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Wednesday, October 16, 2013

[mukto-mona] Fwd: মালালার ঘটনা পুরোটাই নাটক!



মালালার ঘটনা তাদের কাছেই নাটক যারা গুজব ছড়ায় যে ৯/১১ ইহুদীদের কাজ; অন্যকথায় যারা এসব ছড়ায় বা বিশ্বাস করে তারা জেনে বা না-জেনে মৌলবাদী ও সন্ত্রাসীদের সাহায্য করছেন, জ্ঞানপাপীরা তো আছেনই।
শিতাংশু গুহ 
৬৪৬-৬৯৬-৫৫৬৯
--------- Forwarded message ----------
Subject: Re: মালালার ঘটনা পুরোটাই নাটক!





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Re: [mukto-mona] Religious Conversion



The religion is the Opium of the Masses - Karl Marx

There is no better definition for religion. A close family friend of mine recently got severely addicted to his religious belief. His addiction attained such a high level he lost this sense of reality; in my view, he is totally insane now.
 
I have been warning him for years not to exceed the dose of his religious belief, but he kept on increasing the dose. His family tried for years to get him off his addiction, but – nothing worked. He is now isolated from his wife and children. We are very close with his family. He completely ruined such a lovely family. It's a disgrace. I know - this will be the ultimate fate of all religious people, if they cannot control the dose of religion in their lives.

Jiten Roy



On Wednesday, October 16, 2013 6:04 PM, Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com> wrote:
 
Islam adopted much of the pagan practice prevalent before it was born.  Besides the temple/mosque at Mecca was likely been built by a Shaivaite who meant it to be a temple of Ila, a wife of Shiva.  Hajre Aswad is essentially a vaginal symbol as is the icon at Kamrup Kamakshya.   Ila might have easily transformed into Allah, as female Goddess was discarded for a male one.  Jewish patriarchs are parts of fiction as much as Adam and Eve is.  Present day Hinduism is largely influenced by Islam; there are evidences of Bhagvat Gita being concocted in Baghdad.  When Lord Krishna says, among the Generals he is Skanda(Alexander the Great), he definitely indicates the Kurukshetra war as a post Alexander phenomenon. 


On Tue, Oct 15, 2013 at 4:43 PM, Jiten Roy <jnrsr53@yahoo.com> wrote:
 

Dr. Das,
 
You are probably pointing at the written texts of Hinduism; I am pointing at the ritualistic worshiping practices of human-beings. As you know - Arabian people were deity worshipers before Islam was born. I am referring to those Pagan religious activities that Hindus still continue today.
Indus Valley civilization was between 3000 - 1500 B.C., and Vedic Era was between 1200 - 900 B.C.  The classic period of Mayan Society in South America was during 300 – 900 AD, so you can see how old is these practices are.
 
The theme of this blog was to point out the ancillary aftershock of religious conversion, and I did not want to distract readers from the theme with nutty-gritty historical facts; I just mentioned some simple facts to get my points across. I learned this trick from one of my mentors; he said – first try to describe your ideas in simple language, if possible, instead of relying onto complex mathematical expressions. I follow that advice in whatever I write.
 
Also, I am not historian; it's your field of expertise. I am not necessarily challenging your argument that some written texts of Hinduism may have come after the birth of Islam; but, basic religious practices are much older than that.

Thanks.

Jiten Roy




On Tuesday, October 15, 2013 6:43 PM, Kamal Das <kamalctgu@gmail.com> wrote:
 
"Historically, Hinduism is one of the oldest religions on earth, and Islam is the newest."- This, among many others in your article, is an oversimplification of fact. Like Abrahamic religions, 'Hinduism' has not been delivered by a messiah/prophet.  Much of it has been invented by men long after its followers think.  Vyas Dev, credited with writing most of the Purana and editing Veda into four volumes,was really Badrayana, a philosopher of 9th century A.D.  That makes 'Hinduism' younger than Islam, doesn't it?
Another major question to your article, was the single land mass of the entire earth, Pangeas, populated with homo sapiens?


On Tue, Oct 15, 2013 at 5:36 AM, Jiten Roy <jnrsr53@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
Please have a look at the blog, entitled : Religious Conversion, by clicking on the following link:


Thank you.

Jiten Roy








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Re: [mukto-mona] হেফাজতিদের মিথ্যাচারের জবাব !!!!!!



But, woman MP (Papia) from BNP said -  Moulana Shafi was right. Does anyone know her explanation for the comment?



On Wednesday, October 16, 2013 6:02 PM, Muhammad Ali <man1k195709@yahoo.com> wrote:
 
শেয়ার করুন ও দেখুন-মৌলভী না মৌ লোভী! ;হেফাজতিদের মিথ্যাচারের জবাব
alt
শেয়ার করুন ও দেখুন-মৌলভী না মৌ লোভী! ;হেফাজতিদের মিথ্যাচারের জবাব
মৌলভী না মৌ লোভী!

Muhammad Tanvir-এর আরেকটি অসামান্য কাজ এটা, যুদ্ধাপরাধী জামায়াতে ইসলামীর অঙ্গ সংগঠন ও ব্রেইনচাইল্ড হেফাজতে ইসলামী প্রধান মওলানা শফির নারী অবমাননাকারী ওয়াজের জবাব রয়েছে এই নাটিকায়

Courtesy :- Omi Rahman Pial
Length: 7:25




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[mukto-mona] FW: Blame thy Neighbour: Perspectives on the Problematic Indo-Bangladesh Relationship




 

Date: Sat, 12 Oct 2013 10:58:25 +0600
Subject: Blame thy Neighbour: Perspectives on the Problematic Indo-Bangladesh Relationship
From: bdmailer@gmail.com
To:

Blame thy Neighbour: Perspectives on the Problematic Indo-Bangladesh Relationship

Taj Hashmi*

Overview

India has never been in good terms with its immediate neighbours, except Maldives. It is possibly the only country in the world, which has bad to very bad relationship with all its immediate neighbours. The Indo-Bangladesh relationship has always been strenuous. Although immediately after the emergence of Bangladesh – with direct Indian help and military intervention – the Bangladesh Government officially portrayed India as Bangladesh's "Bandhu Rashtra" or "Friendly State", yet most Bangladeshis were not enthused about the short- and long-term prospects of having mighty India as a neighbour. To them, India was not a benign neighbour but a hegemonic and expansionist power, determined to turn their country into a subservient ally and a market, or even worse, into a protectorate.

Ever since the 1975 military takeover in Bangladesh, the government and people in India have serious misgivings about their Muslim-majority neighbour in the east. India not only considers the country a source of illegal immigrants but also as one in league with Pakistan, allegedly a promoter of Islamist terror and a sanctuary for ethno-national separatists in India's Northeast. India's mistrust of Bangladesh intensifies whenever the "pro-Pakistani" and "Islam-loving" Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is in power in the country. India's demeanor changes substantially – it apparently becomes friendly towards Bangladesh – whenever the "pro-Indian" and apparently "secular" Awami League is in power.

Then again, contrary to what Manmohan Singh believes that around 25 per cent of Bangladeshis who are anti-Indian belong to the Islamist Jamaat-i-Islami party and "are in the clutches of the ISI", thanks to Indian hegemonic behaviour towards Bangladesh, much more than 25 per cent of the Muslim population in the country are avowedly anti-Indian and they do not necessarily belong to any Islamist party as Islamist parties do not command more than five per cent popular support in Bangladesh.

This paper is an appraisal of the real and imaginary issues dogging the Indo-Bangladesh relations in historical, political, psychological and geo-political perspectives. It also aims at exploring the possibilities of a durable understanding between the two countries in an environment of mutual trust and respect.

Historical Roots of the Problem

Let us look at the historical roots of the problem as to why India and Bangladesh behave to each other as they have been since months after the emergence of Bangladesh. Historically, it is not correct to assume that Bangladesh came into being due to the bulk of the East Bengali Muslims' quest for a secular Bengali identity; and that the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 signalled the departure of East Bengali Muslims' Muslim identity, nourished and nurtured for at least a hundred years before the emergence of Pakistan in 1947. There is no reason to assume that East Bengali Muslims, who played the most important role in the creation of Pakistan, all of a sudden discarded anti-Hindu "communalism" (main sustainer of and rationale for Pakistan) and joined the bandwagon of the so-called secular Bengali Nationalism. East Pakistan's transformation into Bangladesh was not inevitable. Pakistani military crackdown leading to an indiscriminate killing of Bengalis in East Pakistan and Indian intervention played the vital roles in the creation of the country. Most importantly, for the bulk of Bangladeshis Muslims, 1971 just transformed their political not religious identity. They were/are still predisposed to anti-Indian (anti-Hindu) communal propaganda.

Most importantly, the post-Liberation Awami League Government's failure to address the problems of mass hunger, poverty, unemployment in the backdrop of mismanaged and corrupt ways of running the country, with reliance on India for its domestic and foreign policies, did not augur well for the Indo-Bangladesh friendship and understanding. While Bangladesh was apparently turning into the Kissinger's nightmarish "Basket Case" during the Mujib era, the vast majority of Bangladeshi Muslims started believing in all the conspiracy theories, such as: a) "India taking away their country's meagre resources"; b) "India created Bangladesh not only to weaken Pakistan but also to turn the country it helped become independent into an Indian market and colony"; and c) "Under Indian influence, the Mujib Government was working for a formal merger of their country with India". Renowned Indian journalist Basant Chatterjee, as an eyewitness gave a vivid account of the prevalent anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh soon after its emergence in 1971. He rightly pointed out that Bangladesh in 1973 had already become "Muslim Bengal", where the bulk of the Bengali Muslims blamed India for all of their problems, and were fast becoming pro-Islamic and anti-Indian, if not pro-Pakistani. The psyche of the average Bangladeshi Muslim has not changed much in 2013 with regards to their anti-Indian sentiment.

While the Bangladeshi Muslim psyche was still vulnerable to communal/anti-Indian mobilization, Indian highhandedness and inept foreign and trade policies towards Bangladesh, especially its dumping of substandard goods into Bangladesh and coercing the latter into signing a "friendship treaty" (on unequal terms) with India in 1972 to last twenty-five years, alienated many Bangladeshis. Meanwhile, by early 1972 supporters of Islam-oriented political parties – remained proscribed in Bangladesh for more than three years up to the military takeover in 1975 for collaborating with the Pakistani occupation army in 1971 – pro-Chinese leftists and others having strong reservations about India joined the anti-Indian camp under Maulana Bhashani. After the bloody overthrow of the Mujib government in 1975 (most Bangladeshis considered the regime pro-Indian) anti-Indian movement got further momentum due to various factors. What had already started soon after the emergence of Bangladesh in early 1972 – many pro-Bangladeshi and anti-Pakistani secular and liberal democratic politicians and people fast turned anti-Indian due to various factors – got further momentum after the overthrow of the Mujib. India's alleged plundering of Bangladeshi assets and its hegemonic foreign policy to keep Bangladesh subservient turned the average Bangladeshi into anti-Indian and anti-Mujib. Thus when Khondokar Mushtaque Ahmed, a senior minister in the Mujib Cabinet, became the President of Bangladesh after the August coup of 1975, Bangladesh came closer to Pakistan and through it to the Muslim World. Mushtaque would have declared Bangladesh an "Islamic Republic" but he is said to have refrained from doing so because of his apprehension of Indian military intervention. This is what one finds in some declassified State Department Documents.

Ever since 1975, lots of contentious issues between the two countries have further embittered the Indo-Bangladesh relationship. India's harbouring, arming and training pro-Mujib militants under Kader Siddiki who continued attacking Bangladeshi border outposts in 1975-1976 and the Chakma insurgents (Shanti Bahini) for two decades up to 1996; and Bangladesh's providing sanctuary to ULFA rebels for years, allegedly in collaboration with the ISI, may be mentioned in this regard.

India decided to build the Farakka Barrage across the Ganges in 1951, which came into operation in 1975.
India's unilateral decision to activate the Barrage – to the detriment of Bangladesh – alienated the bulk of the Bangladeshi population from India. Consequential to the Barrage, Bangladesh loses around 40,000 cusecs of water per year. The Indo-Bangladesh thirty-year agreement on water sharing signed in 1996, has not substantially improved the situation for Bangladesh. There is no guarantee clause in the agreement for minimum amounts of water to be supplied to Bangladesh. From the findings of water and ecology experts across the world, it appears that due to the barrage, there has been increased salinity of soil and water in northwestern Bangladesh. There has also been decline in soil quality and crop yields, shrinking fish population, decline of mangrove forest, increased erosion rates and sedimentation in the Ganges, more severe flooding in northern Bangladesh during the monsoon. Experts estimate the total damage to Bangladesh economy due to the Barrage at $3 billion per year.

While contentious issues like India's withdrawing water from the upstream of the Ganges in the north of the Farakka Barrage has been a big impediment to good neighbourly relationship between India and Bangladesh, the proposed Tipaimukh Barrage has emerged as another bone of contention between the two countries. The proposed Tipaimukh Barrage on the Barak, would adversely affect agriculture, and create environmental and navigational problems in the Surma and Kushiara rivers, adversely affecting more than thirty million people in northeastern Bangladesh. Again, ignoring Bangladesh's demand, India has not stopped unilateral withdrawal of water from the upstream of the Teesta Barrage of Bangladesh in northern Bangladesh, which has posed a serious threat to agriculture in greater Rangpur district of Bangladesh.

Indian ambivalence towards solving the border demarcation problem, and India's Border Security Forces or BSF's alleged unprovoked killing of Bangladeshi nationals on the border, especially the killing of 15-year-old Felani, a Bangladeshi girl on 7 January 2011, have further embittered the Indo-Bangladesh relationship. The acquittal of the BSF soldier, alleged to have killed Felani, disappointed and angered many in Bangladesh.

India is apprehensive of the influx of illegal immigrants, Islamist terrorists and Muslim protagonists of "Greater Bangladesh" from Bangladesh to destabilize the Northeast and West Bengal. Bangladesh is also worried about the long-term design of India-based Bengali Hindu extremists who want to carve out several southwestern Bangladeshi districts to create the so-called Swadhin Bangabhumi (Free Bengali Land) to settle Hindu Bengali refugees (and their descendants) who left East Pakistan/Bangladesh for India during the last sixty-odd years. The Swadhin Bangabhumi Andolon, a separatist movement to create a Hindu country out of southwestern Bangladesh started in 1973 in India. In an interview with the BBC in 2001, Chittaranjan Sutar, who was an Awami League MP and the main organiser of the movement, denied any existence of the movement at that time. The movement became active again in 2003 when it declared the independence of Hindu Republic of Bangabhumi. Hindu extremist groups in India, especially the VHP, championed the cause of the Bangabhumi.

Many Bangladeshis are apprehensive of another unlikely event, Indian annexation of their country, very similar to what happened to Hyderabad, Kashmir, Goa and Sikkim, which could lead to the return of millions of Hindu Bengali refugees and their descendants to Bangladesh to reclaim their abandoned (or sold at nominal prices) and stolen properties from their present Bangladeshi Muslim owners. Bangladeshis also do not want to compete with the better-educated Hindu Indians in the not-so-competitive job market in Bangladesh, which they apprehend would be the outcome of an Indian annexation of their country. Thousands of Indian professionals have already been working illegally in the private sector of Bangladesh, especially in the garment, NGO and IT sectors.

While water is a very big issue between the two neighbours, which is likely to aggravate further in the coming years as India will need more water for its dry and populous state of West Bengal, the lack of mutual trust, and most importantly, the lack of resolve to resolve the problem on both sides, are the stumbling blocks towards bringing the two countries closer to each other. The perpetual sense of deprivation and helplessness on part of Bangladesh vis-à-vis Indian highhandedness will not do any good to the parties. Tense Indo-Bangladesh relationship is also at the roots of many transnational security problems in the sub-region.

Surprisingly, there are some minor issues that have been dogging the relationship between the two neighbours for decades. One may mention the issue of the Bangladeshi enclaves in India at Angarpota and Dahagram. Although Bangladesh transferred the Indian enclave of Berubari in Bangladesh to India in 1974 by linking it to the Indian mainland, India has not yet reciprocated the same rights to the Bangladeshi nationals in the enclaves of Angarpota and Dahagram. Despite so many "agreements", India has not allowed free and uninterrupted 24-hour access to the Bangladeshis in the enclaves to the mainland of Bangladesh. There is a narrow corridor of Indian Territory called "Tin Bigha" that links the enclaves to the mainland of Bangladesh. India does not allow 24-hour access to the corridor. Consequently the Bangladeshis in the enclaves do not get access to law enforcers, hospitals, shopping centres, schools and other facilities in Bangladesh. They live in abject poverty, without access to gas and electricity. Then again, apparently there was a breakthrough as India and Bangladesh came to some agreements on the boundary agreement (over the enclaves) and India promised that no unilateral actions would be taken to deprive Bangladesh from its due share of Teesta water in 2011.

The Cold War impacted the Indo-Bangladesh relations in the post-Mujib era up to the end of the Cold War (1975-1990) – While the Soviet Union and its East European satellites favoured India, the West and its Arab allies and Pakistan favoured Bangladesh. The emergence of the "Neo Cold War" between America and China (and its clients in the Muslim World) is fast polarizing the Muslim and the Western worlds. America's promoting India as a bulwark against China – and against Pakistan in the long run – has direct bearings on the Indo-Bangladesh relationship. Hillary Clinton's telling India on 20th July 2011 in Chennai "it's time to lead" and "exercise political influence to match its fast-growing economic muscle" in South Asia, is not re-assuring for Bangladesh and Pakistan. India and Pakistan are also engaged in their proxy war over Kashmir in Afghanistan. Significantly, Bangladeshi political parties are not maintaining positive neutrality towards the Indo-Pak conflict in and around Afghanistan.

America's and the Israeli Lobby's not-so-hidden agenda to de-nuclearise Pakistan may be considered a catalyst in the new Big Game within and beyond Afghanistan. Thus Bangladesh has become a not-so-insignificant pawn in this game and has also become a battlefield of the Indo-Pakistan proxy war. While Pakistan has been keen on promoting Bangladesh as a destabilizing factor for India by its surreptitious support of Indian insurgents, Bangladesh under "pro-Pakistani" BNP-Jamaat coalition government responded favourably to Pakistan against India, the "common enemy".

Impediments and Bottlenecks to Good Relationship

There are several bilateral, sub-regional and global issues hindering the onset of normal relationship between the two neighbours. The bilateral issues include border security, boundary demarcation, trade, and transit rights, water management, travel and tourism. As reported in the media, on 7 July 2011, Indian and Bangladeshi foreign ministers, S.M. Krishna and Dipu Moni, "expressed firm optimism about signing of an interim agreement on water sharing of the common rivers Teesta and Feni, and a framework deal on land border during Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka on September 6-7". We also read in the media that more deals on transit, import of power from India, joint venture power generation, cooperation in security, education, culture, and trade liberalisation, etc. were in the offing; details of which were being worked out, and both countries were expecting to complete the remaining task before the Indian Prime Minster's visit to Bangladesh in September 2011.

During the Indian Foreign Minister S.M. Krishna's visit to Bangladesh in May 2012, two accords were signed between the two countries. One was on the transit rights to Bhutanese vehicles to Bangladeshi ports through India; and the other one was on the ratification of the Indo-Bangladesh agreement on promotion and protection of investments. As Indian BSF's shooting down dozens of Bangladeshi intruders into India in the recent past enraged Bangladesh, Mr. Krishna assured his Bangladeshi counterpart that in the future India would not shoot at Bangladeshi intruders and would only use "non-lethal weapons" to deal with border intruders from Bangladesh. Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dipu Moni co-chaired the first Bangladesh-India Joint Commission meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister SM Krishna. The Joint Commission was formed under the Framework Agreement on Cooperation for Development signed during Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka on September 6-7, 2011. The reports of the Joint Commission noted that under India's $1 billion credit agreement inked two years ago, Bangladesh bought fifty double-decker buses from India. It is noteworthy that neither the Hasina-Manmohan MOU in 2010 nor the Krishna-Dipu Moni agreement in 2012 resolved the more pressing issues dogging the Indo-Bangladesh relations besides the issue of granting transit rights to India through Bangladesh to the former's Northeastern provinces.

However, as of October 2013, excepting the import of power from India and the inauguration of the environmentally hazardous coal-run joint power generation plant at Rampal in southwestern Bangladesh in close proximity to the Sundarbans, there has been no substantial improvement in the bilateral relationship between the two neighbours. On 5 October 2013, Sheikh Hasina and Manmohan Singh jointly unveiled the foundation plaque of the controversial coal-fired power plant at Rampal despite green groups' protest and bitter criticism of all major opposition parties and civil society in Bangladesh. One wonders if Manmohan Singh did the right thing by jointly sponsoring this highly controversial and unpopular power plant. This move is likely to further embitter the existing acrimonious relationship between the two neigbours. Some top BNP leaders and other opponents of the Rampal power plant single out Indian "vested interest" as the main factor behind the project, as they think, "only India will benefit from it".

Meanwhile, West Bengal's Chief Minister Mamata Bannerjee had raised objection to implementing the boundary agreement signed between India and Bangladesh without her and West Bengal's approval. As Bannerjee has been intransigent on implementing any boundary agreement with Bangladesh without her consent, so is Jaswant Singh of the Hindu rightist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Singh reveals that the BJP is not willing to amend the Indian Constitution to implement the boundary agreement. Sections of Indian politicians and media are, however, willing to fulfill India's commitment to Bangladesh to resolve all bilateral issues, including the Teesta Treaty and the Land Boundary Agreement. Interestingly, BJP's MP Varun Singh, son of Sanjay and Menoka Gandhi, supports the Teesta and Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh. Despite Varun Gandhi's positive gesture towards Bangladesh, influential BJP leaders, including Sushma Swaraj of the BJP, and Mamata Banerjee's Trinamul Congress in West Bengal are totally unwilling to concede anything to Bangladesh, which they think would adversely affect the best interests of India in general, and West Bengal in particular. It is noteworthy that in a recent survey conducted by the IBN, CNN and The Hindu, Bangladesh came on top as the most trusted country among Indians, ahead of even Russia. Analysts impute this to the collective guilt of Indians over New Delhi's "failure to be fair to Bangladesh". The seven Northeastern states of India, who would benefit most through the transit facilities to Chittagong port, are more pro-disposed to Bangladesh than elsewhere in India. In short, Indian politicians and policy makers in general are least interested in normailising the Indo-Bangladesh relationship. They seem to be totally disinterested neither in resolving the problem of BSF killing of Bangladeshi nationals at the Indo-Bangladesh borders, nor ratifying the Teesta Water and the Land Boundary Agreement. One cannot agree more with a Bangladeshi analyst that: "If India thinks that these two acts [stopping BSF killing of Bangladeshis at the border and punishing the BSF soldier who killed Felani] would be immense favour from her [to Bangladesh] … they [sic] are wrong. India's Bangladesh policy needs serious revision, pragmatic thinking and a dignified approach".

As several retired Bangladeshi diplomats have observed, India should do more towards normalizing its relationship with Bangladesh. India could have reciprocated Bangladesh's allowing the transportation of heavy equipments through its territory to build a power plant in Tripura state in 2011 and 2012. Bangladesh has also promised to transship 10,000 tonnes of food grains without any charge under "yet another 'special transit' facility" to India. As one retired Bangladeshi diplomat puts it, India has promised a lot to Bangladesh and signed several agreements, which have not yet been fully or partially implemented; and not only that, but India's promises are also fading. As India has failed to amend its constitution to implement the 1974 Land Boundary Agreement, it has only managed to grant 24-hour access to the Angarpota-Dahagram residents to the mainland of Bangladesh on a temporary basis, which can be withdrawn by India at a moment's notice. The Teesta Agreement is also unlikely to be implemented shortly. India has done very little to make Bangladesh happy during the last five years, 2008 to 2013. "No step has been taken to address the key issues on which substantive matters can be resolved. These include sharing of the waters of all the common rivers, peaceful management of the border as well as cross border investments" observes on retired Bangladeshi diplomat. In sum, India has lost historical opportunities to improve the Indo-Bangladesh relationship in the last few years. Last but not least, "Bangladesh did the tango with India gracefully and in harmony. But this may not always be the same in the future. In fact, political leaders in Bangladesh would be wary of giving India any leverage without a reciprocating gesture from India. Indian internal politics need to change dramatically to cope up with Bangladesh's new regional posturing".

Conclusions

In the backdrop of the unfriendly relationship between India and Bangladesh, which is a by-product of various historical, economic, cultural and political factors, one should not expect rapid normalization of the relationship overnight. Policy makers in both the countries should also realize that any sensitive issue, if not addressed to promote mutual trust, interest and understanding, might backfire to further embitter the fragile relationship. It is essential to keep in mind that it is difficult to get rid of the historical hangover induced by the age-old communal antagonism between Hindus and Muslims and the bitter memories of the Partition on both sides of the Indo-Bangladesh border. Then again, it is also not that easy to convince India to divert river waters from the arid lands in West Bengal to Bangladesh. It is equally difficult to contain the outflow of the illegal immigrants from the border districts of Bangladesh where the land-man ratio is gradually becoming untenable for the sustenance of the landless poor.

Again, what is most unfortunate is the political use of both avoidable and unavoidable issues that damage good friendly relationship between the two neigbours, by vested interest groups in both within and outside South Asia. Communally motivated politicians on both sides of the border make capital of the imaginary Hindu-Muslim fault line. Thus the BJP and members of the Hindu extremist Sangh Parivar in India and their counterparts in Bangladesh, such as the BNP, Jamaat-i-Islami and their ilk, love to play the communal card or the Muslim and Hindu bogeymen for political leverage, respectively. It is quite surprising that some so-called "Leftist/Progressive" leaders on both sides of the border also use the communal card for sheer political benefits. The age-old cold war between India and Pakistan, especially since the creation of Bangladesh with direct Indian involvement, also adversely affects Indo-Bangladesh relationship, as Pakistan has not totally abandoned the policy of using Bangladesh as its battlefield in its proxy war against India.

Leaders and members of the civil society in India and Bangladesh fail to educate, enlighten and "decommunalize" people for the sake of better Hindu-Muslim understanding and good relationship between the two neighbours. Some of them overtly or covertly play the agent provocateur role to tarnish the image of their neighbouring country out of political expediency and communal prejudice. The promotion of Taslima Nasrin and her controversial fiction Lajja, for example, by sections of the Indian politicians, media and intellectuals was simply counterproductive. Given the opportunity, their Bangladeshi counterparts would not shy out from promoting turncoats from India for political gains and communal gratification. It seems, while "Blame thy Neighbour" is the cornerstone of India's Bangladesh policy since the 1980s, "India Factor" is the most essential element in Bangladesh's relationship with countries in the region and beyond, especially the U.S. and China.

Bangladeshis in general, including politicians, analysts and members of the civil society, believe that India's hegemonic attitude is at the roots of its apparent intransigence and stubbornness towards Bangladesh. Most Bangladeshis still consider India a malevolent neigbour, if not an impending threat to their country's sovereignty and geographical integrity. A re-appraisal of some of the contentious issues, especially what Bangladesh in general thinks about them, is essential for understanding why the Indo-Bangladesh relationship is not on the even keel. What a minister in the Awami League Government (which is broadly known as "pro-Indian" to its predicament) has pointed out in September 2013 is very significant. He said: "India must keep in mind that we too are accountable to our people. Friendship isn't one-sided. Both sides have to come forward." This is significant because even some "pro-Indian" politicians in Bangladesh realize that Indian intransigence and unwillingness to normalize the Indo-Bangladesh relationship would further strengthen the anti-Indian Islamist and "communal" forces in Bangladesh, which would be also detrimental to the long-term geo-political and security interests of India, especially in the Northeast and West Bengal. Mahfuz Anam, the editor of a leading daily (Daily Star) in Bangladesh has rightly pointed out that good relations between India and Bangladesh are fundamental to the prosperity of the two nations. "India should help Bangladesh from a point of view of India's self-interest, as an economically prosperous Bangladesh will add to the peace and stability of the region and be a more attractive trading partner of India", he observes.

As bitter historical memories, geographical exigencies, and shifting global politics have adversely affected Indo-Bangladesh ties, so has the inept big brotherly attitude of India towards its smaller neighbours. Kuldip Nayar is quite instructive in this regard:

India needs to reflect on why all the neighbouring countries have distanced themselves from it. No doubt its size deters them. But more than that, their feeling is that New Delhi is becoming increasingly conscious of itself as an emerging world power. It tends to throw its weight about in such a manner that the neighbours are having doubts about its bona fides.

Last but least, India should realize that good relationship with Bangladesh is mutually beneficial to both the countries. It should pay heed to what retired Indian diplomat-turned-politician Mani Shankar Ayar thinks about the dysfunctional Indo-Bangladesh relationship, which is full of bad experience, mutual mistrust and apprehension. He thinks India has "failed to deliver" what Bangladesh has been expecting since long. He also believes that "benefits will not flow to the North Eastern region [of India] unless Bangladesh becomes a natural country of transit that will connect the region with the rest of India".
----------------------------------------------------------------------

* Dr Taj Hashmi is professor of security studies at Austin Peay State University in Tennessee, US. He taught at various other universities in Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, Singapore and the US. He has authored several books and scores of academic papers, book chapters and popular articles. His major publications include Pakistan as a Peasant Utopia (Westview Press, 1992); Women and Islam in Bangladesh (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2000); Islam, Muslims and the Modern State (Palgrave-Macmillan, 1994). Sage is publishing his next book (January 2014), Global Jihad and America: The Hundred-Year-War beyond Iraq and Afghanistan.


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Re: [mukto-mona] খোলা চোখে: মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের ‘দিদিগিরি’



I do not think, a dickhead like you need to advise minorities how to become better citizens of country where ethnic cleansing has been the name of the game for last sixty years



>>>>>>>>>>> Your language is one of a kind. But I did not dispute problems with minorities but I simply stated a FACT (You cannot deal with it) that, around 72 there were no threats to Hindus in Bangladesh. But many of them stayed back. I know quite a few of them and it was opportunities that motivated them.


You can spin the way you want but people are being forced to migrate to WB.

>>>>>>>>>>> Well no one is denying facts here. We have issues and WB also have issues. But my observation about early seventies are based on fact. Maybe you are too busy thinking about dickhead English, so you did not understand what was said.

By the way, the phenomenon is not Bangladesh specific.

>>>>>>> My post was about Bangladesh specific (In fact specifically talking about early seventies ONLY). Please do not blame others if you are not able to understand what has been said. The problem lies with you and your less than civilized attitude.

Ask your next Christian or a Shalom neighbor if you care

>>>>>>>> I do talk to them so I am well aware of the history.

Starting from Pakistan, we can check all the way to Egypt and Libya.

>>>>>>>>> That would be a DIFFERENT discussion. We can discuss it later if you wish.

I am sick and tired of your same gospel day in day out

>>>>>>>>> I try to speak the truth. If it disturbs you, I only wanted to share truth not to disturb you. Bro!!

You have been here for too long and yet, have not convinced anybody except your own pathetic ego. You have failed to realize that you are a fool. And, of worst kind!

>>>>>>>>>> The people who have open mind (Mukto-mona) do not need "Convincing". When they see truth, they realize it. I only wanted to share authentic information. People are free to make up their mind.

In regards to land swap deal with Bangladesh, Mamata has the veto power.

>>>>>>> She is black mailing Delhi. Nothing more than that. She is like Ershad. She keeps saying stuff, she does not believe. She said the Shadaha (This act alone makes her Muslima) to get some votes. Then she is talking to BJP for votes. She has shown a level of intolerance that was not seen among politicians of WB. So maybe you became a fan of her without knowing what she is all about. Maybe she is not a Muslim is a "Good enough reason" for you. 

Delhi can take a hike because the deal is not even ratified in Indian parliament

>>>>>>> the enclave exchange was. But she is taking advantage of lack of interest in some delhi politicians and her own political future.

You are cursing her because she is not signing the deal. Do you think Delhi  or you can force her?

>>>>>>> I cannot but Delhi can.

The land does not belong to Delhi, it belongs to WB.

>>>>>>>>> ;-) Well when two states signs a deal, it is the federal government who delivers and manages to deal with states. This is how YOUR country (USA) works. Bangladesh have to deal with Delhi not a pesky state.

Get that in your head and the land should not be free for building more Qaumi Pak madrasas.

>>>>>>>>> Rajkars never liked me. So I am not astonished by your reaction. But it seems you do not know much about India either. It is our good fortune India still has some people who are lover of truth (From all faith groups) and speaking up behalf of Bangladesh (Inside India). Bangladesh has VALID reason to ask India to honor it's treaties. This is what civilized countries do. Dickheads do not care about their actions or words....

Shalom!

-----Original Message-----
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, Oct 15, 2013 8:21 pm
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] খোলা চোখে: মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের 'দিদিগিরি'

 
I do not think, a dickhead like you need to advise minorities how to become better citizens of country where ethnic cleansing has been the name of the game for last sixty years. You can spin the way you want but people are being forced to migrate to WB. Not because for better opportunity but to get away from the magnanimity of a cult religion and its goons. By the way, the phenomenon is not Bangladesh specific. It is rater universal! Ask your next Christian or a Shalom neighbor if you care. He would probably give a smile and ignore your question. Starting from Pakistan, we can check all the way to Egypt and Libya. This cult religion so great and beautiful that it can't even tolerate brotherly Christians and Jews. I am sick and tired of your same gospel day in day out. You have been here for too long and yet, have not convinced anybody except your own pathetic ego. You have failed to realize that you are a fool. And, of worst kind!

In regards to land swap deal with Bangladesh, Mamata has the veto power. Delhi can take a hike because the deal is not even ratified in Indian parliament. You are cursing her because she is not signing the deal. Do you think Delhi  or you can force her? WB was not even consulted when the deal was signed. The land does not belong to Delhi, it belongs to WB. Get that in your head and the land should not be free for building more Qaumi Pak madrasas.


 
"I speak for the trees, for the trees have no tongues."
-Seuss



On Tuesday, October 15, 2013 12:29 PM, QR <qrahman@netscape.net> wrote:
 
It is your choice to make excuses for silly and abusive attitude from Mamata. I see NO need to agree with it. Bangladesh and India SIGNED treaties (a formal agreement, not an verbal invitation to have tea) between them. Bangladesh did it's part right away and India (In line with it's abusive policy with ALL neighboring countries) did not bother. A civilized country generally value to treaties and commitments made by them. So far India (And people like you) are busy making excuses for these abuses.

Most of my Hindu family friends and their families never even bothered to come back after 1971 war. To them the new Bangladesh is no more better than an old Pakistan where


>>>>>>>> Thanks for bring it up. It is UNIVERSALLY known right after our war of independence Bangladesh was VERY friendly to Hindu population. Still a ton of our minority population stayed back in India. You may blame Pakistan for it but should not blame Bangladesh (If you follow logic). It was their own decision for better opportunity or comfort. Because While Bangladesh was NOT hostile to minority but it was a war torn devastated country. So most citizens had to struggle to survive (Including my own). 

WB should give exactly the same acres of land that it got from Bangladesh, period! No more and no less.


>>>>>>>> it is an OBLIGATION of India to Bangladesh. WB can shove their opinion wherever it suits them but it is a matter between states and a test of India's credibility.

As long as Bangladesh drives out its minorities from their land and has enemy property laws in place, it needs to bullied too

>>>>>>>>>> Bangladeshi people does NOT support driving out and they have proven it many many times by standing with victims. But you consistently defend Indian abuse against Bangladesh. However I am astonished to see "Rajakar" type mentality (One who allows their motherland to be abused and make excuses for it) from you. 

. I could care less whether I am making excuses for others.

>>>>>>> Instead acting like a rajakar, maybe it is better to get involved to make change to political platform (Like member Captain Chowdhury suggested) of YOUR country. Ask yourself what have YOU done for Bangladesh. Surely it has problems but it is absolutely WRONG to blame it for everything. Right after 71, it was VERY friendly to India and minority population. But still many did not want to be part of this war torn "Bottomless basket" anymore, they saw their prosperity in much wealthier India and stayed back. Similarly people from all faith backgrounds migrated to Europe and America in last 40 years. But only few special creatures are seen to defend abuses against their motherland.

While I respect your freedom to have your opinion. I strongly disagree with this disturbing mentality.

Shalom!

-----Original Message-----
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Mon, Oct 14, 2013 6:39 pm
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] খোলা চোখে: মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের 'দিদিগিরি'

 
Forty years was just too long ago and much water had flowed under the bridges. Half of the Hindu population just vanished from Bangladesh and taken refuge in WB. The numbers will be even larger if we go back pre-independence time of 1947. Most of my Hindu family friends and their families never even bothered to come back after 1971 war. To them the new Bangladesh is no more better than an old Pakistan where anti Hindu drive has been the daily digestive medicine for many Bangladeshis. WB should give exactly the same acres of land that it got from Bangladesh, period! No more and no less. As long as Bangladesh drives out its minorities from their land and has enemy property laws in place, it needs to bullied too. If Mamata can do it, more power to her. I could care less whether I am making excuses for others. If you want to get better treatment from others, start treating others better!
 
"I speak for the trees, for the trees have no tongues."
-Seuss



On Monday, October 14, 2013 6:05 AM, QR <qrahman@netscape.net> wrote:
 

Not sure if you are aware of the subject or just debating for no reason. Mamata made promises and she broke them. She is linking domestic issues with international issues. Bangladesh handed over enclaves to India around 40 years ago but India is yet to deliver. Same goes with many other issues (Like Tista river water sharing).

So there are political leaders with wisdom, honor and dignity. Then you have Mamata, who does not have any of these virtues. Late Joti basu always took care of his voters and tried to offer fair deal to Bangladesh. People of this country will remember this leader fondly.

Simple concept if you can attain ability to treat Bangladesh fairly when dealing with India. It seems you are making silly excuses for frequent abuses of India.

Shalom!

-----Original Message-----
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sun, Oct 13, 2013 7:54 pm
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] খোলা চোখে: মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের 'দিদিগিরি'

 
How did Bangladesh help Mamata? If our PM and FM had not congratulated her, she would not have become CM of WB? What are you talking about? That is like giving credits to a rooster for the sunrise?

Mamata is a politician and if she can play her political games with her own way, I do not think she needs to apologize to anybody. In politics, promises are made and they are also broken due to different circumstances. Mamata is not really an unique politician in that regard. Please get used to a different Mamata, who only owes to her people!

 
"I speak for the trees, for the trees have no tongues."
-Seuss



On Sunday, October 13, 2013 4:52 PM, QR <qrahman@netscape.net> wrote:
 
So, what is your problem? She defies your damn wishes?

>>>>>>>> She contradicts herself. Once said she is fine with the treaties (With Bangladesh) then went back. She turned Indian PM into a lair by sabotaging her own government. She has been claiming more water than what is due to WB.

As I said, Bangladesh bent over backwards to help her since the day she was elected. Our PM and FM broke protocols to congratulate her and visit her right after she was elected. She made a lot of promises to us and now going back.

As per Anandabazar, she is probably the most intolerant CM for WB in a long time. She cannot tolerate anyone who is in opposition and calling them Maoist as an excuse to persecute them.

All leaders try to protect interests of their voters but Mamata (The drama queen) does not bother to even honor her own promises.

She came as champion of minority rights and now talking to BJP. A real life fruitcake!!

Regardless of my opinion, she is not likely to get elected again.   

The following lines conveys my impression of this Drama queen. 

দিল্লির মসনদের প্রতি মমতার যদি মোহ থেকে থাকে, তাতে আমাদের আপত্তির কিছু নেই। আমাদের শুধু আপত্তি প্রতিবেশী রাষ্ট্রকে নিজের রাজনীতির স্কোর বোর্ড বানানোর চেষ্টায়। নিজের রাজনৈতিক খায়েশ অর্জনের জন্য প্রতিবেশীর ন্যায্য পানির হিস্যা দেবেন না অথবা ছিটমহলের অসহায় নাগরিকদের জিম্মি করে রাখবেন, সেটা মোটেই রাষ্ট্রনায়কোচিত হবে না।


Shalom!

-----Original Message-----
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Cc: bangladesh-progressives <bangladesh-progressives@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Sun, Oct 13, 2013 3:38 pm
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] খোলা চোখে: মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের 'দিদিগিরি'

 
Unlike our two dimwit Begums, Mamta is rather a self made leader who can defy anybody if she thinks that is the right for her state. More over, she does not represent the corrupt legacies of typical Bangladeshi dynasty. So, what is your problem? She defies your damn wishes? Then, she must be doing something right!
She owes her Bengal voters, not you bro! 
 
"I speak for the trees, for the trees have no tongues."
-Seuss



On Saturday, October 12, 2013 4:28 PM, QR <qrahman@netscape.net> wrote:
 
Mamta is a tough cookie.

>>>>>>>Nah. She is a crazy Fruitcake who forgot that, she is a leader of millions of people. Her "Drama queen" act is not cutting it anymore.

Shalom!




-----Original Message-----
From: Shah Deeldar <shahdeeldar@yahoo.com>
To: mukto-mona <mukto-mona@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sat, Oct 12, 2013 9:24 am
Subject: Re: [mukto-mona] খোলা চোখে: মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের 'দিদিগিরি'

 
Mamta is a tough cookie. I am not sure why people would expect her to be another Gujral? She sees things differently than others. Why that should be our problem? We might not like many of her stances but she should work for betterment of her own state. Maybe, she wants something that we can't deliver?

 
"I speak for the trees, for the trees have no tongues."
-Seuss



On Friday, October 11, 2013 6:44 PM, SyedAslam <Syed.Aslam3@gmail.com> wrote:
 

খোলা চোখে

মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের 'দিদিগিরি'

হাসান ফেরদৌস | আপডেট: ০০:০৩, অক্টোবর ১১, ২০১৩ প্রিন্ট সংস্করণ
মমত বনদযপধযয়ইন্দর কুমার গুজরাল একসময় ভারতের পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী ছিলেন। অল্প সময়ের জন্য প্রধানমন্ত্রীও হয়েছিলেন। সেই সময়ের মধ্যেই তিনি ভারতের প্রতিবেশীদের সঙ্গে 'দাদাগিরি'র বদলে সমতার ভিত্তিতে বন্ধুত্ব স্থাপনের উদ্যোগ নিয়েছিলেন। পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী থাকতেই গুজরাল বুঝেছিলেন, দাদা হওয়ার বদলে বন্ধু হওয়ার চেষ্টা করলে ভারত যেমন অধিক সমীহ অর্জন করবে, তেমনি তার কৌশলগত লক্ষ্যমাত্রাও অর্জিত হবে। গুজরালের এই বৈদেশিক নীতির একটি জুতসই নামও জুটে গিয়েছিল—'গুজরাল ডকট্রিন'। ১৯৯৮ সালে, তখন তিনি আর ক্ষমতায় নেই, ঢাকায় এক আঞ্চলিক সেমিনারে এসে তিনি তাঁর ডকট্রিনের পাঁচটি বৈশিষ্ট্যের কথা উল্লেখ করেছিলেন। সেগুলো হলো: ১. প্রতিদানের আশা না করেই সৎ প্রতিবেশীসুলভ আচরণ। ২. প্রতিবেশী কোনো দেশের অভ্যন্তরীণ বিষয়ে নাক না গলানো। ৩. সব আঞ্চলিক শক্তির রাষ্ট্রীয় ও ভৌগোলিক অখণ্ডতার প্রতি সম্মান। ৪. দ্বিপক্ষীয় আলোচনার মাধ্যমে সব সমস্যার সমাধান। ৫. এই অঞ্চলের কোনো দেশ প্রতিবেশী কোনো দেশের বিরুদ্ধে নিজ ভূখণ্ড ব্যবহার করতে দেবে না—এই নীতিতে অবিচল আস্থা।
গুজরালই একমাত্র ভারতীয় রাজনীতিক, যিনি বুঝেছিলেন, ভারত যদি তার প্রতিবেশীদের কাছে দাদাগিরি না ফলিয়ে বন্ধু হওয়ার চেষ্টা করে, তাহলে যে ফল তারা হাতের গুলতি দেখিয়ে আদায় করতে চায়, কাঠখড় না পুড়িয়েও তা অর্জন সম্ভব। তাঁর দাদাগিরি নিয়ে মালদ্বীপ, শ্রীলঙ্কা ও নেপালে এখন যাঁরা ক্ষমতাসীন, ভারতের প্রতি তাঁদের উষ্মা গোপন নয়। ভারত প্রকাশ্যে অথবা গোপনে তাদের রাজনৈতিক প্রতিপক্ষের প্রতি সমর্থন জানায়, তাদের উষ্মার সেটি প্রধান কারণ। ভারতের অর্থনৈতিক আগ্রাসন নিয়েও তারা ভীত।
ভারতের দাদাগিরির ব্যাপারটা খোলাসা করার জন্য ভুটানের উদাহরণের দিকে নজর দেওয়া যাক।
ভুটান আগাগোড়াই ভারতের ওপর নির্ভরশীল, সেই নির্ভরশীলতা রীতিমতো কাগজে-কলমে চুক্তি করে জানিয়ে দেওয়া হয় সেই ১৯৪৯ সালে। সে সময় দুই দেশের মধ্যে যে বন্ধুত্ব চুক্তি স্বাক্ষরিত হয়, তাতে স্পষ্ট করে বলা ছিল, ভারতের সঙ্গে সলা-পরামর্শ করে ভুটান তার বৈদেশিক নীতি নির্ধারণ করবে। এই চুক্তি নিয়ে এবং ভুটানের ব্যাপারে ভারতের দাদাসুলভ মনোভাবে সে দেশের ভেতরে অনেক আগে থেকেই নানা রকম উষ্মা ছিল। কিন্তু ২০০৮ সালে ভুটানের রাজা দেশের ওপর তাঁর নিয়ন্ত্রণভার কিছুটা হ্রাস করার আগ পর্যন্ত এ নিয়ে কেউ কোনো কার্যকর উদ্যোগ নিতে পারেনি। ২০০৮ সালে দেশের প্রথম গণতান্ত্রিক নির্বাচনে জয়ী হয় ডিপিটি বা ড্রুক ফুয়েনসাম সগপা পার্টি। সেই দলের নেতা জিগমি থিনলি প্রধানমন্ত্রী হিসেবে দায়িত্ব নিয়ে ভারতের ওপর নির্ভরশীলতা কমাতে উদ্যোগী হন। তাঁর লক্ষ্য প্রতিবেশী চীনের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কোন্নয়ন। ২০১২ সালের জুন মাসে রিও ডি জেনিরোতে জলবায়ু পরিবর্তনবিষয়ক আন্তর্জাতিক সম্মেলনে অংশগ্রহণের সুযোগে জিগমি থিনলি চীনা প্রধানমন্ত্রী জিয়াবাওয়ের সঙ্গে সলাপরামর্শে মিলিত হন। দিল্লি থেকে আগাম সমর্থন না নিয়ে চীনের সঙ্গে সংলাপ শুরু করায় অসন্তুষ্ট হয় ভারত। এ বছরের জুলাই মাসে ভুটানে জাতীয় নির্বাচনের আগে আগে ভুটানকে প্রতিবছর কেরোসিন ও রান্নার গ্যাস সরবরাহে যে বার্ষিক অনুদান দেওয়া হতো, ভারত তা বন্ধ করে দেয়। এতে যে অর্থনৈতিক সংকট দেখা দেয়, তার পরিণতিতে ডিপিটিকে বিদায় নিতে হয়, ক্ষমতায় আসে ভারতপন্থী বলে পরিচিত পিপলস ডেমোক্রেটিক পার্টি।
বাংলাদেশ ঠিক ভুটান নয়। তবে নানা কারণে ভারতের ওপর আমাদের নির্ভরশীলতা রয়েছে। ভাটির দেশ হওয়ায় অভিন্ন নদীগুলোর সুষম পানিপ্রবাহের জন্য ভারতের ওপর নির্ভর করা ছাড়া আমাদের পথ নেই। বাণিজ্য ঘাটতি, সীমান্ত নিরাপত্তা ও রাজনৈতিক পৃষ্ঠপোষকতার মতো স্পর্শকাতর প্রশ্নেও দুই দেশের সম্পর্কে তিক্ততা দীর্ঘদিনের। সবাই অবশ্য মানেন, বর্তমান আওয়ামী লীগ সরকারের আমলে দুই দেশের সম্পর্কের প্রভূত উন্নতি ঘটেছে, বর্তমান প্রধানমন্ত্রীর নেতৃত্ব ভারতে প্রশংসিতও হয়েছে। কিন্তু সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে দুই দেশের সম্পর্কে ফাটল ধরার কতিপয় লক্ষণ ধরা পড়েছে। তিস্তা নদীর পানি বণ্টন, টিপাইমুখ বাঁধ, বাংলাদেশের ভেতর দিয়ে ট্রানজিট নিয়ে বিতর্ক এবং ভারতীয় সীমান্তরক্ষীদের হাতে বাংলাদেশিদের নিহত হওয়ার একটার পর একটা ঘটনা তিক্ততার সৃষ্টি করেছে। ব্যাপারটা এমনই তেতো হয়েছে যে বাংলাদেশের একজন মন্ত্রী সরাসরিই বলে বসেছেন, ভারত বাংলাদেশের প্রতি সৎ প্রতিবেশীসুলভ আচরণ করছে না। যোগাযোগমন্ত্রী ওবায়দুল কাদের বলেছেন, শেখ হাসিনার নেতৃত্বে বাংলাদেশ সরকার বন্ধুত্বের হাত বাড়িয়েছে। 'আমরা ভারতের কাছ থেকেও সৎ প্রতিবেশীর মতো আচরণ আশা করব।'
অভিযোগটা মূলত পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়কে নিয়ে। তিস্তা নদীর পানি বণ্টন নিয়ে দীর্ঘদিনের আলাপ-আলোচনার পর ভারত-বাংলাদেশ রাষ্ট্রীয় পর্যায়ে চূড়ান্ত সিদ্ধান্তে পৌঁছেছিল। কথা ছিল, গত বছর প্রধানমন্ত্রী মনমোহন সিংয়ের ঢাকা সফরের সময় সেই চুক্তি সম্পাদিত হবে। সঙ্গে মমতা 'দিদি'ও আসবেন। কিন্তু শেষ মুহূর্তে বেঁকে বসলেন তিনি। এই চুক্তিতে তাঁর রাজ্যের স্বার্থ রক্ষিত হয়নি। অতএব, তা তিনি মেনে নেবেন না।
সম্প্রতি এই দিদি আরেক কাণ্ড করেছেন। ভারত-বাংলাদেশের মধ্যে সীমান্ত চিহ্নিতকরণের প্রশ্নে দীর্ঘ আলোচনার পর অবশেষে দুই পক্ষের সম্মতিতে একটি খসড়া চুক্তি প্রস্তুত করা হয়। এই চুক্তির লক্ষ্য দুই দেশের ভেতরে অমীমাংসিত ছিটমহলগুলোর ব্যাপারে একটি চূড়ান্ত ফয়সালা। ১৯৭৪ সালের মুজিব-ইন্দিরা সীমান্ত চুক্তি স্বাক্ষরের পরেও ছিটমহল প্রশ্নে এখন পর্যন্ত সেই চুক্তির পূর্ণ বাস্তবায়ন সম্ভব হয়নি। মমতা বলছেন, এই চুক্তি তিনি মানেন না। কারণ, এ ব্যাপারে তাঁর সরকারের সম্মতি নেওয়া হয়নি।
মনে রাখা দরকার, চুক্তিটি দুটি সার্বভৌম দেশের মধ্যে, বাংলাদেশ ও ভারতের কোনো অঙ্গরাজ্যের মধ্যে নয়। মমতা মানুন বা না মানুন, আমরা জানি, পশ্চিমবঙ্গের পূর্ণ অংশগ্রহণের ভিত্তিতেই সীমান্ত চিহ্নিতকরণের এই খসড়া চুক্তি সম্পন্ন হয়। সম্প্রতি ফাঁস হওয়া নথি থেকে দেখা যাচ্ছে, দুই বছর আগে ২০১১ সালের আগস্টে পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সরকার এই খসড়া চুক্তিতে তাদের সম্মতির কথা জানায়। এই চিঠির বিষয়বস্তু নিয়ে পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সরকারের মুখ্য সচিব নবনির্বাচিত মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর সঙ্গে কথা বলে তাঁর সম্মতিও আদায় করে দেন। ভারতের পররাষ্ট্রসচিবের কাছে এক চিঠিতে পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্য সচিব সেই সম্মতির কথা জানান। অতএব, চুক্তি অনুমোদনের প্রশ্নে কোনো বিপত্তির আশঙ্কা নেই, সেই বিবেচনা থেকেই আগস্ট মাসে ভারত সরকারের পক্ষে পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী সালমান খুরশিদ আইন পরিষদে সেই চুক্তি একটি সাংবিধানিক সংশোধনীর মাধ্যমে অনুমোদনের প্রস্তাব রাখেন। কিন্তু মমতার তৃণমূল কংগ্রেস ও অসম গণপরিষদের প্রতিবাদের মুখে প্রচণ্ড হট্টগোলের সূত্রপাত হলে সেই প্রস্তাবের বিবেচনা মুলতবি রাখা হয়।
এক বিবৃতিতে মমতার পক্ষ থেকে দাবি করা হয়েছে, ছিটমহলগুলোর অধিবাসীদের সম্মতি ছাড়া এই চুক্তিতে সম্মত হওয়া পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সরকারের পক্ষে সম্ভব নয়। তিনি প্রশ্ন রেখেছেন, এমন কী কারণ ঘটল যে এখনই তড়িঘড়ি করে এই চুক্তি স্বাক্ষর করতে হবে? মমতা হয়তো ভুলে গেছেন, এই চুক্তি নিয়ে আলাপ-আলোচনা চলছে ৪০ বছর ধরে। খসড়া চুক্তিটি চূড়ান্ত হওয়ার পরে কয়েক বছর কেটে গেছে। ছিটমহলের অধিবাসীদের মতামত জানতে হলে এই সময়ের মধ্যে অনায়াসেই তা সম্ভব ছিল। রাজ্য সরকারের সঙ্গে আলোচনা ছাড়া এই চুক্তি সম্পাদিত হয়েছে বলে যে যুক্তি তিনি দেখাচ্ছেন, তা যে অতি খোঁড়া, ভারতীয় মহল থেকেই সে কথা বলা হচ্ছে। তাহলে ঠিক কী কারণে মমতা হঠাৎ এমন বেঁকে বসলেন? শুধু কি নিজের 'দিদিগিরি' ফলাতে?
বস্তুত, নিজের রাজনৈতিক স্বার্থ মাথায় রেখেই মমতা একের পর এক এমন সিদ্ধান্ত নিচ্ছেন, যার মাধ্যমে ভারতের কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের সঙ্গে তাঁর বৈরিতা স্পষ্ট হয়ে উঠছে। নিজের 'স্বাধীনচেতা' ভাবমূর্তি গড়তেই এমন বৈরিতা প্রয়োজন। কেউ কেউ বলেছেন, মমতা শুধু পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী হয়ে সন্তুষ্ট নন। তাঁর লক্ষ্য আরও দূরপ্রসারী। সম্ভবত দিল্লির মসনদ। তিনি হিসাব কষে দেখেছেন, প্রতিবেশীদের প্রতি, তা সে বাংলাদেশ, পাকিস্তান বা নেপাল—যে-ই হোক, রোষ যত প্রবল দেখানো যাবে, ভারতের জঙ্গি জাতীয়তাবাদীদের কাছে তাঁর জনপ্রিয়তা ততই বাড়বে। প্রতিবেশীদের প্রতি গোস্সা হলো ভারতের অতি ডানপন্থী রাজনীতিকদের তুরুপের তাস। মমতা সেই তুরুপের তাসটি খেলতে চান।
দিল্লির মসনদের প্রতি মমতার যদি মোহ থেকে থাকে, তাতে আমাদের আপত্তির কিছু নেই। আমাদের শুধু আপত্তি প্রতিবেশী রাষ্ট্রকে নিজের রাজনীতির স্কোর বোর্ড বানানোর চেষ্টায়। নিজের রাজনৈতিক খায়েশ অর্জনের জন্য প্রতিবেশীর ন্যায্য পানির হিস্যা দেবেন না অথবা ছিটমহলের অসহায় নাগরিকদের জিম্মি করে রাখবেন, সেটা মোটেই রাষ্ট্রনায়কোচিত হবে না। দিদিগিরি করে দেশের ভেতরে একদল মানুষের কাছ থেকে হয়তো হাততালি তিনি পাবেন, কিন্তু প্রতিবেশীদের মনে আস্থা জাগাতে পারবেন না। আই কে গুজরালের কাছ থেকে এই সাধারণ সত্যটি তিনি অনায়াসেই জেনে নিতে পারেন।
নিউইয়র্ক
হাসান ফেরদৌস: প্রাবন্ধিক ও কলাম লেখক













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