacted over telephone were summoned to Bangahandhu Bhaban. Different newspaper offices were contacted and journalists were asked to attend an urgent press conference, the purpose of which was not disclosed to them. Neither the journalists nor the leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain had any knowledge about the objective of the press conference. Only four people knew about it: (I) Sheikh Hasina, (2) S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, (3j Brig. Mabmudul Hasan, the D.G.F.I. and (4) Chief Martial Law Administrator and the president, General Hussain Mohammad Ershad.
 
Although it was late at night, many newspapermen arrived at 32, Dhanmondi. Sheikh Hasina told the leaders her decision to participate in the election to be organized by Ershad. The leaders were of the view that while the election was desirable, the matter needed future consultation and a decision could then be taken.
 
Sheikh Hasina said: "we have no time. The decision should be made quickly. We have to go to the election bypassing Khaieda Zia and her party. There is no need to have a long discussion on this. The newspapermen are waiting outside. We have to announce our decision right now." Without further discussion she walked into the room where the journalists were waiting and made the announcement about her participation in the election.
 
The following day a large steel almirah (6'X3' was brought in. Several bags containing currency notes of Tk. 500 denomination which, had been received earlier were brought out from the bathroom. The bags were opened and wads of notes were stacked up in the steel cabinet. Notes that could not be kept there for want of space were removed to some other place.
 
Thus, began the 1986 election campaign. The nation became divided into two factions. One, led by Sheikh Hasina associated itself with the election to be manipulated by Ershad. The other group, at the call of Khaleda Zia directed its activities to frustrating the fake election and working for the fall of Ershad.
 
Sheikh Hasina declared to the party workers that Awami League would return to power through this election and that they should organize the campaign with all their might. Though such statements had little impact on the general masses, the Awami League workers began their activities seriously and created a kind of election atmosphere throughout the country.
 
About the same time there were parallel developments in the Philippines. Mrs. Corazon Aqino, was leading the popular movement against the dictator Marcus. The developments in the Philippines had drawn attention of the entire world. In Bangladesh, everybody was observing the situation in the Philippines with great interest.
 
At the final election meeting of Sheikh Hasina, speeches were being made. Suddenly the speeches stopped. It was announced that Marcos had fled the country. The people burst into cheers as if Ershad himself had fled the country and Sheikh Hasina had come to power. The developments in the Philippines gave a sense of direction to the political activists in Bangladesh.
 
After two days the election was held. Ershad, like Marcos was declared elected. Sheikh Hasina also declared herself elected. Both summoned the parliament. Ershad's Parliament held its session in the assembly house. Sheikh Hasina's parliamentary sessions began to be held on the stairs of the Parliament Building. It went on like this for several days.
 
One day in the evening, S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, arrived 32, Dhanmondi, with three microbuses. Sheikh Hasina ran to the Microbus to meet him. Chowdhury off-loaded thirteen stuffed jute sacks, which were taken to a pre-selected place (bathroom?). The leader requested S. I. Chowdhury to have tea with her. But Chowdhury said that he was busy and left in a hurry.
 
It was estimated that the money she had received before announcing participation in the election was Tk. Ten Crores brought in nine jute bags. Now, after the announcement, a fresh amount of Tk. Fifteen Crores was brought in thirteen bags. The people expected that Sheikh
 
Hasina, like Mrs. Corazon Aquino of the Philippines, would remain uncompromising and call for a popular movement for the fall of the dictator Ershad. In the face of the people's determination the army and the tanks would be of no avail. Ershad would flee the country. But no, this was not to be. She gave a damn to people's wishes. Quietly, she joined the Parliament of Ershad and became the Honourable Leader of the 'opposition'. The country could not rid itself of the autocrat. On the contrary. Ershad became more powerful through the manipulated election of '86 and strengthened his stranglehold on the people.
 
SUCH A LARGE FIELD
 
On a certain day Sheikh Hasina arrived at her ancestral village, Tungibari, in a Nissan Patrol. In the following morning the teachers of the local primary school invited her to visit the school. She accepted the invitation. A dirt road led to the school. After walking for about a mile, the school could be seen from a distance. It consisted of three large iron sheet structures, with a large field in the middle. Two of the structures were in a state of dilapidation. One, probably built in more recent years, was in better condition. It was clear that there was none to look after the maintenance of the school. A large number of boys of different age groups, their number varying between five and seven hundred, had assembled in rows and were shouting: 'victory to Sheikh Hasina, victory to Bangabandhu'. Virtually none of them had shirts to cover their bodies. Some even did not have pants and stood naked. The sight of her ancestral village was depressing — the dilapidated school, seven hundred boys and children with little clothes on. How will they sustain themselves when they grow older? These were disturbing thoughts that crossed my mind. I was waiting to hear what Sheikh Hasina had to say.
 
There was an old table, a chair, and a microphone in one corner of the field. Slowly she moved towards the table and straightway began to speak over the microphone. She did not talk about the school and its state of disrepair, about the naked children and about their future. She expressed her amazement at the large size of the field. "School children in the urban areas cannot think of such a large field." she said. She urged the audience to plant trees in the field. A member of her entourage offered the suggestion of planting guava trees. Sheikh Hasina promptly took the suggestion: 'Yes, plant guava trees. The children can eat the fruits'.
 
On one side of the political scenario was Ershad, the military dictator and Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the opposition in the rubber stamp parliament. On the other side. Khaleda Zia, a
 
housewife, assuming an uncompromising stand, was organizing, single handed, a movement (for the fall of the autocratic regime) and for this purpose, she was building her party, BNP, on a strong footing.
 
THE PLAY ACTING OF POLITICAL MOVEMENT
 
The rider of the motor cycle (i.e. the author) thought, that a single handed effort by Khaleda Zia and her party would not produce the desired result. He inquired of the leader of her sincerity about the movement. She answered: "whatever program Khaleda announces, I will give a similar program. This will create an impression that we are in the anti-Ershad movement. The Awami League workers should do the play-acting, but never seriously get involved in the movement. In other words, the movement should be stabbed at the back. Khaleda Zia must go back home with failures so that she does not think of politics ever again." However, the Awami League workers at the field level were so keen on the fall of Ershad that her design had little effect. The workers began to play a positive role in the movement. When the workers were told that they were acting contrary to the wishes of Sheikh Hasina, they wanted to hear her instructions directly from her. It was not possible for Sheikh Hasina to come out in the open. So no clear and open statement was made.
 
As a result, Khaleda Zia gave leadership to the movement and Awami League workers were shedding their blood.
 
DISSOLUTION OF '86 PARLIAMENT
 
On the 10th of November, 1987, Nur Hussain an Awami Youth League activist was killed when the police fired on a protest rally. Nur Hussain was carrying banners on his body. The banners had the following inscriptions: "Down with Autocracy", 'Let Democracy be Unchained." These words were widely broadcast home and abroad though the news media.
 
Ershad became very unhappy. As the Awami League workers were playing a positive role in the movement, he misunderstood Sheikh Hasina and thought that she in fact had set her workers against him: "You take my money, eat off my hand, amid then be a traitor to me. I have made you (Hasina) the leader of the opposition with rank of a minister and with lots of facilities. I have
 
allowed you to share powers with me in the administration of the country. And then you turn traitor."
 
Sheikh Hasina, S.I. Chowdhury the businessman, and Mahmudul Hasan. D.G. Forces Intelligence tried to reason with Ershad and explain Hasina's strategy of stabbing the movement at the back. But Ershad remained unconvinced. He held that Hasina should publicly support him. Otherwise, he would not keep her as the leader of the opposition. He would even dissolve the parliament.
 
When Sheikh Hasina. owing to tactical reasons, expressed her inability to openly extend support to Ershad, the latter in 1988, dissolved the two-year old parliament. Through another bout of election skullduggery, he created a new parliament. ASM Rab of J.S.D., (presently a minister in Sheikh Hasina's cabinet) became the leader of the opposition in the new parliament.
 
THE FALL OF ERSHAD AND THE CARETAKER GOVERNMENT
 
Khaleda Zia established herself as the uncompromising leader of the people in their struggle against autocracy. The people were ready to make supreme sacrifices for the fall of Ershad. As the situation was turning against Sheikh Hasina, she had no option other than aligning herself with the movement led by Khaleda Zia.
 
There were meetings on organizing movements under the two leaders. The political movement now reached a new height. Ershad called the army and clamped curfew. But these were of no use in the face of the determination of the people united in a common cause. All the tactics of the autocrat Ershad began to fail.
 
Ershad started spending millions of taka to buy the student leaders. He released many convicts from the jails and armed them to put down the movement. One such criminal shot and killed Dr. Milan on the 27th of November. The movement now spread like wildfire. The curfew as well as the general strikes for indefinite periods brought to a halt all activities. The only activities that went on unabated, were street processions, firing of tear gas shells and lethal bullets.
 
ROLE OF THE ARMY IN THE FALL OF ERSHAD
 
High ranking Army officers prevailed on the Army Chief Lt. General Nuruddin Khan (at present Minister in Sheikh Hasina's Government) to hold a secret meeting with the senior officers. A decision was taken in that meeting that no support would be given to General Ershad any more. When the responsibility to communicate this decision to General Ershad was given to Lt. General Nuruddin Khan, he expressed his inability to do so. Then G.O.C. of 9 Division (Savar Cantonment) Major General Abdus Salam (at present Awami League M.P. and Chairman of Red Crescent Society)1 took the responsibility to communicate the decision of the meeting to General Ershad. From the meeting he straightway went to Dhaka Cantonment and informed clearly General Ershad of the decision of the senior army officers not to give support to him any longer. The autocrat completely broke down. Soon after that he decided to resign. In order to restore civilian administration following the resignation, Vice President Barrister Moudud Ahmed resigned first and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was appointed the Vice President. After that President General Ershad submitted his resignation to the Vice President. As the president had resigned, vice president Shahabuddin Ahmed became the Acting President. The caretaker Government under his leadership held election of Jatiya Sangsad (Parliament) on February 27, 1991. In the history of Bangladesh for the first time all the political parties took part spontaneously in a free, fair election to the parliament under the caretaker Government. Election Process was proceeding in full swing. All the parties participating in the election had finalized the nomination of their candidates. People of the country also for the first time would get an opportunity to cast their votes in a free, fair and impartial election. Election campaign was going on widely throughout the whole country. Posters and graffiti covered the walls in all places. Processions and meetings were being held day in and day out. There would be severe competition mainly between the two parties - B.N.P. and Awami League. It was difficult to say at what place, which of these two parties would win. At this time the Bangabandhu's daughter Awami League President Sheikh Hasina said in a press conference that BNP would not get more than ten seats.
 
At the schools and colleges, offices and courts, homes and outside, every where election propaganda was going on. On February 10, a closed-door meeting took place in a room at 32 Dhanmondi. The meeting was in connection with the election. In the deliberations of the meeting
 
1 There is some contusion of identity. It was actually Major General Salam. the then Chief of Staff (COS) of the Army. (Translator)
 
the motorcycle rider (author) argued with reason that this time Awami League would not go to power. In the February election Awami League would be defeated and Sheikh Hasina will lose in both the seats in Dhaka.
 
Rabiul Alam Chowdhury (now Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's P.S. Muktadir Chowdhury) who was present in the meeting was furious and said: "You fellow, why do you think that Awami League will not go to power? Awami League is already in power. Look, the Home Secretary, Establishment Secretary, Foreign Secretary are sitting in the other room. In the room on the opposite side Inspector General of police is waiting. A little earlier Army Chief General Nuruddin Khan had come. Even then you say that Awami League will not go to power and Sheikh Hasina will not become Prime Minister?'
 
The author said, "in spite of so many Secretaries sitting and police Chief and Army Chief paying their respects, there is little chance for Awami League winning February election."
 
The moment these words were uttered Bnagahandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina said in angry voice - "you get out right now. Don't come again."
 
While going out the author said "Leader, when you have asked me to get out, I must comply. You yourself will understand after a few days what I have said."
 
On February 27, 1991 not only in the election history of Banagladesh, but also in that of the Sub-continent an unprecedented example of free and fair election was set. The people, male and female, exercised their voting rights without fear in a festive mood. After the counting of the votes was over, it was clear that Awami League had been defeated. In both the seats in Dhaka People's Leader Sheikh Hasina was defeated by a large margin of votes. Begum Khaleda Zia and her party B.N.P. became the winner. Rejecting the results, Sheikh Hasina said, "that there was subtle rigging in the election. I do not accept this result and if Begum Zia forms the Government, I shall not allow her to be in peace for a single moment."
 
DRAMA ABOUT RESIGNATION
 
All of a sudden Shaikh Hasina announced to the journalists that she had resigned as the President of the Awami League. It created a great stir in all relevant quarters. The leaders of the Central Committee of the Awami League were stunned. The office bearers in the Central Office were stupefied. Without any indication or discussion with any one Shaikh Hasina declared that she had resigned. But, to whom did she submit her latter of resignation? Where was her letter of resignation? There was no resignation letter with any official at the Central Office. She did not even resign in a meeting of the Central Working Committee. There was plenty of speculation in and outside the Party about the resignation of Shaikh Hasina. Some were saying that she had not resigned. Some others said that she indeed had done so as she herself had announced her resignation.
 
While these speculations were going around, Shaikh Hasina issued instructions to all Students League and Youth League workers to hold meetings, processions and also organize fasting till death with the demand for Shaikh Hasina withdrawing her resignation. But as workers of Student League and Youth League did not respond positively and since the newspapers created a great commotion, Shaikh Hasina requested Sajeda Chowdhury, the Secretary General of the Party (at present Shaikh Hasina's Minister of Forests and Environment), to announce that she had torn the letter of resignation. In response, Sajeda Chowdhury promptly complied and made the announcement. The curtain was finally drawn on the drama of resignation.
 
The rider of motor cycle (the author) returned to Shaikh Hasina, who received him warmly and restored to him the responsibility and status as her personal adviser. He advised Shaikh Hasina to wait patiently and not to make untoward comments about the recently concluded election and the new government.
 
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATURE AGAINST MONEY
 
Before the election to the post of the President in place of the one heading the caretaker government Justice Shahahuddin Ahmed, Shaikh Hasina nominated Haji Makbul Hossain (at present Awami League MP from Dhanmandi-Mohammadpur constituency and President of
 
Mohammadpur Thana Awami League) in exchange for a payment of Taka 30 lacs (3 million). However, Ershad and his Jatiya Party put up the candidature of the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Justice Badrul Haider Chowdhury. As many people advised Shaikh Hasina that if Haji Maqhul became the presidential candidate from the Awami League, the latter's image would he tarnished and, it would be desirable to put up Jusice Badrul Haider Chowdhury's candidature jointly. She finally agreed. She called Justice Chowdhury to her house at Road 32 and after some discussion asked him to meet and obtain the blessings of Professor Golam Azam, Amir of ]amaat-e-lslami, a war criminal and murderer during the liberation war.
 
Haji Maqbul Hossain however was hesitating in with drawing his candidature, in spite of instructions given by Shaikh Hasina to do so. At one stage, he refused to withdraw his candidature without getting the refund of Taka 30 lacs paid to Shaikh Hasina. She called him, almost forcibly brought him, to her house at Road No. 32 and asked him angrily if he was fit to be a Presidential candidate.
 
Then she said, "By nominating you as Awami League's candidate for presidential election I had given you a rare honour. Is not this enough for you? It is certain that you will not win the election for president. Now, remain silent"
 
Haji Makbul was not happy. Sheikh Hasina said, I will remember what you have done for me. I will compensate you in the future. Now show your loyalty to me. Haji Makbul complied.
 
JAHANARA IMAM AND SHAIKH HASINA
 
Begum Khaleda Zia was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and Shaikh Hasina the Leader of the Opposition. Instead of co-operation and friendship, great enmity developed between the two, which became increasingly more intense.
 
At this time, anti-liberation forces and fundamentalist political party, Jamaat-e-lslami, made the war criminal and murderer, Golam Azam their Amir or the chief of the party. In protest, Jahanara Imam, the mother of a martyr established a national coordination committee called the Committee for the Realization of the Spirit of Liberation War and Elimination of Murderers and Agents on February II, 1992 and started a movement. There was widespread acceptance of this movement. When the new generation of people started participating in the program of Jahanara
 
Imam with great faith and enthusiasm, Shaikh Hasina began to feel uneasy and became agitated. She continued to say that Jahanara Imam had opened up a new shop and started a new business in order to become a leader. Jahanara Imam can not run a business and that is why she opened up a new business exploiting name of the liberation war."
 
The rider of motor cycle (author) said to Shaikh Hasina, "What are you talking about? The entire nation knew well that Jahanara Imam was the Shahid's mother. Her son, Rumi, became a martyr during the liberation war. She is a martyr's mother."
 
Shaikh Hasina got excited and said, "Stop talking about martyr's mother. What type of martyr's mother was she'? Her son Rumi got killed by his own shots fired while engaged in plundering. Her husband used to provide supplies to the Army during the war in 1971. The motor cycle rider pointed out that if one talked such things to the people, it would be counter productive.
 
The daughter of Bangabondhu replied, 'that is why I have been enduring all these things and not breathing a word. I am now saying something which you should convey to the people. They (Jahanara Imam) used to Live in the first house on the right of Road 32 in a 2-stovey building. It was the first house east of our house (Bangabandhui Hiuse). The Pakistani Army used to guard Jahanara Imam and her family. Jahanara Imam's husband used to manage supplies to the Pakistan Army; They amassed huge fortune at that time. And now they have come here to realize the spirit of the liberation war! In fact, she has come here to seize my leadership. As I was defeated in the election, .Jahanara Imam, in clandestine collaboration with Khaleda Zia, has been thinking of becoming a leader of the people. That is why she has been talking about the trial of Golam Azam, trial of war criminals, realization of the spirit of liberation war, and so on. You should all beware of her and caution everyone about her. No one should get into the trap of Jahanara lmam."
 
The author inquired of Shaikh Hasina if she would attend the function and participate in the program of Jahanara Imam. Bangabandhu's daughter replied, "It does not matter whether I go or not, but you all must not attend those functions. Don't you understand I have to go to many places against my wish. I may have to go to the program of Jahanara Imam for tactical reasons, but you all must not go.
 
GHOLAM AZAM - SHEIKH HASINA PARLEY
 
Jahanara Imam the mother of a Marty of 1971, was the convener of the coordination Committee for Realization of the Ideals of the Liberation War and Elimination of the Killers and Collaborators (Ghatak-DaIal Nirmul Committee). She set up a mass tribunal for the trial' of the 1971 war criminals and collaborators including Gholam Azam. The tribunal, on the 26th of March, 1992, (Independence Day), awarded a death sentence to Gholam Azam. Jahanara lmam called upon the Government to implement the mass verdict and announced a program of public agitation on the issue.
 
Following this development a secret meeting was held between Gholam Azam and Sheikh Hasina at the residence of Sheikh Helaluddin at Indira Road. (Sheikh Helaluddin is the eldest son of Shiekh Naser, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib's only brother and thus a first cousin of Sheikh Hasina. Sheikh Helal is presently an Awaini League MP from Mollarhat-Fakirhat constituency of Bagerhat district). It was decided in the meeting that Gholam Azam and his party (Jamaat) would withdraw their support to BNP and instead co-operate with the movement to be organized by Awaini League to bring down Khaleda Zia's BNP Government. In return, Sheikh Hasina committed herself to sabotage the growing political agitation under Jahanara Imam. From then on a secret and close relationship began to develop between Gholam Azam and Sheikh Hasina.
 
1992-HINDU-MUSLIM RIOT
 
It was the first week of December, 1992. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Khaleda Zia was the current chairperson of the South Asian Agreement for co-operation (SAARC). The summit meeting of the seven SAARC member countries had been scheduled to be held in Dhaka. The date, time and place of the summit had all been slated. Begum Khaleda Zia as the chairperson was to inaugurate the conference. Quite a few Heads of Governments had already started arriving Dhaka. The Indian Prime Minister was expected any time. In the meantime, however, there was a serious outbreak of communal riots in India following the demolition of Babri Mosque. The leader of the opposition, Sheikh Hasina promptly summoned the rider of the motor-cycle' (i.e. the author) to her official residence at 29 Minto Road.
 
On reaching there, he learnt that Sheikh Hasina had left a message asking him to meet her at Bangabandhu Bhaban at Dhanmnondi. The author was taken to the library room of the Bhaban. The conversation that took place between Sheikh Hasina and the author is as follows:
 
Sheikh Hasina: Organize Hindu-Muslim riots throughout the country.
 
Author: (Surprised) No, this is not proper.
 
Sheikh Hasina: Don't think about what is right and what is wrong. I am asking you to organize the riot. Do it.
 
Author: I have gone to different areas of the city and asked the youth to be watchful and prevent any attack on the Hindus. Now you are asking me to organize communal riots'?
 
Sheikh Hasina: Yes.
 
Author: No my leader. It is unethical.
 
Sheikh Hasina: (Angry). Hell with your principles. I am your leader. Do what I ask you to do.
 
Author: I deeply respect your command. However, if there are attacks on the Hindus, they will certainly leave this country. Remember, they always vote for
 
Sheikh Hasina: The Hindus here have no place to go. You just do your job.
 
Author: (Unconvinced) If the Hindus leave for India. (following a large scale riot all over), there will be an influx of Muslims from India. They may be inclined to vote for BNP. Have you considered this point?
 
Sheikh Hasina: You fool. Don't you understand that a situation has to be created that will make the holding of SAARC conference impossible. The conference will be chaired by Khaleda Zia. The Indian Prime Minister, Narhsima Rao has not yet arrived. This is the time for starting a communal riot. (This will create a situation that will make the arrival of the Indian Prime Minister inopportune. The absence of the Indian Prime Minister will abort the SAARC Conference).
 
Besides, Jahanara Imam is getting popular and many of the Hindus are now behind her. She is increasingly becoming a threat to my leadership. She has to be cut down to size. The riot will kill two birds with one stone-SAARC aborted and Jahanara Imam cut to size.
 
The author was entrusted with the task of organizing communal riots in Dhaka. It was decided that telephones at 29 Minto Road and at Bangabandhu Bhaban would not be used for the purpose. Instead the telephone of Sheikh Hafizur Rabman, a cousin of Sheikh Hasina and the Secretary General of Bangabandhu Trust would be used to communicate instructions to outlying districts for organizing Hindu-Muslim riots. This was measure to prevent possible leakages of the plan. The government of Khaleda Zia should not get any scent of the plan thus hatched.
 
A number of thugs, goons and terrorists of the city were organized according to the plan of Shiekh Hasina and given Taka Five lacs in cash. They were assembled near Shivbari Temple east of Jagannath Hall in the University area. After distributing 100 Taka notes among them, they were told, "Muslims are being butchered in India, women violated, their property looted. Should we the Muslims of Bangladesh watch it in silence? Go, start your work,"
 
The thugs and looters immediately began to plunder the property of Shivbari Temple with great enthusiasm. The next targets were Dhakeshwari temple and Ramkrishna Mission. Both cash rewards and inflammatory speeches had their effects on the looters. The looting soon spread to Tantibazar, Shakharipatti, Banglabazar. Millharrack, Goshaibari. Narinda, and Islampur areas of the old city. Hindu shops were the main targets in the old city. Since the local agent provocateurs were known faces, inflammatory speeches could reveal the link between Awami League and the organization or the riot. Currency notes, rather than provocative speeches w~te more extensively used in the old city.
 
As the looting continued, Sheikh Hasina was contacted at 32 Dhanmondi after three to four hours of its commencement. She was informed of the successful execution of her plan. Jubilant Hasina praised the work of the author in the following words, "Good boy, you can deliver the goods. That's why I need you so much. I will have you elected as the member of the Parliament from Moksedpur-Kashiani constituency of Gopalgonj at the next election."
 
The riot spread to fresh areas. Narshima Rao did not arrive. SAARC summit was effectively sabotaged.
 
STOPPING FERRY BOATS
 
Sheikh Hasina was having midday day meal at the official residence at 29, Minto Road. I jointed in. She said, "I had not been to Tungipara2. Let's go their tomorrow. Ask Inland Water Transport Authority (IWTA) to make arrangement for special ferryboats."
 
I asked, "What route would you take my leader? Aricha or Mawa?
 
"Aricha route is a long one. Mawa is shorter. I will take the later route," she replied.
 
Now, Aricha route had only one ferry crossing (The service is supported by a large number of good ferryboats). Mawa route involved river crossings at three points each having a limited number of boats. Making arrangement for special ferries meant withdrawing of boats from regular service for the exclusive use of the VlP. A boat is released only after a particular VIP had used it.
 
I argued: if you choose Mawa route, then special ferries will have to be arranged at three different river crossings. It will result in huge traffic congestion and people will suffer a great deal. It is better to take Aricha route. The leader was unconvinced. "Should I stop traveling by road if there is an occasional, traffic congestion," she replied.
 
I left the following day at 7 N.M. with my wile and daughter. My plan was to join her at Buriganga Bridge. Having reached there I waited for a while. As I did not see the leader coming. I drove to the next ferry station at the Dhaleshwari. There was a special police contingent on duty for escorting Sheikh Hasina to cross the river. The notional hag was fluttering in the breeze atop a special ferry withdrawn form the normal service. Traffic congestion had already begun. But there was no sign of the leader's arrival. We managed to cross the river eventually.
 
At Bhanga, we saw the leader coming from the directions of Aricha. We joined the entourage.
 
At Gopalgonj Circuit House, where Sheikh Hasina had stopped for a while, she disclosed the reasons for changing her mind.
 
"Dhaka-Aricha is much better road", she said.
 
But you could have informed the police and the IWTA officials. As they did not know about the change of plan, ferry service remained severely restricted causing considerable suffering to the people.
 
Oh that? You should not worry if they idle away a few hours on the road Most people are without jobs anyway.
 
SECOND MEETING BETWEEN SHEIKH HASINA AND GHOLAM AZAM
 
The election of the Mayor and the Commissioners of Uhaka City Corporation was to be held on January 30. 1994. Awami League had nominated Muhammad Hanif, the President of Dhaka Metropolitan Area Awami League, as Its candidate for the position.
 
The election activities, propaganda, street meetings etc, were at their peak. Sheikh Hasina met Gholam Azam, the Jamaat leader in the evening of the 25th of January at the residence of her cousin Sheikh Hafizur Rahman at Road no 8/A, Dhanmondi. Gholam Azam gave Sheikh Hasina the assurance that Jamaat would hut support the BNP candidate. Sheikh Hasina, in return, assured Gholam Azam that Awami league would not politically attack or embarrass Jammat.
 
THE DEMAND FOR CANCELING ELECTION OF CITY CORPORATION
 
It was January 30, 1994. The City Mayor would be elected through a direct election. The voting would commence from 8 A.M. in the morning and continue till 4 P.M. in the afternoon.
 
Sheikh Hasina left her home after eating her breakfast and drove to a few polling stations later. She reached her official residence at Minto Road at about II AM. Within 15 minutes, Abdul Jalil, Joint Secretary of Awami League (presently a member of the Presidium), arrived in a huff and said "Our position is not good. Our people are being driven out of the polling stations. I have always been saying that Awami League is a party for agitation and movement, not for organizing elections. We will not win.
 
No sooner had he finished than Zillur Rahman (presently Minister for Local Government and Co-operatives) arrived. He was followed by Abdur Razzaque (present Water Resources Minister) and a few other leaders. Nearly all of them were mentioning about unfair means at the election.
 
Abdur Razzaque demurred, "Has any of us really seen our people being driven out of the polling stations?" There was no answer.
 
Sheikh Hasina said. "There is no need for verification. If this has not happened already, it will happen soon". She picked up the telephone and contacted a member of the Election Commission.
 
''I have information about false voting and resort to unfair means. Cancel the election.''
 
The Commissioner was apparently surprised. "We have no information about the occurrence of any event that calls for postponement of election, let alone canceling it."
 
"Ask the Chief Election Commissioner to contact me," She left the telephone.
 
The Chief Election Commissioner was contacted at about 10 P.M. "What happened. You have not yet announced cancellation of election." She said in a loud voice.
 
"Madam, the results received so far show that Awami League candidate is leading the poll with a wide margin. It is almost certain that Muhammad Hanif will be the Mayor. Do you suggest~ cancellation of election at this stage?" The Chief Election Commissioner said.
 
"I see, well you should ensure that the result is not reversed, I will contact you again," She left the telephone.
 
Zillur Rahman was doubtful. "It may be a trick", he said.
 
Sheikh Razzaque said, "I have close contact with a person at the Election Commission. Let me find out the truth.
 
Yes, ascertain the situation from different quarters, "She directed the leaders present there.
 
Abdur Razzaque returned at 1-30 AM. in the morning with the information that all news media including foreign media had broadcast the victory of Moharmmad Hanif. He was now unofficially the City Mayor.
 
I went upstairs to break the news to the leader. Sheikh Hasina was watching a Hindi film over a television with dish antenna connection. I told her that Abdur Razzaque was waiting downstairs to meet her.
 
"The story in the film has reached a climax, it is the most exciting part. No, I can't see anybody now. Tell him that I have gone to bed." Later Abdus Samad Azad wanted to talk to her over phone. He was given the same reply.
 
I WANT MY SHARE OF THE BOOTY
 
It had been decided that Mayor Mahammad Hanif would take an oath at the grave of lather of the nation Bangahandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Tungipara. The time had been finalized. The leader of Opposition Sheikh Hasina would go to Tungipara with Mayor Hanif. Preparations for going to Tungipara was complete but Mayor Hanif did not turn up. When contacted the Mayor said that he was unwell. Hanif did not come to Sheikh Hasina's house, nor did he go to the Awami League office. Later, he formally took oath and charge of the office of the Mayor of Dhaka. He spoke to Begum Zia, the Prime Minister, once or twice a day on the hotline. He met her almost every day and conducted the affairs of the City Corporation in consultation with her. But he hardly came to Sheikh Hasina, Awami League leaders or workers. Sheikh Hasina, used to slap her own forehead and abuse Hanif - 'ungrateful, betrayer; I made him the Mayor after spending taka one crore and thirty seven lakh. Disloyal traitor!'
 
Sheikh Hasina kept on repeating the same theme to anybody she met. Someone said, "OK. Hanif Bhai (brother) has become the Mayor. He will make money, he will misappropriate money - let him do so. We don't want any share. But why shouldn't he work for the party?"
 
In response, Sheikh Hasina said, - "why'? Why should he misappropriate the money alone?" He will have to give us our shares. I have made him the Mayor after spending one crore thirty
 
seven lakh taka. I spent the money for him through you. Hanif has not spent a single paisa. Then why should Hanif alone enjoy the booty. I, Sheikh Hasina, will certainly realize the full compensation from him."
 
Sheikh Hasina used to say - "I have phoned him a hundred times. But Mayor Hanif does not receive my call. He is asked to come and meet me but he does not do so. If I send an emissary, he says - 'go away. Get back to the place where you came from. You have become the opposition party; stay there. You cannot go any further towards the seat of power, I am not with you (all words in colloquial slang).
 
JAHANARA IMAM IS DEAD - THE DANGER IS GONE
 
In the evening of June 26 or 27, 1994 the President of the Awami League in the US conveyed the message over telephone that Shaliid-Janani (Martyr's mother) Jahanara Imam had died on June 26. Sheikh Hasina started dancing in joy at the news and said — "Eat sweets. One of my enemies has left the world." She wanted to become a leader — wanted to occupy my position. She is now dead — an evil obstacle is gone. You don't know, Indian RAW (Indian Intelligence Agency) wanted to put Jahanara Imam in the position of leadership in my place. The woman (in slang) is dead, eat sweets. Distribute money to the beggars.
 
After a few days when the dead body of Jahanara Imam arrived at the Zia international airport from the States, Sheikh Hasina said. "Let's go to the Airport and organize dropping of the dead body of the dangerous woman into the grave."
 
Sheikh Hasina then drove towards the Airport in her red Nissan patrol. As she was being driven, she continued to mutter (in colloquial slang, a dialect spoken by the lowly) — the woman irritated me a lot. I don't want to see the face of the dead woman. But I have to go there. In politics you have to do a lot of things against your wish."
 
The daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Hasina did go to the runway of the airport, but did not go near the body of late Jahanara Imam.
 
SHEIKH HASINA'S TRAIN IS SHOT AT
 
On September 22, 1994, Thursday, the Leader of Opposition Sheikh Hasina traveled to Jessore by air and then drove to Khulna. She addressed a public meeting at Shahid Hadis Park in the afternoon. At night she dined at the house of her cousin, Sheikh Helal (eldest son of her paternal uncle Sheikh Naser) and stayed there. The next day—Friday, at 9 a.m. she started her journey towards North Bengal by train—a long journey. The ordinary passengers in the train could not know as to when the train would reach the destination asr Sheikh Hasina would address meetings at different stations on the way. The train started at 9 am, but at every station it was stopped and she addressed public meetings. It took about an hour or an hour and a quarter at every station for her to address the meeting and return to the train. This is how the time was spent. There were more than a dozen journalists (whom Sheikh Hasina called dangerous or "Sanghatik" in Bengali rhyming with the Bengali word Sangbadik' meaning journalists). In one of the VIP compartments towards the tear of the train was Sheikh Hasina. There were twelve policemen and officials in the front and the rear compartments. They had come from Dhaka for the security of Sheikh Hasina. The journalists were in the next compartment. In the remaining compartments were the ordinary passengers who were in great distress at the unexpected delay of the train journey which had already taken more than twenty four hours in place of normal six hours. Food and drinking water available to the passengers got exhausted and the passengers were suffering from thirst and shortage of food.
 
As the hunger and thirst of the children and the distress of ordinary passengers became unbearable, many passengers left the train with their families before reaching their destinations. For Sheikh Hasina, her companions and the journalists, ample food and drinking water (mineral water bottles) were being supplied at every station.
 
Throughout the day Sheikh Hasina addressed about twenty rail-station meetings. She even addressed meetings, at unscheduled places as interested people stopped the train. The journalists who came from Dhaka kept on taking notes at every meeting and Sheikh Hasina also kept the journalists under her scrutinizing eye. As she was repeating the same speech, journalists almost memorized her words and did not bother to get down from the train at night and record her speech.
 
It was seventeen minutes past eleven at night. 'The train would soon reach lshwardi station, when Sheikh Hasina said. 'Are all the journalists (using the Bengali word danger-man), sleeping? I brought them from Dhaka after spending so much of money and they have been provided with comforts normally available to sons-in- law (for writing reports). The meetings are well attended. I am giving so many public speeches, and it seems that the journalists (danger—men) hardly take note of those. You wake them up and send them to my meetings so that they can send good reports for the newspapers.
 
The employee of Sheikh Hasina — Madan Mohan Das — (who carries her bags and in whose name the red Nissan Patrol Jeep is registered) said (in slang colloquial dialect) —'It is not necessary to wake them up by calling. Let there be two rounds of pistol shots and the sleepiness of the journalists will vanish. They will jump out of the train.'
 
As if Sheikh Hasina got Aladin's lamp, she shouted out to her cousin (the son of her father's cousin's) Bahauddin Naseem (currently her A.P.S) — "Fire two rounds of pistol shots."
 
She told her other companions in the compartment- "You will all tell the journalists that the train was tired at with the intention of killing Sheikh Hasina." A few minutes before the train reached lshwardi, Bahauddin Naseem fired three rounds through the compartment window towards the compartment of the journalists. On hearing that, the officials in charge of Sheikh Hasina's security fired five or six rounds. The sound of all these firing scared the journalists and they started rolling omi the floor of the compartment. Then we went to the journalists, and as had been planned earlier, started saying that the train had been Fired at with the intention of killing Sheikh Hasina. When the train reached lshwardi station, Amir Husain Amu, a Presidium Member started giving publicity over microphone that the train had been shot at with a view to killing Sheikh Hasina. The next day on November 24, the national dailies carried the news that I3angabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina was fired at in the train, We, her companions, who knew the real story sat in the VIP Room of Bogra Circuit House and laughed a lot. At one stage of this merry-making, it was decided to call a 'Hartal' to protest against this "attempted killing" of Sheikh Hasina.
 
THE ADVANCE OF TAKA FIFTY THOUSAND
 
It was October 2, 1994. The Dharala River of Rangpur can be quite difficult to cross, as its currents are as strong as those of the Padma and the Meghna. One has to cross the river in order to go to Nageswar and Fulbaria from Rangpur and Kurigram. There is one small wooden ferryboat for crossing the river. Two wooden boats were joined for making the ferry. The ferry could not accommodate more than one or two cars.
 
Sheikh Hasina would cross the river in this ferry for the purpose of addressing meetings at Nageswar — Fulbaria. After about half of the cars of her convoy crossed the river by the ferryboat, Sheikh Hasina's car was put on the ferry.
 
As soon as she stepped on it, she shouted out in horror — 'Oh my Lord! What kind of boat is this? There is only one small wooden ferry for crossing this large river!"
 
Sheikh Hasina was accompanied by only five companions including Amir Husain Amu, AL Presidium Member, and the driver of the car Mohammed Jalal. Six special branch police personnel were also there.
 
Sheikh Hasina told the boatmen, 'take care so that the boat does not sink.'
 
The two boatmen said, —"please don't be afraid. Though the ferry is made of wood and small, it is strong. It may sink only if the bottom of the boat breaks."
 
Presidium Member Amir Husain Amu said, — 'I hope you have not already damaged the bottom of the boat!'
 
The boatman replied, — "if we wanted to damage the boat, we could stealthily remove a wooden plank without anybody noticing it. When the boat reaches the mid-stream, and if the planks are removed, water will rush in and the boat will sink in no time. No one would have any idea as to what has happened. Sec everything is not in your hand. The Good Lord has given some power to us as well."
 
Presidium Member Ammi said, 'sink this boat if Khaleda Zia travels in this.''
 
Alter that Sheikh Hasina changed the topic and started talking to the boatmen and inquired about their wellbeing. The boatmen narrated to her their personal difficulties and distress and made some complaints regarding their service life. The leader of the opposition Sheikh Hasina assured them, — 'if I go to power, I will meet all your demands.'
 
When the boat reached the other side, Sheikh Hasina along with others got down and all went to Nageswar and Fulbaria. After the meetings, she instructed that the return should be by the same route through which we had come. The original plan was to return to Dhaka via Jamalpur of Mymensingh. A part of the entourage had already proceeded towards Jamalpur according to the plan. Even then the daughter of Bangabandhu was unbending in her decision and ordered return through the same route. Hasina came back to the Dharala river. When we reached the ferry ghat, she got down from her red Nissan Patrol Jeep and asked everyone, including the Special Branch Security men, to cross the ferry. She said ''I will be the last to cross the river.''
 
Following her instructions everyone crossed the ferry with their transports except Sheikh Hasina, the driver Jalal with the red Nissan Patrol, and mile. They boarded the ferry with the two boatmen. As the boat started to move, Sheikh Hasina began talking to the boatmen. She said, "you have so much of troubles worries and problems but Ziaur Rabman's wife Khaleda and her sons arc plundering the country. They are taking everything for themselves, and not giving anything to you at all. They should be got rid of. They have no right to live They are responsible for your distress. Do a thing. Kill Khaleda Zia by drowning her in this very river by sinking the ferry. I will give you five lakhs Taka. Now, take fifty thousand taka as advance."
 
So saying, Sheikh Hasina brought out a wad of Tk. 500/- notes from her bag and wanted to hand it over to the boatmen. The boatmen were thunder-struck. Hasina said - "take it, hold the bundle."
 
The boatmen hesitated and said, "well, Khaleda Zia does not come this way. We will not be able to do this. We are small people, how can we do this?"
 
Sheikh Hasina said — "you are the people who can do it. Take Taka Fifty thousand now, you will get the remaining four hundred and fifty thousand when the job is over." She called her only
 
companion on the ferry by name (the author) and said "As soon as the boatmen finish their job, please hand over the remaining amount to them."
 
The companion could not say anything. The boatmen were repeatedly saying — 'how can we do this'? Begum Zia does not travel this way. We can't do this.'
 
Hasina again said, "I am not asking you to do this straightway. You do it when KIlaleda Zia comes this way"
 
The boatmen said — "we are poor people. We can't retain money. This will be spent. How can we return your money when we have exhausted this'?"
 
Hasina then said, "you domi't have to return the money. You w]l only get the remnainimlg amoumit after yocm have drowned Khaleda Zia. Take this money as tips. Yoim'll get the rest on completion of your assignment."
 
Sheikh Hasina then almost forcibly pushed the bundle containing Taka Fifty thousand into the hands of the boatmen. The ferry reached the opposite bank. Sheikh Hasina got into the Jeep. As it started moving, her companion asked Sheikh Hasina "Leader, what have you done, just threw away taka fifty thousand into water?''
 
She replied "no, I haven't dropped money into water; just made an investment. Since I had traveled in this route, I am sure Madam (Khaleda Zia) will follow suit and come this way. Then this investment will be of use. This is why I held out the temptation of Four and a half lakh taka. You can get even the tiger's eye with money. If Khaleda Zia travels this way, then the job will be done. The greed of four and half lakh taka will prompt the boatmen to finish the job. Have the boatmen ever seen taka fifty thousand? I gave fifty thousand taka just to create greed for money in them''
 
SCATTERING OF FLOWER
 
Fourteenth December of 1994 was the martyred intellectual day. Everyone assembled at the official residence of the leader of the Opposition Sheikh Hasina at 29 Minto Road. At seven in the morning, she started for the Martyrs' mausoleum at Mirpur. At eight-forty she placed floral wreath at the memorial.
 
Then she went to the slaughtering yard at Rayerbazar. After placing wreathes theme she gave a short speech for the organization of the children of the martyred intellectuals — Prajanma'7 I. Thereafter, she went to see Nakib Ahmed Mannoo (now Sheikh Hasina's Deputy Private Secretary), son of her father's cousin at Bhuiyan Clinic near Malibagh Railway Crossing. On her return to the official residence, we started having lunch together at about 2-30 p.m. As we ate, Hasina ruefully commented — 'today a discussion meeting organized by the city Awami League will be held at Bangabandhu Avenue. After two days, I will resign from the position of the leader of the Opposition in the Parliament). This would be my last function where I would be the Chief Guest. I am the future Prime Minister. I am the daughter of the father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahrnan. Before me is the movement for unseating Khaleda Zia. At this moment, it is necessary to enhance my image. I will attend a function associated with the Victory Day, but I am sure they have not organized any scattering of flowers on me. As a matter of fact these people — I mean AL leaders, are all uncultured, and businessmen and don't have a thinking mind. They don't do anything unless instructed. Can you organize spattering of flowers on me by the women and children at the function?
 
'Leader, don't worry,' I said, 'flower petals will be spattered on you." It was then three-thirty. Only after half an hour, the daughter of Bangabandhu will be on the podium of the function. How could I get girls and children within this short time? I, therefore, hurriedly bought some flowers from the High Court Mazar flower vendors am1d organized spattering of flowers by my wile and the daughter.
 
MAINTAINING PET DOGS
 
Bahauddin Naseem is the son of a cousin of Sheikh Hasina's lather Sheikh Mujibur Rahmnan. He is now Hasina's APS. Three of her other cousins are. Nazir Ahmed Nazib (Chief of the Security of Prime Minister, Naquib Ahmed Manno, (now her DPS) and Kaniz Ahmned Kaniz (who occasionally became deranged and had been under treatment at a private clinic for mental patients at Banani) and is now in charge of the protocol at the Bangladesh Mission in the USA. Their home is in an unknown village in Madaripur, a dilapidated tin shed. They are poor through generations. Their fathers, uncles, and they themselves studied whatever little they could by staying at other people's homes as guest-students (taken on humanitarian grounds, locally known as lodging). They had no establishment of any sorts in Dhaka. They would sleep at night wherever they got a chance. '[heir nearest relative was Sheikh Hasina. So, there was no problem. They all, in a group. took shelter at Sheikh Hasina's home. They lived with Sheikh Hasina. Their food and clothing's were provided by her, who also gave them money. What more could one want?
 
Very soon, with the doles from the wealth of Sheikh Hasina, they got dozens of pants, shirts, shoes. Some of them even became wealthy through her patronage. Bahauddimi Naseem, among them, thought that no one should speak to Sheikh Hasina directly, whoever he might be - even if he was a central party leader, or a leading intellectual. Irrespective of one's position or status, none should speak to Sheikh Hasina or transmit any news or information to her (except through him.
 
It anyone wanted to speak to her, one would have to approach Bahauddin Naseem first. He would transmit the information to Sheikh Hasina only if he considered it sufficiently important. Likewise, if she wanted to speak to anyone, the communication should go through him. Transmission of news would depend on Bahauddin's considered judgment. His important role developed on account of Sheikh Hasina's two weaknesses for him. One of these was that a few crores of Takas were kept in the name of Bahauddimi Naseem in a Branch of the United Commercial Bank (UCBL Motijheel Branch) located at the East side of Adamjee Court, Motijheel. It may be mentioned that the chief accused in the murder case of the industrialist Zakir Uddin, Akhtaruzzamnan Babu of Chittagong was the Director/Chairman of the Bank. The other weakness was that he is a son of Sheikh Mujib's cousin. This Bahauddin Naseem occasionally at Hasina's house at Road 5, Dhanmondi, regretfully said — 'The Mistress of this
 
house (Sheikh Hasina) is unscrupulous and ungrateful. She will betray any trust. She does not care to remember things. I would rather have some pet dogs here. They will be more faithful.
 
Quite often Bahauddin Naseem used to make comments like this. As a matter of fact, he brought two puppies and started maintaining them there. The two puppies have become quite big now at Hasina's house. They cannot be called puppies any more. Why did Bahauddin Naseem say such things? 1-fe was allowed to live in Sheikh Hasina's house. But strangely enough, Hasina with her peculiar mentality, would, with the help of gate-men, drive away Naseem's father or his brothers, whenever they wanted to visit him at her house.
 
HUSBAND AND WIFE NEVER SLEPT TOGETHER
 
On December 28, 1994 Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina resigned from her seat in the Parliament. She vacated her official residence at 29 Minto Road and moved to her house at Road. 5 Dhanmondi. The ground and first floors of the house are in the name of Hasina's estranged husband Dr. Wazed Miah.
 
The second floor is in Sheikh Hasina's own name. The husband. Dr. Wazed Miah, a scientist, sought loan from Sheikh Hasina when he ran out of money after having constructed the first floor. Then Hasina got the second floor recorded in her name and gave Dr. Wazed the required money. However, Dr. Wazed Miah and Sheikh Hasina never spent a single night together in this house. Not only that, ever since Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981, Hasina and Wazed had never spent a single night together as husband and wife. They even did not stay in the same house. Sheikh Hasina stayed for a few days at the official quarter of Dr. Wazed Miah at Mohakhali immediately after her return to Bangladesh on May 17, 1982.
 
Those days Dr. Wazed Miah stayed in a government Rest House. and not in his own quarters. Alter that, Sheikh Hasina went to her lather's house at Road 32. Dhanmondi. Then she went to 29, Minto Road, the official residence of the leader of the Opposition. At that time the house of Sheikh Hasina and her husband Dr. Wazed Miah at 54, Road 5. Dhanmondi was rented out. In December 1994. the tenants of the house were almost forcibly driven out and she moved in. She Participated in political movements and in the general election while staying in that house. After becoming the Prime Minister, she moved to 'Korotoa', now Ganabhavan. In all these 16/17 years, Dr. Wazed Miah never spent a night with Sheikh Hasina. They meet very infrequently in
 
all these years. But occasionally Dr. Wazed Miah used to appear aimlessly at her house, but was never greeted or received by Sheikh Hasina. She did not even extend normal courtesy to him.
 
When Sheikh Hlasina was staying at 29 Minto Road as the leader of the opposition. Dr. Wazed Miah, on an Eid day, came to visit her to extend Eid greetings as an ordinary visitor. But Hasina, though exchanged pleasantries with other visitors, did not take any notice of her husband. No one even asked him to take a seat. Dr. Wazed Miah cast a sad glance at Sheikh Hasina and slowly walked oat of the room and left through the front gate. Except Sheikh Hasina and some of her close associates, no one could know who the visitor was. Dr. Wazed Miah fell ill many times and was hospitalized even for months at the Suhrawardy Hospital and at a few other hospitals, but Sheikh Hasina never cared to visit her husband even once
 
INJURIES ON THE PERSON OF SHEIKH HASINA
 
There are many signs of injury on the body of Sheikh Hasina. She sometimes groaned in pain, even sometimes burst into tears. She would call Maina (author's wife, serial No. 2 in the list of the declared undesirables') to administer a massage on a certain part of her body. The satan's son (Dr. Wazed Miah) hit me at this place in 1980. and I still suffer from pain, she would say.
 
One of Maina's primary duties was to massage her body. Almost every morning Maina massaged her body and woke her up from bed and then again massaged her while she went to bed. Maina also received or entertained important visitors. She would have initial talks with a visiting VIP and brief Sheikh Hasina about the purpose of the visit. She used to receive telephone calls and transmitted messages to Sheikh Hasina. She had to organize Hasina's daily meals and her wardrobe. Her additional duty was to keep Hasina informed of happenings outside.
 
These were Maina's responsibilities. But she did not have any regular employment. She was not paid for the duties performed. Rather Maina (author' wife) extended any help within her means, required by Sheikh Hasina.
 
Sheikh Hasina occasionally held Maina and cried, saying that, "the devil's son (Dr. Wazed Miah) used to beat me three times a day — in the morning, at noon and at night. To escape from the
 
possible beating by the bastard, at least once, I went out at noon to the park with Joy and Putul (her children). There is nothing left in my body due to the beating of that Satan, That devil's son started torturing me immediately after our marriage."
 
STRANGE CHARACTER, ACTION AND FATE
 
Sheikh Hasina used to cry and repeatedly say that her husband, Dr. Wajed Miah, tortured her physically and beat her. Maina also shed tears in sympathy. But why did the husband torture her and give her thrashing? Sheikh Hasina never explained that. She possessed such a strange character and fate. Her only daughter having returned from abroad used to say that her mother had many colours and wondered what type of colour she would wear at a particular time Whenever Sheikh Haisna would say something, Putul asked: "What number of colour are you putting on now?" She used to ask the same question to her maternal aunt. Sheikh Rehana, and tell her that her sister had a provean way of changing colours.
 
The daughter of Bangabandhu used to remain silent and would not reply. When Shaikh Hasina brought a proposal for marriage of her daughter. Putul immediately jumped at it and gave her consent. It appeared that she wanted to escape from the life with her mother through anybody. Shaikh Hasina also, it appeared. wanted to free herself by giving her daughter in marriage to any willing young man.
 
Shaikh Hasina would call over phone her only son, Joy, who was abroad and requested him to bring a saree for her when he would return to Bangladesh. Joy would curtly refuse the request and express his inability. She used to express her regrets before others at the behaviour of her children.
 
None could see any flaw in Shaikh Hasina's treatment of her children. Yet, it was strange that they would behave that way to her.
 
GHOLAM AZAM - SHEIKH HASINA PARLEY
 
Jahanara Imam the mother of a Marty of 1971, was the convener of the coordination Committee for Realization of the Ideals of the Liberation War and Elimination of the Killers and Collaborators (Ghatak-DaIal Nirmul Committee). She set up a mass tribunal for the trial' of the 1971 war criminals and collaborators including Gholam Azam. The tribunal, on the 26th of March, 1992, (Independence Day), awarded a death sentence to Gholam Azam. Jahanara lmam called upon the Government to implement the mass verdict and announced a program of public agitation on the issue.
 
Following this development a secret meeting was held between Gholam Azam and Sheikh Hasina at the residence of Sheikh Helaluddin at Indira Road. (Sheikh Helaluddin is the eldest son of Shiekh Naser, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib's only brother and thus a first cousin of Sheikh Hasina. Sheikh Helal is presently an Awaini League MP from Mollarhat-Fakirhat constituency of Bagerhat district). It was decided in the meeting that Gholam Azam and his party (Jamaat) would withdraw their support to BNP and instead co-operate with the movement to be organized by Awaini League to bring down Khaleda Zia's BNP Government. In return, Sheikh Hasina committed herself to sabotage the growing political agitation under Jahanara Imam. From then on a secret and close relationship began to develop between Gholam Azam and Sheikh Hasina.
 
1992-HINDU-MUSLIM RIOT
 
It was the first week of December, 1992. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Khaleda Zia was the current chairperson of the South Asian Agreement for co-operation (SAARC). The summit meeting of the seven SAARC member countries had been scheduled to be held in Dhaka. The date, time and place of the summit had all been slated. Begum Khaleda Zia as the chairperson was to inaugurate the conference. Quite a few Heads of Governments had already started arriving Dhaka. The Indian Prime Minister was expected any time. In the meantime, however, there was a serious outbreak of communal riots in India following the demolition of Babri Mosque. The leader of the opposition, Sheikh Hasina promptly summoned the rider of the motor-cycle' (i.e. the author) to her official residence at 29 Minto Road.
 
On reaching there, he learnt that Sheikh Hasina had left a message asking him to meet her at Bangabandhu Bhaban at Dhanmnondi. The author was taken to the library room of the Bhaban. The conversation that took place between Sheikh Hasina and the author is as follows:
 
Sheikh Hasina: Organize Hindu-Muslim riots throughout the country.
 
Author: (Surprised) No, this is not proper.
 
Sheikh Hasina: Don't think about what is right and what is wrong. I am asking you to organize the riot. Do it.
 
Author: I have gone to different areas of the city and asked the youth to be watchful and prevent any attack on the Hindus. Now you are asking me to organize communal riots'?
 
Sheikh Hasina: Yes.
 
Author: No my leader. It is unethical.
 
Sheikh Hasina: (Angry). Hell with your principles. I am your leader. Do what I ask you to do.
 
Author: I deeply respect your command. However, if there are attacks on the Hindus, they will certainly leave this country. Remember, they always vote for
 
Sheikh Hasina: The Hindus here have no place to go. You just do your job.
 
Author: (Unconvinced) If the Hindus leave for India. (following a large scale riot all over), there will be an influx of Muslims from India. They may be inclined to vote for BNP. Have you considered this point?
 
Sheikh Hasina: You fool. Don't you understand that a situation has to be created that will make the holding of SAARC conference impossible. The conference will be chaired by Khaleda Zia. The Indian Prime Minister, Narhsima Rao has not yet arrived. This is the time for starting a communal riot. (This will create a situation that will make the arrival of the Indian Prime Minister inopportune. The absence of the Indian Prime Minister will abort the SAARC Conference).
 
Besides, Jahanara Imam is getting popular and many of the Hindus are now behind her. She is increasingly becoming a threat to my leadership. She has to be cut down to size. The riot will kill two birds with one stone-SAARC aborted and Jahanara Imam cut to size.
 
The author was entrusted with the task of organizing communal riots in Dhaka. It was decided that telephones at 29 Minto Road and at Bangabandhu Bhaban would not be used for the purpose. Instead the telephone of Sheikh Hafizur Rabman, a cousin of Sheikh Hasina and the Secretary General of Bangabandhu Trust would be used to communicate instructions to outlying districts for organizing Hindu-Muslim riots. This was measure to prevent possible leakages of the plan. The government of Khaleda Zia should not get any scent of the plan thus hatched.
 
A number of thugs, goons and terrorists of the city were organized according to the plan of Shiekh Hasina and given Taka Five lacs in cash. They were assembled near Shivbari Temple east of Jagannath Hall in the University area. After distributing 100 Taka notes among them, they were told, "Muslims are being butchered in India, women violated, their property looted. Should we the Muslims of Bangladesh watch it in silence? Go, start your work,"
 
The thugs and looters immediately began to plunder the property of Shivbari Temple with great enthusiasm. The next targets were Dhakeshwari temple and Ramkrishna Mission. Both cash rewards and inflammatory speeches had their effects on the looters. The looting soon spread to Tantibazar, Shakharipatti, Banglabazar. Millharrack, Goshaibari. Narinda, and Islampur areas of the old city. Hindu shops were the main targets in the old city. Since the local agent provocateurs were known faces, inflammatory speeches could reveal the link between Awami League and the organization or the riot. Currency notes, rather than provocative speeches w~te more extensively used in the old city.
 
As the looting continued, Sheikh Hasina was contacted at 32 Dhanmondi after three to four hours of its commencement. She was informed of the successful execution of her plan. Jubilant Hasina praised the work of the author in the following words, "Good boy, you can deliver the goods. That's why I need you so much. I will have you elected as the member of the Parliament from Moksedpur-Kashiani constituency of Gopalgonj at the next election."
 
The riot spread to fresh areas. Narshima Rao did not arrive. SAARC summit was effectively sabotaged.
 
STOPPING FERRY BOATS
 
Sheikh Hasina was having midday day meal at the official residence at 29, Minto Road. I jointed in. She said, "I had not been to Tungipara2. Let's go their tomorrow. Ask Inland Water Transport Authority (IWTA) to make arrangement for special ferryboats."
 
I asked, "What route would you take my leader? Aricha or Mawa?
 
"Aricha route is a long one. Mawa is shorter. I will take the later route," she replied.
 
Now, Aricha route had only one ferry crossing (The service is supported by a large number of good ferryboats). Mawa route involved river crossings at three points each having a limited number of boats. Making arrangement for special ferries meant withdrawing of boats from regular service for the exclusive use of the VlP. A boat is released only after a particular VIP had used it.
 
I argued: if you choose Mawa route, then special ferries will have to be arranged at three different river crossings. It will result in huge traffic congestion and people will suffer a great deal. It is better to take Aricha route. The leader was unconvinced. "Should I stop traveling by road if there is an occasional, traffic congestion," she replied.
 
I left the following day at 7 N.M. with my wile and daughter. My plan was to join her at Buriganga Bridge. Having reached there I waited for a while. As I did not see the leader coming. I drove to the next ferry station at the Dhaleshwari. There was a special police contingent on duty for escorting Sheikh Hasina to cross the river. The notional hag was fluttering in the breeze atop a special ferry withdrawn form the normal service. Traffic congestion had already begun. But there was no sign of the leader's arrival. We managed to cross the river eventually.
 
At Bhanga, we saw the leader coming from the directions of Aricha. We joined the entourage.
 
At Gopalgonj Circuit House, where Sheikh Hasina had stopped for a while, she disclosed the reasons for changing her mind.
 
"Dhaka-Aricha is much better road", she said.
 
But you could have informed the police and the IWTA officials. As they did not know about the change of plan, ferry service remained severely restricted causing considerable suffering to the people.
 
Oh that? You should not worry if they idle away a few hours on the road Most people are without jobs anyway.
 
SECOND MEETING BETWEEN SHEIKH HASINA AND GHOLAM AZAM
 
The election of the Mayor and the Commissioners of Uhaka City Corporation was to be held on January 30. 1994. Awami League had nominated Muhammad Hanif, the President of Dhaka Metropolitan Area Awami League, as Its candidate for the position.
 
The election activities, propaganda, street meetings etc, were at their peak. Sheikh Hasina met Gholam Azam, the Jamaat leader in the evening of the 25th of January at the residence of her cousin Sheikh Hafizur Rahman at Road no 8/A, Dhanmondi. Gholam Azam gave Sheikh Hasina the assurance that Jamaat would hut support the BNP candidate. Sheikh Hasina, in return, assured Gholam Azam that Awami league would not politically attack or embarrass Jammat.
 
THE DEMAND FOR CANCELING ELECTION OF CITY CORPORATION
 
It was January 30, 1994. The City Mayor would be elected through a direct election. The voting would commence from 8 A.M. in the morning and continue till 4 P.M. in the afternoon.
 
Sheikh Hasina left her home after eating her breakfast and drove to a few polling stations later. She reached her official residence at Minto Road at about II AM. Within 15 minutes, Abdul Jalil, Joint Secretary of Awami League (presently a member of the Presidium), arrived in a huff and said "Our position is not good. Our people are being driven out of the polling stations. I have always been saying that Awami League is a party for agitation and movement, not for organizing elections. We will not win.
 
No sooner had he finished than Zillur Rahman (presently Minister for Local Government and Co-operatives) arrived. He was followed by Abdur Razzaque (present Water Resources Minister) and a few other leaders. Nearly all of them were mentioning about unfair means at the election.
 
Abdur Razzaque demurred, "Has any of us really seen our people being driven out of the polling stations?" There was no answer.
 
Sheikh Hasina said. "There is no need for verification. If this has not happened already, it will happen soon". She picked up the telephone and contacted a member of the Election Commission.
 
''I have information about false voting and resort to unfair means. Cancel the election.''
 
The Commissioner was apparently surprised. "We have no information about the occurrence of any event that calls for postponement of election, let alone canceling it."
 
"Ask the Chief Election Commissioner to contact me," She left the telephone.
 
The Chief Election Commissioner was contacted at about 10 P.M. "What happened. You have not yet announced cancellation of election." She said in a loud voice.
 
"Madam, the results received so far show that Awami League candidate is leading the poll with a wide margin. It is almost certain that Muhammad Hanif will be the Mayor. Do you suggest~ cancellation of election at this stage?" The Chief Election Commissioner said.
 
"I see, well you should ensure that the result is not reversed, I will contact you again," She left the telephone.
 
Zillur Rahman was doubtful. "It may be a trick", he said.
 
Sheikh Razzaque said, "I have close contact with a person at the Election Commission. Let me find out the truth.
 
Yes, ascertain the situation from different quarters, "She directed the leaders present there.
 
Abdur Razzaque returned at 1-30 AM. in the morning with the information that all news media including foreign media had broadcast the victory of Moharmmad Hanif. He was now unofficially the City Mayor.
 
I went upstairs to break the news to the leader. Sheikh Hasina was watching a Hindi film over a television with dish antenna connection. I told her that Abdur Razzaque was waiting downstairs to meet her.
 
"The story in the film has reached a climax, it is the most exciting part. No, I can't see anybody now. Tell him that I have gone to bed." Later Abdus Samad Azad wanted to talk to her over phone. He was given the same reply.
 
I WANT MY SHARE OF THE BOOTY
 
It had been decided that Mayor Mahammad Hanif would take an oath at the grave of lather of the nation Bangahandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Tungipara. The time had been finalized. The leader of Opposition Sheikh Hasina would go to Tungipara with Mayor Hanif. Preparations for going to Tungipara was complete but Mayor Hanif did not turn up. When contacted the Mayor said that he was unwell. Hanif did not come to Sheikh Hasina's house, nor did he go to the Awami League office. Later, he formally took oath and charge of the office of the Mayor of Dhaka. He spoke to Begum Zia, the Prime Minister, once or twice a day on the hotline. He met her almost every day and conducted the affairs of the City Corporation in consultation with her. But he hardly came to Sheikh Hasina, Awami League leaders or workers. Sheikh Hasina, used to slap her own forehead and abuse Hanif - 'ungrateful, betrayer; I made him the Mayor after spending taka one crore and thirty seven lakh. Disloyal traitor!'
 
Sheikh Hasina kept on repeating the same theme to anybody she met. Someone said, "OK. Hanif Bhai (brother) has become the Mayor. He will make money, he will misappropriate money - let him do so. We don't want any share. But why shouldn't he work for the party?"
 
In response, Sheikh Hasina said, - "why'? Why should he misappropriate the money alone?" He will have to give us our shares. I have made him the Mayor after spending one crore thirty
 
seven lakh taka. I spent the money for him through you. Hanif has not spent a single paisa. Then why should Hanif alone enjoy the booty. I, Sheikh Hasina, will certainly realize the full compensation from him."
 
Sheikh Hasina used to say - "I have phoned him a hundred times. But Mayor Hanif does not receive my call. He is asked to come and meet me but he does not do so. If I send an emissary, he says - 'go away. Get back to the place where you came from. You have become the opposition party; stay there. You cannot go any further towards the seat of power, I am not with you (all words in colloquial slang).
 
JAHANARA IMAM IS DEAD - THE DANGER IS GONE
 
In the evening of June 26 or 27, 1994 the President of the Awami League in the US conveyed the message over telephone that Shaliid-Janani (Martyr's mother) Jahanara Imam had died on June 26. Sheikh Hasina started dancing in joy at the news and said — "Eat sweets. One of my enemies has left the world." She wanted to become a leader — wanted to occupy my position. She is now dead — an evil obstacle is gone. You don't know, Indian RAW (Indian Intelligence Agency) wanted to put Jahanara Imam in the position of leadership in my place. The woman (in slang) is dead, eat sweets. Distribute money to the beggars.
 
After a few days when the dead body of Jahanara Imam arrived at the Zia international airport from the States, Sheikh Hasina said. "Let's go to the Airport and organize dropping of the dead body of the dangerous woman into the grave."
 
Sheikh Hasina then drove towards the Airport in her red Nissan patrol. As she was being driven, she continued to mutter (in colloquial slang, a dialect spoken by the lowly) — the woman irritated me a lot. I don't want to see the face of the dead woman. But I have to go there. In politics you have to do a lot of things against your wish."
 
The daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Hasina did go to the runway of the airport, but did not go near the body of late Jahanara Imam.
 
SHEIKH HASINA'S TRAIN IS SHOT AT
 
On September 22, 1994, Thursday, the Leader of Opposition Sheikh Hasina traveled to Jessore by air and then drove to Khulna. She addressed a public meeting at Shahid Hadis Park in the afternoon. At night she dined at the house of her cousin, Sheikh Helal (eldest son of her paternal uncle Sheikh Naser) and stayed there. The next day—Friday, at 9 a.m. she started her journey towards North Bengal by train—a long journey. The ordinary passengers in the train could not know as to when the train would reach the destination asr Sheikh Hasina would address meetings at different stations on the way. The train started at 9 am, but at every station it was stopped and she addressed public meetings. It took about an hour or an hour and a quarter at every station for her to address the meeting and return to the train. This is how the time was spent. There were more than a dozen journalists (whom Sheikh Hasina called dangerous or "Sanghatik" in Bengali rhyming with the Bengali word Sangbadik' meaning journalists). In one of the VIP compartments towards the tear of the train was Sheikh Hasina. There were twelve policemen and officials in the front and the rear compartments. They had come from Dhaka for the security of Sheikh Hasina. The journalists were in the next compartment. In the remaining compartments were the ordinary passengers who were in great distress at the unexpected delay of the train journey which had already taken more than twenty four hours in place of normal six hours. Food and drinking water available to the passengers got exhausted and the passengers were suffering from thirst and shortage of food.
 
As the hunger and thirst of the children and the distress of ordinary passengers became unbearable, many passengers left the train with their families before reaching their destinations. For Sheikh Hasina, her companions and the journalists, ample food and drinking water (mineral water bottles) were being supplied at every station.
 
Throughout the day Sheikh Hasina addressed about twenty rail-station meetings. She even addressed meetings, at unscheduled places as interested people stopped the train. The journalists who came from Dhaka kept on taking notes at every meeting and Sheikh Hasina also kept the journalists under her scrutinizing eye. As she was repeating the same speech, journalists almost memorized her words and did not bother to get down from the train at night and record her speech.
 
It was seventeen minutes past eleven at night. 'The train would soon reach lshwardi station, when Sheikh Hasina said. 'Are all the journalists (using the Bengali word danger-man), sleeping? I brought them from Dhaka after spending so much of money and they have been provided with comforts normally available to sons-in- law (for writing reports). The meetings are well attended. I am giving so many public speeches, and it seems that the journalists (danger—men) hardly take note of those. You wake them up and send them to my meetings so that they can send good reports for the newspapers.
 
The employee of Sheikh Hasina — Madan Mohan Das — (who carries her bags and in whose name the red Nissan Patrol Jeep is registered) said (in slang colloquial dialect) —'It is not necessary to wake them up by calling. Let there be two rounds of pistol shots and the sleepiness of the journalists will vanish. They will jump out of the train.'
 
As if Sheikh Hasina got Aladin's lamp, she shouted out to her cousin (the son of her father's cousin's) Bahauddin Naseem (currently her A.P.S) — "Fire two rounds of pistol shots."
 
She told her other companions in the compartment- "You will all tell the journalists that the train was tired at with the intention of killing Sheikh Hasina." A few minutes before the train reached lshwardi, Bahauddin Naseem fired three rounds through the compartment window towards the compartment of the journalists. On hearing that, the officials in charge of Sheikh Hasina's security fired five or six rounds. The sound of all these firing scared the journalists and they started rolling omi the floor of the compartment. Then we went to the journalists, and as had been planned earlier, started saying that the train had been Fired at with the intention of killing Sheikh Hasina. When the train reached lshwardi station, Amir Husain Amu, a Presidium Member started giving publicity over microphone that the train had been shot at with a view to killing Sheikh Hasina. The next day on November 24, the national dailies carried the news that I3angabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina was fired at in the train, We, her companions, who knew the real story sat in the VIP Room of Bogra Circuit House and laughed a lot. At one stage of this merry-making, it was decided to call a 'Hartal' to protest against this "attempted killing" of Sheikh Hasina.
 
THE ADVANCE OF TAKA FIFTY THOUSAND
 
It was October 2, 1994. The Dharala River of Rangpur can be quite difficult to cross, as its currents are as strong as those of the Padma and the Meghna. One has to cross the river in order to go to Nageswar and Fulbaria from Rangpur and Kurigram. There is one small wooden ferryboat for crossing the river. Two wooden boats were joined for making the ferry. The ferry could not accommodate more than one or two cars.
 
Sheikh Hasina would cross the river in this ferry for the purpose of addressing meetings at Nageswar — Fulbaria. After about half of the cars of her convoy crossed the river by the ferryboat, Sheikh Hasina's car was put on the ferry.
 
As soon as she stepped on it, she shouted out in horror — 'Oh my Lord! What kind of boat is this? There is only one small wooden ferry for crossing this large river!"
 
Sheikh Hasina was accompanied by only five companions including Amir Husain Amu, AL Presidium Member, and the driver of the car Mohammed Jalal. Six special branch police personnel were also there.
 
Sheikh Hasina told the boatmen, 'take care so that the boat does not sink.'
 
The two boatmen said, —"please don't be afraid. Though the ferry is made of wood and small, it is strong. It may sink only if the bottom of the boat breaks."
 
Presidium Member Amir Husain Amu said, — 'I hope you have not already damaged the bottom of the boat!'
 
The boatman replied, — "if we wanted to damage the boat, we could stealthily remove a wooden plank without anybody noticing it. When the boat reaches the mid-stream, and if the planks are removed, water will rush in and the boat will sink in no time. No one would have any idea as to what has happened. Sec everything is not in your hand. The Good Lord has given some power to us as well."
 
Presidium Member Ammi said, 'sink this boat if Khaleda Zia travels in this.''
 
Alter that Sheikh Hasina changed the topic and started talking to the boatmen and inquired about their wellbeing. The boatmen narrated to her their personal difficulties and distress and made some complaints regarding their service life. The leader of the opposition Sheikh Hasina assured them, — 'if I go to power, I will meet all your demands.'
 
When the boat reached the other side, Sheikh Hasina along with others got down and all went to Nageswar and Fulbaria. After the meetings, she instructed that the return should be by the same route through which we had come. The original plan was to return to Dhaka via Jamalpur of Mymensingh. A part of the entourage had already proceeded towards Jamalpur according to the plan. Even then the daughter of Bangabandhu was unbending in her decision and ordered return through the same route. Hasina came back to the Dharala river. When we reached the ferry ghat, she got down from her red Nissan Patrol Jeep and asked everyone, including the Special Branch Security men, to cross the ferry. She said ''I will be the last to cross the river.''
 
Following her instructions everyone crossed the ferry with their transports except Sheikh Hasina, the driver Jalal with the red Nissan Patrol, and mile. They boarded the ferry with the two boatmen. As the boat started to move, Sheikh Hasina began talking to the boatmen. She said, "you have so much of troubles worries and problems but Ziaur Rabman's wife Khaleda and her sons arc plundering the country. They are taking everything for themselves, and not giving anything to you at all. They should be got rid of. They have no right to live They are responsible for your distress. Do a thing. Kill Khaleda Zia by drowning her in this very river by sinking the ferry. I will give you five lakhs Taka. Now, take fifty thousand taka as advance."
 
So saying, Sheikh Hasina brought out a wad of Tk. 500/- notes from her bag and wanted to hand it over to the boatmen. The boatmen were thunder-struck. Hasina said - "take it, hold the bundle."
 
The boatmen hesitated and said, "well, Khaleda Zia does not come this way. We will not be able to do this. We are small people, how can we do this?"
 
Sheikh Hasina said — "you are the people who can do it. Take Taka Fifty thousand now, you will get the remaining four hundred and fifty thousand when the job is over." She called her only
 
companion on the ferry by name (the author) and said "As soon as the boatmen finish their job, please hand over the remaining amount to them."
 
The companion could not say anything. The boatmen were repeatedly saying — 'how can we do this'? Begum Zia does not travel this way. We can't do this.'
 
Hasina again said, "I am not asking you to do this straightway. You do it when KIlaleda Zia comes this way"
 
The boatmen said — "we are poor people. We can't retain money. This will be spent. How can we return your money when we have exhausted this'?"
 
Hasina then said, "you domi't have to return the money. You w]l only get the remnainimlg amoumit after yocm have drowned Khaleda Zia. Take this money as tips. Yoim'll get the rest on completion of your assignment."
 
Sheikh Hasina then almost forcibly pushed the bundle containing Taka Fifty thousand into the hands of the boatmen. The ferry reached the opposite bank. Sheikh Hasina got into the Jeep. As it started moving, her companion asked Sheikh Hasina "Leader, what have you done, just threw away taka fifty thousand into water?''
 
She replied "no, I haven't dropped money into water; just made an investment. Since I had traveled in this route, I am sure Madam (Khaleda Zia) will follow suit and come this way. Then this investment will be of use. This is why I held out the temptation of Four and a half lakh taka. You can get even the tiger's eye with money. If Khaleda Zia travels this way, then the job will be done. The greed of four and half lakh taka will prompt the boatmen to finish the job. Have the boatmen ever seen taka fifty thousand? I gave fifty thousand taka just to create greed for money in them''
 
SCATTERING OF FLOWER
 
Fourteenth December of 1994 was the martyred intellectual day. Everyone assembled at the official residence of the leader of the Opposition Sheikh Hasina at 29 Minto Road. At seven in the morning, she started for the Martyrs' mausoleum at Mirpur. At eight-forty she placed floral wreath at the memorial.
 
Then she went to the slaughtering yard at Rayerbazar. After placing wreathes theme she gave a short speech for the organization of the children of the martyred intellectuals — Prajanma'7 I. Thereafter, she went to see Nakib Ahmed Mannoo (now Sheikh Hasina's Deputy Private Secretary), son of her father's cousin at Bhuiyan Clinic near Malibagh Railway Crossing. On her return to the official residence, we started having lunch together at about 2-30 p.m. As we ate, Hasina ruefully commented — 'today a discussion meeting organized by the city Awami League will be held at Bangabandhu Avenue. After two days, I will resign from the position of the leader of the Opposition in the Parliament). This would be my last function where I would be the Chief Guest. I am the future Prime Minister. I am the daughter of the father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahrnan. Before me is the movement for unseating Khaleda Zia. At this moment, it is necessary to enhance my image. I will attend a function associated with the Victory Day, but I am sure they have not organized any scattering of flowers on me. As a matter of fact these people — I mean AL leaders, are all uncultured, and businessmen and don't have a thinking mind. They don't do anything unless instructed. Can you organize spattering of flowers on me by the women and children at the function?
 
'Leader, don't worry,' I said, 'flower petals will be spattered on you." It was then three-thirty. Only after half an hour, the daughter of Bangabandhu will be on the podium of the function. How could I get girls and children within this short time? I, therefore, hurriedly bought some flowers from the High Court Mazar flower vendors am1d organized spattering of flowers by my wile and the daughter.
 
MAINTAINING PET DOGS
 
Bahauddin Naseem is the son of a cousin of Sheikh Hasina's lather Sheikh Mujibur Rahmnan. He is now Hasina's APS. Three of her other cousins are. Nazir Ahmed Nazib (Chief of the Security of Prime Minister, Naquib Ahmed Manno, (now her DPS) and Kaniz Ahmned Kaniz (who occasionally became deranged and had been under treatment at a private clinic for mental patients at Banani) and is now in charge of the protocol at the Bangladesh Mission in the USA. Their home is in an unknown village in Madaripur, a dilapidated tin shed. They are poor through generations. Their fathers, uncles, and they themselves studied whatever little they could by staying at other people's homes as guest-students (taken on humanitarian grounds, locally known as lodging). They had no establishment of any sorts in Dhaka. They would sleep at night wherever they got a chance. '[heir nearest relative was Sheikh Hasina. So, there was no problem. They all, in a group. took shelter at Sheikh Hasina's home. They lived with Sheikh Hasina. Their food and clothing's were provided by her, who also gave them money. What more could one want?
 
Very soon, with the doles from the wealth of Sheikh Hasina, they got dozens of pants, shirts, shoes. Some of them even became wealthy through her patronage. Bahauddimi Naseem, among them, thought that no one should speak to Sheikh Hasina directly, whoever he might be - even if he was a central party leader, or a leading intellectual. Irrespective of one's position or status, none should speak to Sheikh Hasina or transmit any news or information to her (except through him.
 
It anyone wanted to speak to her, one would have to approach Bahauddin Naseem first. He would transmit the information to Sheikh Hasina only if he considered it sufficiently important. Likewise, if she wanted to speak to anyone, the communication should go through him. Transmission of news would depend on Bahauddin's considered judgment. His important role developed on account of Sheikh Hasina's two weaknesses for him. One of these was that a few crores of Takas were kept in the name of Bahauddimi Naseem in a Branch of the United Commercial Bank (UCBL Motijheel Branch) located at the East side of Adamjee Court, Motijheel. It may be mentioned that the chief accused in the murder case of the industrialist Zakir Uddin, Akhtaruzzamnan Babu of Chittagong was the Director/Chairman of the Bank. The other weakness was that he is a son of Sheikh Mujib's cousin. This Bahauddin Naseem occasionally at Hasina's house at Road 5, Dhanmondi, regretfully said — 'The Mistress of this
 
house (Sheikh Hasina) is unscrupulous and ungrateful. She will betray any trust. She does not care to remember things. I would rather have some pet dogs here. They will be more faithful.
 
Quite often Bahauddin Naseem used to make comments like this. As a matter of fact, he brought two puppies and started maintaining them there. The two puppies have become quite big now at Hasina's house. They cannot be called puppies any more. Why did Bahauddin Naseem say such things? 1-fe was allowed to live in Sheikh Hasina's house. But strangely enough, Hasina with her peculiar mentality, would, with the help of gate-men, drive away Naseem's father or his brothers, whenever they wanted to visit him at her house.
 
HUSBAND AND WIFE NEVER SLEPT TOGETHER
 
On December 28, 1994 Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina resigned from her seat in the Parliament. She vacated her official residence at 29 Minto Road and moved to her house at Road. 5 Dhanmondi. The ground and first floors of the house are in the name of Hasina's estranged husband Dr. Wazed Miah.
 
The second floor is in Sheikh Hasina's own name. The husband. Dr. Wazed Miah, a scientist, sought loan from Sheikh Hasina when he ran out of money after having constructed the first floor. Then Hasina got the second floor recorded in her name and gave Dr. Wazed the required money. However, Dr. Wazed Miah and Sheikh Hasina never spent a single night together in this house. Not only that, ever since Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981, Hasina and Wazed had never spent a single night together as husband and wife. They even did not stay in the same house. Sheikh Hasina stayed for a few days at the official quarter of Dr. Wazed Miah at Mohakhali immediately after her return to Bangladesh on May 17, 1982.
 
Those days Dr. Wazed Miah stayed in a government Rest House. and not in his own quarters. Alter that, Sheikh Hasina went to her lather's house at Road 32. Dhanmondi. Then she went to 29, Minto Road, the official residence of the leader of the Opposition. At that time the house of Sheikh Hasina and her husband Dr. Wazed Miah at 54, Road 5. Dhanmondi was rented out. In December 1994. the tenants of the house were almost forcibly driven out and she moved in. She Participated in political movements and in the general election while staying in that house. After becoming the Prime Minister, she moved to 'Korotoa', now Ganabhavan. In all these 16/17 years, Dr. Wazed Miah never spent a night with Sheikh Hasina. They meet very infrequently in
 
all these years. But occasionally Dr. Wazed Miah used to appear aimlessly at her house, but was never greeted or received by Sheikh Hasina. She did not even extend normal courtesy to him.
 
When Sheikh Hlasina was staying at 29 Minto Road as the leader of the opposition. Dr. Wazed Miah, on an Eid day, came to visit her to extend Eid greetings as an ordinary visitor. But Hasina, though exchanged pleasantries with other visitors, did not take any notice of her husband. No one even asked him to take a seat. Dr. Wazed Miah cast a sad glance at Sheikh Hasina and slowly walked oat of the room and left through the front gate. Except Sheikh Hasina and some of her close associates, no one could know who the visitor was. Dr. Wazed Miah fell ill many times and was hospitalized even for months at the Suhrawardy Hospital and at a few other hospitals, but Sheikh Hasina never cared to visit her husband even once
 
INJURIES ON THE PERSON OF SHEIKH HASINA
 
There are many signs of injury on the body of Sheikh Hasina. She sometimes groaned in pain, even sometimes burst into tears. She would call Maina (author's wife, serial No. 2 in the list of the declared undesirables') to administer a massage on a certain part of her body. The satan's son (Dr. Wazed Miah) hit me at this place in 1980. and I still suffer from pain, she would say.
 
One of Maina's primary duties was to massage her body. Almost every morning Maina massaged her body and woke her up from bed and then again massaged her while she went to bed. Maina also received or entertained important visitors. She would have initial talks with a visiting VIP and brief Sheikh Hasina about the purpose of the visit. She used to receive telephone calls and transmitted messages to Sheikh Hasina. She had to organize Hasina's daily meals and her wardrobe. Her additional duty was to keep Hasina informed of happenings outside.
 
These were Maina's responsibilities. But she did not have any regular employment. She was not paid for the duties performed. Rather Maina (author' wife) extended any help within her means, required by Sheikh Hasina.
 
Sheikh Hasina occasionally held Maina and cried, saying that, "the devil's son (Dr. Wazed Miah) used to beat me three times a day — in the morning, at noon and at night. To escape from the
 
possible beating by the bastard, at least once, I went out at noon to the park with Joy and Putul (her children). There is nothing left in my body due to the beating of that Satan, That devil's son started torturing me immediately after our marriage."
 
STRANGE CHARACTER, ACTION AND FATE
 
Sheikh Hasina used to cry and repeatedly say that her husband, Dr. Wajed Miah, tortured her physically and beat her. Maina also shed tears in sympathy. But why did the husband torture her and give her thrashing? Sheikh Hasina never explained that. She possessed such a strange character and fate. Her only daughter having returned from abroad used to say that her mother had many colours and wondered what type of colour she would wear at a particular time Whenever Sheikh Haisna would say something, Putul asked: "What number of colour are you putting on now?" She used to ask the same question to her maternal aunt. Sheikh Rehana, and tell her that her sister had a provean way of changing colours.
 
The daughter of Bangabandhu used to remain silent and would not reply. When Shaikh Hasina brought a proposal for marriage of her daughter. Putul immediately jumped at it and gave her consent. It appeared that she wanted to escape from the life with her mother through anybody. Shaikh Hasina also, it appeared. wanted to free herself by giving her daughter in marriage to any willing young man.
 
Shaikh Hasina would call over phone her only son, Joy, who was abroad and requested him to bring a saree for her when he would return to Bangladesh. Joy would curtly refuse the request and express his inability. She used to express her regrets before others at the behaviour of her children.
 
None could see any flaw in Shaikh Hasina's treatment of her children. Yet, it was strange that they would behave that way to her.
 
 
 

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