Banner Advertiser

Sunday, February 7, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Admission trade menace



Editorial
 
 
It threatens to swamp the academia

THE diabolic interference by Chhatra League in the admission process of many educational institutions, from colleges to universities has become the order of the day, much to the chagrin of the citizenry. Given that the BCL, by its vicious involvement in the admission process, may have minted a huge sum of money, to the tune of one crore by one estimate, and that too, only from three colleges of the capital, it is no surprise that such lucrative business is being conducted -- thanks to the impunity leash. And to cap it, it is alleged that some teachers may have got involved in the trade, a few under pressure and some on their own volition.

We are only too familiar of the goings on in this matter. Some of the colleges had to stop admission under the diktat of the BCL because the college authorities would not consider the list drawn up by the BCL, under a most despicable description of 'political quota,' for admission. And yet we have not heard the AL taking action against these so-called student leaders.

Such a state of affairs demonstrates corruption in its most pernicious form foreboding a very bleak scenario for the country's standard of scholarship and learning. One wonders whether the political parties and the college and university authorities, some of who have expressed their utter helplessness to do anything to dissuade the BCL cadres from interfering in the intake process, realise the immense damage that's being wreaked on the moral fabric of the country. There is no competition, and merit has been shown the door; many with poor result are managing admission by paying huge sums to the student leaders.

We are in a state of moral decay that may not be easy to correct, and this situation has not come about in a day. It has evolved over the years where the cadres were given a long leash. They went about their business unimpeded and some were even rewarded for the use of their muscle power, and taken for an investment into future. The issue is far more serious than many would like to admit. It has very deep and long term implications for the nation. And there are very compelling reasons for all of us, particularly the political leaders, to do a bit of soul searching and roll back this sinister trend in scrounging money from ever newer pastures.

For the political leaders it is not enough to merely express regret. They cannot exonerate themselves from their responsibility for the prevailing situation. What we see happening in the colleges and universities is the result of inaction over a long period, which one suspects might have been deliberate in some cases.

The ruling party must act decisively or else risk a situation that might go beyond redemption, if it hasn't already.
 
 
 
 
THE incident at the Satkhira City College on Saturday, in which activists of the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the associate organisation for students of the ruling Awami League, drove away at least 500 candidates who had turned up to take admission tests, in what the college principal termed in a complaint lodged with the police 'a bid to force illegal admission', is indeed shocking but hardly surprising. In the past 13 months since the Awami League-led government assumed office, the Chhatra League has consistently hogged the headlines, needless to say, for the wrong reasons. Its leaders and activists have run amok in different universities and colleges across the country. In the first couple of months or so, they went after their political opponents in a bid to establish territorial control over the campuses. Later, once their dominance over their political rivals was complete, they turned against each other. The violence perpetrated by BCL elements is, again, needless to say, mostly related to tussle for control over rent-seeking, tender manipulation, 'admission business', etc.
   Meanwhile, the government and the ruling party have limited their response to the excesses committed by the unruly BCL elements mostly to talking tough. The prime minister has herself, on more occasions than one, warned of disciplinary and legal actions if any BCL leaders and activists were found to be involved in violence or violation of law and order. As indicated before, such warnings have hardly translated into decisive and demonstrative actions. Worse still, the government, of late, seems to have softened even its public posture against violence and vandalism on campus by unruly BCL elements. In the wake of the recent intra-BCL clash at Dhaka University, the home minister sought to play it down as a 'stray incident'. On Saturday, in response to the Satkhira incident, the education minister resorted to a clichéd defence. 'Such things [on-campus violence] are not happening all of a sudden,' he was quoted by New Age as saying in a report published on Sunday. 'It is the continuation of a legacy.'
   The sustained inaction of the government and the ruling party, and the discernible change in their public posture tend to indicate that they are either unable or unwilling to rein in the unruly elements in the Chhatra League. However, the atrocities by unruly BCL elements, which have thus far resulted in the death of eight students, the latest being Mohammad Abu Bakar Siddique at Dhaka University on Wednesday, and drastic deterioration in academic atmosphere and serious disruption in academic calendar at a number of universities and colleges across the country need to be stopped. As any decisive and demonstrative actions from the government or the ruling party look unlikely, the community of general students may have to fend for itself. The general students need to organise themselves and, with the help of left-leaning and social-democratic students' organisations that have a track record of upholding students' interest, build up resistance against such atrocities. At the same time, the parents and guardians of the unruly BCL elements should do their bit by trying to rein in their wards, as do non-partisan teachers, that is, if there are any.
 
 
 


__._,_.___


[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.com




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[ALOCHONA] August 15, 1975 Coup and the Executions



August 15, 1975 Coup and the Executions

 

 

A O Chowdhury

New York, USA

February 6, 2010

 

This is in response to the opinions expressed by Tayeb Husain, Jaffar Ullah and Shabbir Bashar on the subject in the readers column of this esteemed media.  

 

Five of the 12 accused in the 'Shiekh Mujib Murder Case' walked to the gallows on the night of January 27/28, 2010. One died in Zimbabwe in 2002. Six others live abroad and hunt for them goes on.

 

The conduct of the trial and executions raised a host of legal, administrative and humanitarian questions.  

 

August 15, 1975 military coup was a successful one, or at the minimum an army mutiny. Successful coups/mutinies became part of the system, a factum valet and their leaders never faced trial. I do not want to waste time and space in giving examples of successful coups the world over. Bangladesh is the only exception in modern times where saviors of a nation had to face gallows. It looks like the country is in ransom in the hands of a vicious coterie!

 

Adult generations who lived in Bangladesh on August 15, 1975 and the days after, would recall how people hailed and rejoiced at the news of the coup and its outcome. It was a jubilation compared to the Victory Day of December 16, 1971. Bangladeshis at home and abroad distributed sweets in happiness. I did not see, read or hear of an iota of protest or challenge against the coup anywhere. The coup leaders were treated as heroes through five successive governments for the next 21 years. Things changed when Sheikh Hasina, daughter of the fallen leader, became prime minister in 1996. Hasina earlier vowed in private conversations (ref: Sirajur Rahman of BBC fame and former Col Harunur Rashid of DGFI) that her only objective to join politics and grab statecraft was to avenge the death of her father. And, she remained true to her pledge. Those who now try to look at the event of August 15 and its aftermath differently are either Awami blind copycats in their 40s or below who did not have the misfortune to experience Mujib's Bangladesh of 1972-75 or they are outright liars or at best opportunist turncoats.

 

Former Awami League president Abdul Malek Ukil termed Mujib a Feraoun while former speaker and foreign minister Humayun Rasheed Choudhury said in a public meeting in Sylhet in late eighties that if Mujib was hanged hundred times yet he would not be cleansed of his sins (Weekly Sugandha November 1, 1996). Another veteran Awami Leaguer, Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury said in 1977, if August 15 did not happen, Shiekh Moni would have staged his own coup sooner to grab power, eliminating his 'mama' if needed.

 

It was, however, very unfortunate that Shikh Mujibur Rahman, most of his family members and others had to die during the short military action on that day. However, circumstances of their death are not very clear, the dramatization during the trial notwithstanding. From mid-sixties, Sheikh Mujib was a towering political figure in East Pakistan, though not without controversies. There is no denial of his great contribution towards Bengalis' renaissance and awakening that culminated in the independence of Bangladesh. He was not in the liberation war, but he was the most loved person on January 10, 1972 when he arrived in independent Bangladesh, following his release from Pakistani custody. But, look what he gave in return to the people in his 3 and a half years' rule instead---death to 40,000 political opponents, the draconian Rakkhi Bahini, the oppressive Emergency, the one-party BAKSAL, the detested 4th Amendment, loss of half a million lives in the man-made famine in 1974-75, just to name a few! The most loved man became the most hated and there was no Innalillah at the news of his death. Those who crow today for their 'man-god' Mujib, in pretense or in ignorance, need to revisit the news archives and learn the Bangladesh history a little better, particularly of the period of 1972-75.  

 

I am not aware who all were involved in the August 15 coup, other than those whose names came up during the trial. Awami League likes to believe that former president Ziaur Rahman and many others were part of the 'conspiracy'. Some even extend the link to the US and Pakistan. Then army chief General Safiullah have been saying what he is worth. However, he admitted one truth: he found most elements of the army on August 15, 1975 supportive of the coup and not willing to take any action to counter the outcome. Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf perhaps came to the chief's residence that morning in sleeping suit, but according to various reports, he was the first senior officer to react positively about the coup and immediately singed off the release of shells to the tanks in the streets when he learnt that they were without ammunition. One tank and one artillery regiment with about 500 men took part in the coup while one infantry regiment from Joydevpur was to join but could not make it for whatever reasons. Does one need all that to make an ordinary 'killing' for which the trial was held? Why were only 12 officers made scapegoats?

 

A former ambassador, who is known for his opportunist mentality and is often seen in talks shows with his pseudo philosophy, suggested that Col Shariful Haq Dalim be stripped of his "Bir Uttam" title, obviously aimed at pleasing his 'Apa'. Does this man believe that Dalim was awarded Bir Uttam for his participation in the August 15 coup?

 

I recall a statement of former president H M Ershad. He told the journalists at the time of his arrest during Khaleda Zia's first administration, "Khaleda will not remain prime minister for ever and I will not stay in the jail for ever either." We know the rest of the story. At some future time, when the history of Bangladesh will be known and written in its true perspective and August 15 coup will find its respectful place, will the executioners of today, the prosecutors and judges included, be able to give back the lives of those heroes who saved the nation on August 15, 1975? One may not ignore the fact that on December 29, 2008, fifty two (52)% voters did not want Awami League to run the country. And, no government runs its show for perpetuity.  

 

Since start of the Sheikh Mujib trial, the Awami circle, its sycophants and its sponsored media kept saying that it was not an ordinary death or killing, it was the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Bangabandhu, the Father of the Nation and 'Sorbakaler Sarboshrestho Bangali (the best Bengali of all ages). Even one of the Appellate Judges said so during the hearing (implying the honorable judge sat on the bench with a pre-conceived notion!). Agreed, it was not an ordinary death. Then why was the trial made of an ordinary murder? Bangabandhu, Father of the Nation etc. etc. are political titles, Sheikh Mujib was a political personality. As such, a political motif must have worked towards his death or killing. Why would a group of army officers go to the presidential residence and make it a 'killing field'? Did the coup leaders have any personal enmity with Mujib? Was there any personal equation between them and Mujib? Did they want to grab the statecraft for themselves? There was no evidence of any affirmative answers to all these questions, yet ironically, the honorable judges failed to look at them. There was no evidence either that those officers acted on someone else's behalf. Belatedly though, the European Union said the August 15 event was a politically motivated action and could not be tried as simple murder. The Amnesty International, the apex human rights organization, said so repeatedly.

 

Besides, there was a constitutional indemnity preventing the trial of August 15 coup but the Awami League scrapped the law by simple majority in the parliament, thus violating a constitutional requirement which needed two-third majority vote to do so. That was not rule of law, irrespective of legal interpretation and judgment by partisan jurists.

 

The appeal hearing started on October 5, 2009 and the judges dismissed the appeals on November 19. Strangely, it took another one month for them to formalize or chart the roadmap to arrive at the decision. As a layman, it looked to me that the honorable judges were under pressure to dish out the guilty verdict in a hurry. During the appeal review, one judge commented that the appellants were trying to touch the moon. What a remark about persons who were standing on the edge of life and death! It perhaps implied that the honorable judges knew in advance, what they would do with the appeals. Indeed, the review hearing got upstaged, superseding over 400 pending cases, to hasten the execution.

 

The Law Minister, the Home Minister and the Attorney General were in such a haste to hang the accused that they expressed extreme displeasure when the jail authorities waited for the remaining two legal processes to be completed. As a few accused hinted that they would not seek clemency from the President, the jail authorities, albeit at the instance of higher ups, sent clemency applications to the president on their own. The accused, their attorneys and their family members knew nothing about those mercy petitions. Was it to show to the world that all legal facilities were provided to the accused for the sake of justice?

 

The review appeals were dismissed on January 27, 2010 and the authorities decided to hang them the same night, as if the accused could run away if delayed! Col Farook Rahman's mercy petition was processed and denied within hours, perhaps setting an unusual precedence. It looked like the elderly president was waiting impatiently with his pen in Bangabhaban to tick the 'Declined' button and sign the dotted line. I do not want to go over the media circus that followed; it was despicable and sickening! Disrespect to dead bodies by throwing shoes, spitting or blocking burial was totally against our culture, tradition and faith.  

  



__._,_.___


[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.com




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___

[ALOCHONA] BDR mutiny trial: Rescued army officers not witnesses



BDR mutiny trial: Rescued army officers not witnesses
 

The rescued army officers and deceased family members were not prosecution witness at the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny cases, which happened at its Headquarters at Peelkhana, on February 25 and 26 last year, CID sources said.

A total of 6435 persons were interrogated in connection with the killings including 45 rescued army officers and 139 members of the deceased family during last 11 months.A senior official of the CID told The New Nation that the rescued army officers and deceased family members would not like to be prosecution witnesses in this cases.

The army officers and deceased family members were the direct eyewitnesses of the BDR carnage, if they were not prosecution witnesses in these cases the accused BDR men are likely to go Scot free and come out from jail, he added. "The CID so far enlisted 1539 people including about 600 eyewitnesses asprosecution witnesses in the case during the investigation," the official said.

The prosecution witnesses were police, employee of the BDR hospital, BDR officials and the employee of the fire fighter. Most of the witnesses entered into the BDR Headquarters at Peelkhana after the end of the killing mission.

Investigation Officer (IO) and senior ASP of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Abdul Kahar Akhand told newsmen yesterday that the investigation was complete but the final report is likely to be submitted by the end of February.

Over 2,180 BDR members and 34 civilians, including former BNP MP Nasir Uddin Ahmed Pintu are being charged for the massacre in which 73 people, including 57 military officers, were brutally killed at Peelkhana.

CID also collected 3,170 evidences of the BDR carnage. According to the prepared final report at least 140 BDR jawans were directly involved in the carnage on the two days.

Of them, 17 persons were directly involved in the killings, 17 persons involved with looting arms, 37 persons for planning for mutiny, 22 for violating women and 47 persons for burying the victims in mass graves. At least 140 BDR men had given confessional statements for their direct involvement.

The government has decided to try these accused persons under different Sections of the CrPC by Special Courts in Dhaka.

http://nation.ittefaq.com/issues/2010/02/08/news0275.htm


__._,_.___


[Disclaimer: ALOCHONA Management is not liable for information contained in this message. The author takes full responsibility.]
To unsubscribe/subscribe, send request to alochona-owner@egroups.com




Your email settings: Individual Email|Traditional
Change settings via the Web (Yahoo! ID required)
Change settings via email: Switch delivery to Daily Digest | Switch to Fully Featured
Visit Your Group | Yahoo! Groups Terms of Use | Unsubscribe

__,_._,___