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Sunday, June 14, 2009

[ALOCHONA] National anthem at schools



National anthem at schools

http://www.newagebd.com/2009/jun/13/fb.html

The singing of the national anthem in madrassahs is long overdue. But the truth is no nation willingly separates its young citizens from such a young age driving them into different worlds which seldom coincide. It is our irresponsibility that has brought us to this situation. State managed seminaries, with broad consultation, can develop the religious men who will lead our congregations in prayer. But the vast majority of madrassah students should be sitting beside their fellow citizens in the classrooms of regular government schools. Many will argue about this but I have never met a successful man who studied at a madrassah and then sent his own son to a madrassah. We are tearing the soul of our country apart and we have been doing so for a long time.
   Ezajur Rahman
   Kuwait

 




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[ALOCHONA] US on war trial, BDR deaths



US on war trial, BDR deaths

Calls for fair trial, probe

The US has urged Bangladesh to be cautious in trying war criminals of 1971, saying the issue should not be politicised. No action should be taken that might be considered a mechanism to weaken democracy in the country, said visiting US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Robert O Blake yesterday.
 
About numerous custodial deaths of Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) soldiers being investigated in connection with the recent mutiny in the border security force, he said the matter should be probed seriously and persons responsible for the deaths should be brought to justice.
 
"We talked how it is important for the government to investigate those, to carry out a credible investigation and to bring those, who might have been responsible for the deaths in custody, to justice," Blake said referring to his meetings with Bangladesh government leaders.
 
He underscored the need for investigating all extra judicial killings as well.
"In all our discussions with our friends in the government of Bangladesh, we emphasised the importance of investigating those extra judicial killings, and bringing those responsible for those killings, to justice," he said.
 
He however avoided a direct reply to a question regarding whether the US supports Bangladesh government's move to try war criminals."Let me say on the question of war crimes, that the United States believes strongly in the importance of accountability, but in my discussion with our friends here in the government, we also urged for this not to be a politicised issue," he told journalists.
 
"Your country just had the freest and fairest election in your history… democracy is being strengthened. It's important that no action be taken that could be considered by the people of Bangladesh as a mechanism to weaken democracy, and undermine the progress that has been made," Blake said at a media briefing in the American Club.
 
He said Bangladesh government must walk a very fine line and maintain a fine balance in respect to war crimes trials.Blake, who came to Dhaka on a two-day visit on Saturday, met Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Home Minister Sahara Khatun, and Foreign Minister Dipu Moni yesterday.
 
He also had talks with Leader of the Opposition in Parliament Khaleda Zia, members of the civil society, and the business community on Saturday.
"I wanted to see first hand, how we can work with the new government here and the people, to expand the good cooperation we already enjoy. My visit is to show the importance of the relationship of our two countries," said Blake, whose visit to Bangladesh was his first since being appointed to his current post.
 
He said although his visit was short, he learnt a great deal about Bangladesh, and was impressed with the important changes that had happened here, and the opportunities that had been created.Elaborating on the outcomes of his talks with the leaders of the country, Blake said he offered cooperation in strengthening democracy, ensuring development, clean energy, dealing with climate change, and in countering extremism and terrorism.
 
"Not only the maritime security aspect, but security at land borders are also required, to make sure that terrorist groups like Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh, and transnational terrorist groups cannot use the territory of Bangladesh, and operate from Bangladesh to threaten their own country and other nations," said Blake, supporting Dhaka's move to form a South Asian joint taskforce to combat terrorism in the region. He, however, made it clear that the US has no role to play in the proposed taskforce.
 
"We will continue to support Bangladesh as it extends its democratic roots. We also are here to help you develop your economy, to help you protect your people against terrorist threats, and from those who wish to destabilise your democracy," he said..
 
He appreciated Bangladesh's effort to expand women's literacy, and the government's move to reform madrasa education through modernising the curriculum, which he said, could spread to parts of the Arab world too.
Asked about sustaining democracy in Bangladesh when the opposition is boycotting the parliament, Blake said his government welcomed the 'freest, fairest and most transparent elections in the history of Bangladesh'.
"At the same time Bangladesh faces new challenges, the finance minister just delivered the budget speech, and in many ways this now is a new beginning…a new beginning for the opposition and for the government to work together. The US government hopes that the opposition will participate in the new parliament and work constructively with the government to not only exploit the new opportunities, but also to face the challenges."
 
He said he was carrying a message of friendship on behalf of the Obama administration. "Now with new governments here and in the United States, we believe there are opportunities to expand our friendship and cooperation."
Asked whether the US has any plan or programme to help Bangladesh in mitigating and adapting to climate change, he said, "We are just beginning the discussion. I myself is not the person responsible for it…we have special negotiators, and I will be going back to talk to my colleagues about some of the possibilities.."
 
Blake said climate is one of many new areas in which his government thinks it might have cooperation with Bangladesh.On President Obama's recent visit to Cairo, he said the US president is committed to improving relationship with the Muslim world, based on mutual interests and respect.Robert O Blake left Dhaka late last night.
 



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[ALOCHONA] Fw: One-eleven





--- On Sun, 6/14/09, Zoglul Husain <zoglul@hotmail.co.uk> wrote:
What a wonderful report! Amar Desh, 15 June 2009, Lead news: The whereabouts of the players of one-eleven.
 
It is time to reveal the conspiracy of one-eleven in its entirety, starting from the beginning and enlisting the activities of the ambassadors including the UN representative as well as the activities of all the advisors, army personnel involved (as in this report), the politicians involved, the top civil servants involved and the 'shushils (?)', who were on over-drive. Personally, I wrote some articles on these conspiracies. But those were brief articles. The nation needs to know the full story and we must prepare ourselves to safeguard the independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh and to protect our national interest and our national resources.
 
The amount revealed in the present report is excellent. Congratulations to Amar Desh and the special reporter/s, who compiled the report!  
 
http://www.amardeshbd.com/dailynews/detail_news_index.php?NewsID=227629&NewsType=bistarito&SectionID=home&RAT=IFSRPQBI
 


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[ALOCHONA] Money washing machine



Money washing machine
 
 
 
 



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[ALOCHONA] Amnesty Internationl Report 2009 - Pakistan



A civilian government was elected in February. The new government released prisoners detained during the November 2007 state of emergency but failed to fulfil many of its promises to ensure human rights protection. Torture, deaths in custody, attacks on minorities, enforced disappearances, "honour" killings and domestic violence persisted. After the new government announced that it would commute death sentences to life imprisonment, it executed at least 16 people; at least 36 were executed throughout the year. Violence in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan spilled over into other areas of Pakistan, as members of the Pakistani Taleban took hostages, targeted and killed civilians, and committed acts of violence against women and girls.

Background

Following general elections on 18 February, a civilian government took office on 31 March. However, the ruling coalition began to split when the parties could not reach agreement on how to reinstate the judges who had been unlawfully dismissed during the state of emergency in November 2007. President Musharraf resigned in August under threat of impeachment for violation of the constitution and misconduct. On 6 September, Asif Ali Zardari, Benazir Bhutto's widower and Pakistan People's Party leader, was elected President.

The majority of the deposed judges resumed office after taking a new oath. The lawyers' movement objected stating that reappointment, under a new oath, amounted to endorsing the illegal imposition of the emergency and dismissal of judges in November 2007.

Faced with an escalation of armed attacks, including suicide bombings, the new government vacillated between military operations and accommodating tribal armed groups and Pakistani Taleban. On 22 October, both houses of parliament unanimously passed a resolution urging the government to replace military operations with civilian law in border areas with Afghanistan and to initiate dialogue with Taleban who are willing to forgo violence. On 9 December, President Zardari stated that 1,400 civilians, 600 security personnel and 600 militants were killed in military operations in the border areas over the past five years.

The Afghan and US governments repeatedly called on Pakistan to destroy bases from which the Taleban launch attacks in Afghanistan. Despite strong protest from Pakistan, US forces operating in Afghanistan increasingly fired missiles across the border into Pakistan.

India-Pakistan relations deteriorated after allegations by the Indian authorities that the November Mumbai attacks had been carried out by people or groups based in Pakistan.

"Some 20,000 Pakistanis crossed the border to seek refuge in Afghanistan"

Despite some positive efforts, Pakistan's new civilian government failed to fulfil many of its promises to protect human rights. In March, the government released scores of political activists detained during the state of emergency and freed judges held under illegal house arrest. In April, Pakistan ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as the UN Convention against Torture. In May, the government announced that Pakistan would accede to the International Convention on the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance but it did not do so by year end..

In November, a separate Human Rights Ministry was established. On 15 October, the cabinet approved a draft bill to set up a national human rights commission but parliament did not pass it by year end.

Arbitrary arrests and detentions

Police continued holding detainees for long periods of time without bringing them before a magistrate as required by law.

In the wake of attacks in November on civilian targets in Mumbai, India, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions against the organization Jamaat-ud-Dawa and its leaders, leading to the detention of hundreds of its workers under preventive detention legislation in December.

Torture and other ill-treatment

Law enforcement and security agencies routinely used torture and other ill-treatment, including beating, prolonged standing, hanging by the ankles and rape. Several deaths in custody were reported.

Enforced disappearances

In April, Law Minister Farooq Naik promised the government would trace all people subjected to enforced disappearance. According to the government's own figures, 1,102 people have disappeared in Balochistan province alone. In May, the government set up two committees to trace disappeared people. In June, the government stated that 43 disappeared persons had been traced in Balochistan, and had either been released or detained in an official place of detention. Petitions relating to hundreds of cases of disappearances remained pending before the Supreme Court.

On 21 November, Human Rights Minister Mumtaz Alam Gilani announced that a new law was being prepared to facilitate the recovery of disappeared people and stated that his ministry had 567 documented cases of enforced disappearance.

On 25 November, the Senate Standing Committee on Interior reportedly acknowledged that intelligence agencies maintained "countless hidden torture cells" across the country. Despite these initiatives, new cases of enforced disappearance were reported.

  • Aafia Siddiqui, a neuroscientist, and her three small children were reportedly apprehended in Karachi by Pakistani intelligence in March 2003. However, according to US sources she was not apprehended until 17 July 2008 along with her 11-year-old son Mohammed Ahmed by Afghan police in Ghazni, Afghanistan. According to the US government, US officials shot her allegedly in self-defence as they took custody of her from Afghan officials on 18 July. She was transferred to a detention facility in New York, and charged with the attempted murder of US officials and employees in September, charges unrelated to the previous suggestion that she had allegedly collaborated with al-Qa'ida. Her son was returned to his family in Pakistan. US authorities repeatedly stated that her other children were not in their custody. Her fate and whereabouts between 2003 and July 2008 and that of her two younger children remained unclear. In December, a US federal court ordered further psychiatric evaluation of her competence to stand trial and postponed hearings to 23 February 2009. 
  • On 22 September, Dr Abdur Razaq was apprehended in Rawalpindi on his return from hospital. His wife filed a habeas corpus petition in the Islamabad High Court. On 7 November, state representatives denied any knowledge of his whereabouts. On 17 December, the court's chief justice Sardar Mohammad Aslam reportedly said that "everyone knows where the missing people are", ordering that the doctor be brought to court forthwith. By year end, his whereabouts remained unknown. His lawyer said that the doctor may have been disappeared for treating "terrorists".

Violations in the course of counter- insurgency

Pakistani security forces deployed in the tribal areas bordering Pakistan and adjacent areas of the North West Frontier Province (Swat) killed and injured civilians during operations against tribal armed groups and Pakistani Taleban.

  • On 19 October during an operation against Pakistani and foreign fighters, fighter jets bombed a village in Swat. Local residents reported that 47 people, including many civilians, were killed.

The government's operations displaced hundreds of thousands of people. Many internally displaced persons remained without access to humanitarian assistance or adequate protection by the government. Some 20,000 Pakistanis crossed the border to seek refuge in Afghanistan.

Abuses by armed groups

Armed groups, many of them explicitly pro-Taleban, committed serious human rights abuses, including direct attacks on civilians, indiscriminate attacks, abduction, hostage-taking, torture and other ill-treatment, and killing captives.

  • In October, a Taleban suicide bomber killed more than 80 unarmed civilians and wounded almost 100 at a peace council in Orakzai Agency who were drawing up a strategy to decrease violence in the area.

Pakistani Taleban took dozens of hostages including an Afghan and an Iranian diplomat, a Pakistani and a Canadian journalist, and a Polish engineer. The Afghan diplomat was later released but the others remained missing.

In September, the Swat chapter of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (the Pakistani Taleban) took several foreigners hostage to force the release of their 136 jailed associates.

Local Taleban unlawfully assumed judicial functions and "tried" and "convicted" people they accused of having transgressed Islamic law or spying for the government. Dozens of people were unlawfully killed after such "trials".

  • On 27 June, two Afghans were unlawfully killed in front of thousands of onlookers in Bajaur Agency after a council found them guilty of "spying" for US forces.

Violence against women and girls

Women and girls suffered human rights violations at the hands of the state and, in the absence of appropriate government action, in the community, including "honour" killings, forced marriages, rape and domestic violence. The Protection from Harassment at the Workplace Bill, approved by the cabinet in November, and the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill, submitted to the Ministry of Women Development in August, remained pending.

Zainab Khatoon, the mother of missing Faisal Faraz, with his children, Islamabad, 1 October 2006.
Zainab Khatoon, the mother of missing Faisal Faraz, with his children, Islamabad, 1 October 2006.

  • On 13 July, a girl, aged 16, and two women, aged 18 and 20, were reportedly abducted and taken in a car bearing a government number plate to Babakot, Jaffarabad district, Balochistan province, where they were killed apparently for wanting to marry men of their choice. A post-mortem examination revealed that two of the young women had died of head injuries inflicted with a blunt weapon. The third body was not found. A Baloch senator defended the killing as "tribal custom"; locally influential figures reportedly hampered the police investigation.

Girls were also handed over in marriage to settle disputes.

  • In October, three girls aged between 12 and 14 years, were forced into marriage by a jirga (informal tribal council) in Drighpur, Shikarpur district, Sindh province, to settle a dispute over an "honour" killing which had taken place two months earlier. No one was arrested.

Threats by Pakistani Taleban prevented thousands of women from voting in the February elections.

Discrimination – religious minorities

The government failed to adequately protect religious minorities against widespread discrimination, harassment and targeted violence.

  • In September, two Ahmadi men, Abdul Manan Siddiqui, a doctor from Mirpurkhas, Sindh, and a 75-year-old trader, Sheikh Mohammad Yousaf from Nawabshah, Sindh, were shot dead by unknown persons days after a private TV channel had aired a contributor's call to kill apostates and blasphemers as a religious duty. No investigation was known to have been initiated.

Seventy-six people were charged with blasphemy in 25 registered cases, including 17 people charged under section 295C Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) which carries the death sentence for insulting the name of the prophet Muhammad.

  • In June, 16 Ahmadis were charged with blasphemy in Nankana Sadar, Punjab, for allegedly taking down a poster that negatively depicted their religious leader.

Children's rights

Recruitment of children by armed groups, trafficking of children, domestic violence against children, in particular girls, continued. According to the NGO Sahil, 992 children, 304 boys and 688 girls, were subjected to sexual abuse between January and June.

In July, authorities in Swat discovered Pakistani Taleban had recruited 26 boys aged between 13 and 18 for training.

Death penalty

At least 236 people were reportedly sentenced to death, mostly for murder. The total number of prisoners under sentence of death was at least 7,000.

On 21 June, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani announced that death sentences would be commuted to life imprisonment. However, President Zardari issued an ordinance in November that extended the death penalty to cyber crimes causing death.

At least 36 people were executed during the year, including 16 after the commutation announcement.

In December, Pakistan voted against a UN General Assembly resolution calling for a worldwide moratorium on executions.




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[ALOCHONA] Former ACC chief’s sons in telecom business



Former ACC chief's sons in telecom business
Their obscure company awarded lucrative licence; inquiry likely soon

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A parliamentary committee will soon initiate inquiry into gross irregularities and violation of rules by the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) in awarding lucrative licences to new companies on personal consideration, particularly during the tenure of the military-backed caretaker government of Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed.


Preliminary inquiry has revealed some startling cases of awarding licences in the telecommunication sector by formulating a palpably wrong policy titled " international long distance telecommunication services" ( ILDTS). It awarded one such licence of Nationwide Telecommunication Network (NTTN) to a novice company named Fibre@ Home Limited.

 
This company is officially owned by one Moinul Haque Chowdhury but  Hasan Munafir Chowdhury (Meem)  and Hasan Munakib Chowdhury, two sons of  former chairman of Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury, are in its top management position. "Meem is the general manager and his brother Munakib is the marketing manager of this company.


It is learnt that within five weeks of submitting application, the company was issued the licence without ascertaining its background and experience according to sources.


 It remains a mystery why the former chairman of BTRC, Major General (retd) Manzurul Alam  issued the licence, post haste, to a relatively obscure company. Circles close to the Commission smell a rat in the whole transaction and maintain that there was no way this company could claim eligibility for the licence but for Lt General (retd) Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury's sons and back-door influence. They allege that the former BTRC chairman yielded  to pressure. If this be the case, the proposed inquiry will have far reaching consequences. These circles believe that a thorough inquiry will bring out the skeleton in the closet tarnishing the image of the ACC, which Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury touted as crusader against corruption.


According to the existing ILDTS policy, the Fibre @ Home Limited can lay fibre anywhere in the country and the government will not have any say in the matter. 


Brig Gen Zia Ahmed, PSC (retd), chairman of BTRC, told The Independent that many activities of BTRC were done violating government's rules during the period of caretaker government and all these  would come out through inquiry.


"Necessary documents relating to NTTN licence will be placed before the   parliamentary inquiry committee, if the committee so desires," he said.
"Some questions were raised about recovery of penalty from the private phone operators during the period and relevant documents will also be placed before the inquiry committee," he added.


The BTRC chairman said that the Commission would do everything according to government rules for ensuring its transparency."We are planning to amend the ILDTS policy to make it more  effective and transparent," the BTRC chairman informed.


The chairman also mentioned that the telecommunication sector is hostage to some powerful businessmen of the country due to issuance of licenses of International Gateway (IGW), Internal Connect Exchange (ICX) and International Internet Gateway (IIG), on political consideration..


Hasanul Haque Inu MP, chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on posts and telecommunication ministry, told this correspondent that the parliamentary inquiry committee would look into all irregularities and mismanagement in the telecommunication sector, especially the BTRC for the last seven years, for containing corruption.


When contacted, an official of Fibre @ Home Limited , told this correspondent on condition of anonymity that Moinul Haque Siddique is the owner of the company but Hasan Munafir Chowdhury (Meem) and Hasan Munakib Chowdhury are its policy makers.;

http://www.theindependent-bd.com/details.php?nid=128823



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[ALOCHONA] The dark side of micro-credit



The dark side of micro-credit

Santi Rozario, 10 - 12 - 2007
Bangladesh's pioneering micro-finance revolution is also helping to fuel the twin abuses of dowry and domestic violence. Santi Rozario investigates

Over the last two to three decades rural Bangladeshi society has experienced a complex range of developments. Among these, NGOs, micro-finance institutions and garment industries have become the major agents of change in the lives of rural Bangladeshi women. Women's increased access to independent sources of finance, through participation in outside paid employment or through micro-credit, is usually taken as one of the main indicators of the improvement of women's status and of women's empowerment.
 
However, a puzzle remains: if these positive changes have resulted in women's "empowerment", why has there not been the kind of improvements in women's position that might be expected, such as the reduction or abolition of dowry payments, or a reduction in domestic violence? Indeed, if anything these tend to be going in the opposite direction. Dowry amounts continue to rise, as does the associated violence against women.
 

Also on micro-finance in Bangladesh: Farida Khan, "Muhammad Yunus: an economics for peace" It is true that individual women, women's organisations and other NGOs continue to struggle against these problems. Yet, despite all this effort, women continue to be subject to demands for large amounts of dowry as a condition for acceptance by their groom's family. Married women are also frequently subjected to physical and psychological violence by their husbands and in-laws if they cannot keep bringing in more and more dowry, especially within the first few years of their marriage.

 

Understanding dowry
To understand the seemingly intractable problem of dowry, we need to understand the rationale behind the practice. Dowry practices in Bangladesh (the demand or dabi from grooms' families) are a relatively new phenomenon. Their rise is linked to the capitalist transformation of the Bangladeshi economy since the late 1960s and the resultant disjunction between the demands of the economy and the system of values in Bangladeshi society.
 
This has led to a valorization of men and devalorization of women, legitimated both by a socially created surplus of marriageable women compared to men, and also by the threat posed to ideas of women's purity and honour by women's increasing physical mobility. All this in turn has made it possible for dowry to become a critical source of capital for families with sons, who are an increasingly prized commodity.
 
These new negative developments in relation to women and dowry can be understood better by appreciating that in Bangladeshi culture marriage and dependence upon your husband is thought essential for women. By 'dependence' I mean both perceived and real economic dependency as well as the moral or cultural dependency of all women on one or another adult man of their family. The necessity for all women to be married, along with the perceived 'risks' posed by an unmarried woman to her family's honour, means that families feel pressured to marry off their daughters as soon as possible after puberty. This lowers the marriage age for women, so creating a perceived surplus of women in relation to men, who are not under the same pressure to marry and so generally marry later in life. This again leads to further inflation of dowries and to the further devaluing of women - economically, culturally and morally - in relation to men.
 
Beyond the law
Dowry was declared illegal in Bangladesh in 1980. However, like many other laws in Bangladesh this has had little or no impact. When faced with demands for large dowries, families are reluctant to take legal action for fear of losing suitable grooms. Thus villagers will say that if one family takes legal action, no other potential grooms will come forward to ask to marry a girl from that village in future. While there are para-legal staff in some rural villages, poor people only seek their assistance when a woman has been divorced after repeated demands for more and more dowry, combined with extensive violence. Families never report cases when dowry is demanded during marital negotiations.
 
When I asked several groups of poor women what was their biggest problem during some recent research for CARE Bangladesh, their almost unanimous answer was "dowry". When I asked about violence, I heard numerous stories about how most of the violence against women was related to their parents' inability to meet the demands of husbands and their families for more and more money or other goods.
 
Dowry has come to be one of the most critical sources of capital for all families. It is not only practiced as a one-off payment during marriage, but many families continue to use their newly-married incoming wives as an ongoing source of capital, by sending them back to their natal home again and again to bring back more capital. If the wives' families cannot oblige, the wives are subjected to violence, or even divorce.
 
One such woman I spoke to, Ruksana, is the second of four sisters from a poor family. She was married to her cousin Ataul, and her parents paid 80,000 Bangladeshi Taka as dowry. After the marriage her mother-in-law mistreated her and demanded a bicycle, some jewellery and additional Tk30,000. Ruksana's mother took a Tk7000 loan from Grameen Bank, bought a cycle and made some ear-rings in the hope that the mother-in-law (her own brother's wife) would treat her daughter better, but Ruksana was pressured for more money. Ruksana did not want to tell her parents since they were already struggling to keep up payments on the first loan and could not afford enough food. Her mother-in-law then tricked her into signing divorce papers (she was told the papers were to obtain another loan), forced her to return to her parents' house, and arranged a new marriage for Ataul.
 
The dark side of micro-credit
This is where micro-credit has contributed to the escalation of dowry. While micro-credit has benefited large sections of the rural population in many ways, it has also worked against women's solidarity and contributed heavily to the inflation of dowry. Grooms' families are aware that money is available to brides' families more easily now, through Grameen Bank, the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) or other NGOs. I have often heard of women being sent home to persuade their parents to borrow money from an NGO for their husbands to invest in business, including buying items such as rickshaws, vans, grocery shops or irrigation pumps.
 
Although in theory micro-finance institutions do not lend money for the purposes of dowry payment, in practice it is common knowledge among the barefoot bankers (micro-finance institution employees distributing and collecting loans among village people) that most village families depend on micro-credit to meet dowry demands.
It is because of such near universal dependence of men on their wives' families for capital that dowry has come to be perceived by women's organisations as intractable and as 'too political' a problem to tackle directly.
 
Dismantling the hierarchy
Notwithstanding certain structural constraints, I still believe there are ways to arrest the problem of dowry, and in my work for CARE I made a number of recommendations. They include; collaboration between institutions working for women's rights to campaign on dowry, inheritance rights and domestic violence; development of a large-scale rural legal aid service following the model already developed by Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) and the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC); working with religious authorities; use of media, education and role models to contest village stereotypes of women.
 
Another key point to consider is that the perpetuation of dowry and violence against women cannot only be blamed on men, particularly poor men. It is actually the middle-class families, who keep their women relatively sheltered in order to protect their purity and honour, and compete most heavily for status hierarchy through dowry displays, who are most responsible for perpetuating both dowry practices and gender domination.
Middle-class women too gain from this status hierarchy. They demand dowry for their sons, are relatively able to pay large dowry for their daughters, and play active roles in maintaining their superior status in relation to less well-off women. As a result, they are often the people least willing to reject the dowry system. It is hard to see how things will change for poor village families when they are taken for granted by the rural and urban middle classes, who act as moral arbiters for the society as a whole.
 
In tackling the problem of middle class attitudes, a piecemeal approach may work. In the shorter term, the younger middle class generation, who might have studied abroad and returned to Bangladesh, and do not necessarily share the same values to their parents, could be targeted. They are more often prepared to challenge familial values, for instance by marrying someone of their own choice without involvement of dowries.
 
There also needs to be a dialogue between the women's organisations - especially legal ones such as Ask and the Bangladesh National Women Lawyers' Association (BNWLA) - and religious leaders. I believe if there is the political will on the part of the government, women's organisations, religious leaders, large NGOs and civil society in general, religious leaders can be used quite effectively in addressing the problem of dowry and violence against women. There is some precedence for this; in recent years religious leaders have been used very successfully in motivating large sections of the village people into accepting contraceptives within a relatively short space of time.
 
Finally, education is frequently recommended as a solution to all sorts of problems in Bangladeshi society. I would recommend the same, but with less emphasis on rote learning and more on educating the young so they begin to question gender and other structural hierarchies very early in life.
 



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[ALOCHONA] Freedom to Know



Freedom to Know
 
Shaheen Anam explores the Right to Information Act and its implications for Bangladesh
 


AMIRUL RAJIV

The parliament passed the much-awaited bill on Right to Information (RTI) on May 29, paving the way for people to get information from public authority as a right. By enactment of the RTI law, the present government has made an important statement in support of transparency and accountability of all public functions and authority.
The UN General Assembly in 1948 declared freedom of information as a fundamental human right and the touchstone for all rights to which the United Nations is consecrated. Right to information creates legal entitlement for people to seek information, and includes the duty of the public function bodies, government or non-government, to make information public and easily available. It enables citizen to seek information from duty holders and make duty holders responsible to disseminate important information proactively, even if it is not asked for.
Provisions in the constitution
The constitution of Bangladesh does not have any special provision for right to information/access to information. However, Articles 7 and 11 of the constitution implicitly recognise the people's right to information.
Article 7 declares that all powers in the republic belong to the people. Article 11 declares the republic as democracy, and assure human rights and freedom. Therefore, people's right to all information cannot be barred in any way.
Article 39 articulates freedom of thought, conscience, speech, and the freedom of press. If real democracy is in practice, then the absence of any particular provision for this right should create no bar in accessing information.
How our neighbours did it
So far, 65 countries across the world have enacted Right to Information laws. In the sub-continent, besides Bangladesh, so far, India and Pakistan (as well as Nepal) have passed a right to information law.
India (2005)
The Right to Information Bill in India is treated as a radical measure and contains clear rights for those requesting information and has in place a strong enforcement mechanism. Under the Indian Act, information concerning the life or liberty of a person is required to be provided within 48 hours, and other information is to be provided within 30 days. However, the implementation mechanism is not mentioned clearly and public interest has been so broadly defined that there is scope to conceal information by interpreting it as public interest overrides. India has set in place a strong implementation mechanism through an independent information commission.
Pakistan (2002)
In Pakistan, the Freedom of Information Ordinance was promulgated in October 2002 to provide for transparency and freedom of information to all, and clearly states that all citizens of Pakistan have the right to access public records.
It does not override the Official Secrecy Act and applies only to federal records and not the provincial and local records. National security is defined as everything and anything so that all records may be exempted from public access. There is also no time frame for disposal of matters, giving scope for harassment of information seekers.
The Bangladesh context
In Bangladesh, the demand for a law on Right to Information was made by civil society organisations and the journalist community several years ago. Responding to this demand, the Law Commission prepared a draft working paper on RTI in 2002. However, this working paper lacked public consultation and efforts to trace its whereabouts resulted in a blank as the relevant ministries seem to have little knowledge about its present status.
In 2005 Manusher Jonno Foundation (MJF), representing a large network of non-governmental organisations, invited the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) to provide technical assistance in terms of capacity building, awareness raising, and creating better understanding of the benefits of RTI.
Meanwhile, the demand for RTI started to be made by different groups such as media, research groups, academia, NGOs, etc. A process of knowledge building started through developing various communications materials, popular theatre, and songs on RTI, and commissioning of research. Many non-governmental organisations and networks become actively involved in this process.
It is important to note that, unlike India, the demand for the law did not start at the grass-roots level. The demand was raised by civil society groups, realising that if Bangladesh were to have any chance of improving governance, curbing corruption and establishing accountability and transparency in public institutions, then a law on RTI would be key tool to do so.
Civil society groups did not only raise the demand, but went one step ahead to help the government draft the law, and lobbied actively for its legislation. Led by the RTI Forum (loose coalition of 80 organisations and individuals) a law was drafted, reviewed, and critiqued by experts and submitted to the Information Ministry in 2007. The ministry finalised the draft and finally it signed as an ordinance by the president in October 2008.
After the general elections of December 2008 the RTI Forum lobbied with parliamentarians for the enactment of the RTI law. The law minister, information minister, and several MP's were met individually to press for its enactment. The RTI Forum also lobbied with the expert group and the special committee which was set up to review ordinances passed during the care taker regime.
Finally, on March 29, the bill was enacted in parliament as Right to Information Act, 2009.
What's on the table
The law makes it compulsory for all "authorities" to provide information proactively or upon request from any citizen. "Authority" includes foreign funded non-governmental agencies besides GOB authorities. The coverage of "authority" has been extended up to upazila level.
Substantive documents such as rules, regulations, laws, manuals, and information related to license, permit, grant allocation, etc have been brought under category of information, which is supposed to be disclosed proactively.
In line with the demand of civil society, supremacy of the law over existing laws such as the Special Powers Act has been ensured. The list of exemptions, however, is too long, and civil society groups remain critical of it.
An attempt has been made to simplify the procedure of receiving information. Information request, for instance, can be made in white paper or through email instead of the prescribed format. Sensitivity has been shown in case of people with disability by assuring information providing in a disable-friendly manner. Although the stipulated time for giving information is 20 days, in case of special circumstances, such as arrest, death etc, information should be provided within 24 hours.
The three-member Information Commission responsible for investigating complaints will be headed by a chief information commissioner, and will have at least one female member. The commission, however, has not been given adequate independence in regard to decide about the staff capacity and number and its budget. The government holds the final authority of approving these. The rank and salary of the chief information commissioner and the other information commissioners will also be decided by the government. These limitations may cause barriers for the commission to function independently

Implications for Bangladesh
Although the right to information is not yet recognised as a fundamental right, there is enough evidence to believe that it will have far-reaching implications on every aspect of people's lives and well-being.
Bangladesh now stands at the threshold of immense possibility to strengthen democracy and establish a transparent and participatory system of governance. The RTI law will further strengthen democracy and give people the opportunity to participate in public affairs.
It will also promote transparency, a culture of openness, and create opportunities for more dialogue and discussions on critical national issues. The RTI Law will enable the general population to hold elected representatives accountable for their promises and pledges and government functionaries accountable as per government rules of business.
Effective implementation of the RTI law will pave the way for institutionalising a democratic and open governance system, and assist to fulfill the present government's promise of a corruption-free government. It will provide the key to good governance and make participatory democracy meaningful. It will also assist in implementing people-centred development that is based on equitable growth.
From the livelihoods perspective, examples abound on how correct information received at the right time has changed the lives of people. Programs to provide much-needed information on health, agriculture, and human rights to people at the local level by public institutions have resulted in improvement in the livelihoods of the poor.
Farmers claim that correct and timely information improved their yield, poultry farmers averted a major crisis, and women have been able to claim rightful dowry and benefits.
Information on government entitlements, safety net programs, allocation to local government are what people want to know and profit from in a Right to Information regimen.
By using RTI, the general population can demand information as a right on issues such as the budget allocation for the upazila or the amount of funds allocated and spent in constructing roads, culverts, schools, hospitals, etc.
The present law is not restricted only to public and government institutions. Private organisations and NGOs -- all those dealing with public funds or who provide services to the public should be held accountable and abide by the same standards of public disclosure.
Looking into the future
The enactment of the RTI law is only the first step toward ensuring people's right to information. As we have successfully raised the demand for its enactment, our emphasis should now be on its proper implementation.
It is imperative that a strong enforcement mechanism is set in place. Without further delay, the search committee should be constituted and the Information Commission set up. In India, the Office of the Information Commission is a prestigious and highly regarded constitutional body which reports to the president of the country.


AMIRUL RAJIV

In the RTI Act 2009, the roles and responsibilities of the Information Commission has been well defined. Most importantly, it should be allowed to work independently and without interference. It should not only arbitrate when information is denied, but by itself be an advocate for RTI.
Lastly, we all have to make an effort, at individual and institution level, to get out of the culture of secrecy. Open and timely information has the potential to stop corruption, improve governance, and ensure accountability and transparency, thereby bringing about positive changes in the lives of millions.
With so much at stake, we can ill afford to withhold information and go back to a culture of secrecy and denial of information.
Shaheen Anam is Executive Director, Manusher Jonno Foundation
 



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[ALOCHONA] the many lies of "Sunita Paul"



The Devi of Disinformation
Jabir Islam exposes the many lies of "Sunita Paul"
 

We have always been told that the pen is mightier than the sword. When wielded by a skilled journalist, we see just how sharp that pen can be. Journalists are the Fourth Estate: a check and balance on the usual power structure. They expose political misdeeds and corruption.
Richard Nixon, once the most powerful man on earth as the US president, was brought down by the tireless (and fearless) work of journalists. This month, the speaker of the House of Commons in the United Kingdom was forced to resign when the Daily Telegraph exposed a scandal involving inappropriate expense by members of parliaments.
With this power come those who would like to abuse this power to serve their own agenda. The formula is simple: they inject patent falsehoods in the public discourse, surrounded by accurate information. To the casual reader, it appears that since points A and B are true, then point C must also be true. Once the credibility has built up, then they would make bolder, sometimes outrageous claims, propelled by people's hunger for information.
Sometimes this is propagated by governments to push their own agenda in the national or international stage, sometimes it is pushed by businesses, and sometimes by intelligence agencies to serve their own agenda that may be different from their governments. Pravda and Voice of America push the agenda of their governments. When intelligence agencies nominate guests for talk shows, they also practice the planting of information.
A lie will go round the world while truth is still putting its shoes on. This 200-year-old saying is even truer with the easy and free instant communication, blogs, and many online outlets where the propaganda can be planted.
But what does someone with evil intent do when they cannot buy a journalist? Pretend to be one, of course. An individual can have a disproportionate level of impact if he or she can produce disinformation padded by some truths.
Today, we look at the genesis and demise of one of such propagandist: one hiding behind the name "Sunita Paul."
Who is Sunita Paul?
This devi of disinformation is a late blooming flower. Her biography makes her 57 years old at this writing. But surprisingly, there is not a single sighting of this prolific author until 2006, when at the ripe old age of 54 she suddenly burst into various online publications, starting with Asian Tribune, an online daily published by an organisation called the World Institute for Asian Studies or WAIS1. Interestingly, there is absolutely no way to contact WAIS. No postal address, no email address, phone, or fax number.. The links on the website for conferences are broken. The website itself, like that of Asian Tribune, are hosted in Sweden, and the domain names are registered via a Canadian company.
So a virtual unknown starts writing for a publication that exists only in the murky realms of cyberspace, without any way to contact the publisher. Then Sunita Paul branched out. We saw her prolific writing appear in Modern Ghana2, a website that claims it is a website about Ghana. We saw her handiwork on American Chronicle3 and its sister site California Chronicle, but it has stopped since April 15, 2009, because of a very simple reason: the persons hiding behind the Sunita Paul name stole the writing of others. When American Chronicle was notified of this, they stopped accepting any further articles from her.
American Chronicle is an interesting site. Anyone can register and start publishing articles there. Since it is a website in America and has a professional look, some articles by Sunita Paul were deemed good enough to be quoted by some Bangladeshi intellectuals and politicians. There is only one little problem: Ms. Paul does not let a minor inconvenience like fact stand in her way --she just makes up facts to fit the argument she is making. To paraphrase another old saying, her writing that is original is not good, and anything that is good is not original.
In preparation for this Forum article, we conducted extensive analysis on the writing attributed to Sunita Paul. On a single day, April 18, 2008, American Chronicle published the following articles under the Sunita Paul's name. If you are curious why we picked April 18, the answer is simple: that was the debut of Sunita Paul at the American Chronicle website.
16,975 words -- impressive. This level of output could even be called prodigious. There is only one problem.
The first story, "Is Bangladesh becoming Islam hater?" is no longer on the American Chronicle, because The Daily Star complained that it was stolen from a story published on that newspaper on April 18, titled "National Women Development Policy: Review body opposes equal rights for women"4. American Chronicle removed it after the complaint. But it still exists on Global Politician, another site that accepts writings from any Jodu/Modhu 5.
(A note to readers: instead of juxtaposing columns of stolen text next to the original, we have included the links to the webpages in question at the end of this article. If you are reading this in print, to reduce your typing we have included shorter URLs that will redirect you to the same pages. Judge the extent of plagiarism for yourself.)
"Nation in confrontation"6 steals large parts of its content from the Latvian Red Cross website7. "A war between right and wrong" was stolen from WikiPedia. While it is technically not a copyright violation to borrow from Wikipedia, not citing the source is a violation of journalistic integrity and academic honesty.
"Anatomy of the Economist report" is the shortest article at 1,076 words, and quotes liberally from "The Economist" with the original content reduced to less than 500 words.
"Bangladesh's Playboy Politician" also steals from Wikipedia without citing it as the source.
Lastly, "Who must win -- Donkey or Elephant?"8 steals from an article by Dr. Allan Lichtman, a professor of history at American University9.
Dear reader, note that this is from a single day's publication at a single site: April 18, 2008, which also happens to be the very first day Sunita Paul published on American Chronicle. We have documented her plagiarism in detail for the other days as well, but we hope we have made the point.
The web of deception started to unravel when a blogger, Mash Rahman, noticed that Sunita Paul has lifted paragraphs from one of his blog posts and used it without attribution. His article elicited a venomous reply from Sunita Paul, where all charges of plagiarism were denied, which reply was subsequently proven to be outright lies.

Why would this person plagiarise? As we mentioned in the beginning, it is important to build up credibility, and the fastest way to do that is to steal quality writing from others.
A fake identity
But it was not just stealing other people's writing. Our Sunita Paul is a writer of fiction as well. Her online biography listed as her birthplace a city called "Kochin" in India. When we pointed out10 that no such city exists, four days later the birthplace was changed to "Cochin" along with some other revisions we suggested.
Surprisingly, Sunita Paul has no shortage of defenders. One commenter wrote: "Whoever (s)he is, I find her commentary to be much more interesting and incisive than what is available from other sources." Another visitor told us that: "She may plagiarise but can you deny the facts?"
We are very glad you asked. Thankfully, facts are very rare in the writing of Sunita Paul, or about even the made-up persona that the people hiding behind that name uses.
In her biography11, Sunita Paul claims: "Her works have appeared in Sunday Ledger, African Times, Global Politician, Jerusalem Post, Women's World, Insight Magazine, Europe Post, The Asian Tribune, Countercurrents, American Thinker, Intelligence Reporteur, Daily Post, Daily Sun, Times Herald, Daily News, New York Sun, Newsday, New Yorker."
We have contacted most of the magazines and newspapers listed here, specifically the ones that can be uniquely identified, such as The New Yorker, New York Sun, Jerusalem Post, etc. We found that with the exception of a few free-to-anyone sites like Asian Tribune, every single one of these publications reported that they have not published any articles by anyone named Sunita Paul.
In an April 14, 2009 article12, Sunita Paul breathlessly reported: "Check here two points! Sajib Wajed Joy could not bring his former wife Christine Ovemarrie as they already got separated long time back. Secondly, on April 13, 2009, he had two-hour long closed door meeting inside the ministry of Home Affairs with none but Tanjim Ahmed Sohel Taj, the junior minister for the ministry."
Mr. Wajed is happily married to his wife, whose name was misspelled. Bangladeshi newspapers regularly report about them and publishes photos of them together. The latest installment was after Dr. Wajed Miah, Joy's father, passed away.
So Sunita Paul is a liar -- she lies in print about her own birthplace, about the publications where her work appeared, and she manufactured "facts" about the marital status of Sajib Wajed..
Mr. Wajed, while not officially engaged in politics, is definitely not a private citizen. As an adult, he can brush off rumours like that.
But what happens when the manufactured facts reach levels that could result in much more serious consequences? On April 1, Sunita Paul wrote13: "One of my very good friends, who coincidentally was flying in the same flight with Koko surprisingly saw that, as soon as the aircraft took off, Koko burst into laughter and was jumping like a kid with other members of his family who were on board with him."
This makes it appear that Arafat Rahman Koko's parole is based on fake illness. Fortunately for Mr. Rahman, the government does not rely on news reports, otherwise he may still be behind bars.
The same article goes on to say:
"On the other hand, Mirza Azam, who is the brother-in-law of Islamist militancy group kingpin Shaikh Abdur Rahman, had direct hands behind the brutal murder of Colonel Gulzar and another former officer of Rapid Action Battalion, who were also sent on deputation by the present government …
Most of the political figures, which are suspected to be involved in the bloody massacre, are greatly concerned about the investigation conducted by Bangladesh Armed Forces, and that is the only one, which is expected to be neutral, unbiased and true. Although there are rumors that the ruling party is actively trying to manage the high-commands in the armed forces too in somehow getting a favorable report. With this goal, the government reportedly is buying time. But, it is opined by many that, none of the members of the Bangladesh Armed Forces will ever compromise with the blood and dignity of their brother officers and their families."
As "Sunita Paul" is not burdened by facts, she explicitly mentioned that Mirza Azam had a direct hand in the killing of Col. Gulzar and another army officer.
"Why" Sunita Paul?
Perhaps more important than finding out the identities behind Sunita Paul is to find out what motivates them to plagiarise and make up facts.
It is one thing to steal an article about national women's policy, and an entirely different thing to name a person as having a direct hand in the murder of two army officers. Along with naming Mirza Azam, in a previous article, Sunita Paul cites unnamed sources who witnessed Sajib Wajed Joy handing out fat envelopes to fleeing BDR personnel at the Dubai airport 14.
We heard how heated the meeting between Sheikh Hasina and the army officers became. Newspapers and electronic media widely reported that politicians avoided the janaja of the slain army officers after some unpleasant incidents at the army mosque. But it could have escalated further.
The army's own investigation report has been submitted, along with the civilian report. Compared to those, Ms. Paul's version of the involvement of Awami League leaders seems to be entirely fabricated. Unfortunately, we do not see a retraction -- just more of the same.
We do not believe accusations of murder and aiding and abetting murderers happen lightly. What would have happened if an army officer decided to take the law in his own hands, and trusting the writings of Sunita Paul, decided to hand out some vigilante justice? What if the fabricated stories of complicity by the son of the prime minister and a senior leader of Awami League had gained credence within the section of the army that was already apoplectic about what it viewed as the government's mishandling of the crisis?
We believe these writings were meant to provide the final spark to an already agitated heap of gunpowder. Fortunately for the country, that did not happen.
Which leads us to the question: who would have benefited from the kind of instability that might have resulted?
In the polarised politics of Bangladesh, anything bad for Awami League is good for BNP, and vice versa. But our mystery woman is equally harsh on AL and BNP. One of her earliest articles was about the corruption of Giashuddin Mamun, Tarique Rahman, and Hawa Bhaban, and as late as 2009 she claimed that the basis of Koko's parole was fake.. Could it be possible that "Sunita Paul" is driving the agenda of a third party?
Our first clue was an interview with Kazi Azizul Huq (KAH), the International Affairs Secretary of Bangladesh Khelafat Andolon15. Since Sunita Paul claims to be deaf and dumb, and also has claimed to have never visited16 Bangladesh, we assume this interview took place over email. So what we are seeing is not a spontaneous exchange, rather, a pre-set series of questions being asked by Sunita Paul.
From the very first question, the interview leads: "As I know, most of the Islamist and Islamic parties in Bangladesh are against withdrawal of travel ban. In your case, you are very exception. May you kindly elaborate the reason as to why you feel that Bangladesh should lift travel ban on Israel?"
The companion piece17 in Asia Tribune starts off with this line: "Bangladesh, although demanding to be a moderate Muslim nation, is in reality a notorious Jew hater and anti West and anti American nation."
These two paragraphs sets the tone. For the rest of the interview and the Asia Tribune piece, the goal is clear:
"Dhaka's stand has nothing to do with the Holy Quran, but is absolutely a political position. In this case, let us leave a question to all as to whether Bangladesh is trying to echo the anti Semitic sentiment by becoming one-sided supporter of Palestine …
Definitely, any sovereign nation has the right to hold its own policy. But, in this case, can we raise a plain question as to whether the Jewish business communities and friends of Israel like United States should patronize Dhaka economically to sharpen and strengthen their anti Semitic and anti US sentiments?"
Hmm. Definitely strange. A person allegedly born in India, someone who writes a few thousand words per day, never bothered to write a single article over a three-year period on India-Bangladesh relationship or the anti-Indian sentiment expressed by at least one major political party in Bangladesh. But the same person conducted one interview where most of the questions focused on anti-Semitism, Bangladesh, and Israel, and wrote another article on the relationship between friends of Israel, i.e. US and Bangladesh? This is not just a simple case of the aunt caring more than the mother -- this is a major propaganda push to sway public opinion.
Our Kazi Azizul Huq is quite the letter-writer: he wrote a letter to the Saudi king, and copied it to, among others, Salahuddin Shoaib Choudhury, a self-proclaimed Muslim Zionist, and Richard Benkin, an American Jewish activist and the founder of Interfaith Strength, a website that seems to be dedicated to promoting Salahuddin Shoaib Choudhury18.
Richard Benkin also happens to be the author of an Open Letter to Bangladesh, written in November 2003 and published in JewishWeek19 where he asks Bangladesh to recognise Israel. Interestingly, this came on the heels of Colin Powell's visit to Bangladesh prior to the start of the Iraq war where he asked the government to recognise Israel.
The author of this article is opposed to the neo-conservative agenda that predicates all Middle-Eastern politics on the security and pre-eminence of Israel. In case you have forgotten, it was the neo-cons in the US that pushed the US to a war in Iraq, one of the goals of which military action was to secure Israel forever.
The writings of Sunita Paul, along with cohorts Salahuddin Shoaib Choudhury and Richard Benkin, are pushing the same agenda in Bangladesh. It is our duty to our motherland to not fall for their deception.
Like the Hydra that grew two new heads every time Hercules cut one off, Sunita Paul and her spawn will continue to dog Bangladesh.
Consider the following: due to the proven complaints of plagiarism, American Chronicle has stopped publishing any new articles by Sunita Paul. Although her articles and bio are still there and reachable by the links we provided, searching for Sunita Paul brings up a single article that refers to her. Her last article was published on April 15, 2009.
But we are also watching the fascinating rise of one Joe Fleishman20 on American Chronicle: "Joe was born in 1968, in Philippine. His mother is from Philippine and father is an American. He grew up in Manila and starts his career as a news photographer for a local newspaper. In 2001 he moved to Japan and join Mainichi magazine. He spends a significant time in India."
This senior reporter of Mainichi is contributing his writing to a free online news outlet, approximately 50% of which seem to be devoted to Bangladesh. He also shares with Sunita Paul the propensity of overuse of exclamation signs and misuse of the comma. And this 41-year old senior writer suddenly appeared out of nowhere in April 2009, just as American Chronicle was shutting down Sunita Paul? Being the suspicious type, we called Mainichi Magazine. It does not have any Joe Fleishman on its staff.
Bibliography:
1. World Institute for Asian Studies, WAIS: http://www.worldinstitute forasianstudies.org
2. Modern Ghana
http://www.modern ghana.com
3. American Chronicle:
http://american chronicle.com
4. Is Bangladesh becoming Islam hater? http://www.globalpolitician.com/24549-bangladesh-islam or
http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul5
5. National Women Development Policy. Review body opposes equal rights for women
http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=32657 or http://tinyurl. com/ sunitapaul6
6. Nation in confrontation: http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/58901 or
http://tinyurl.com/sunita7
7. Latvian Red Cross:
http://www.redcross.lv/en/conventions.htm or http://tinyurl.com/ sunitapaul8
8. Who must win - Donkey or Elephant?: http://www.american chronicle.com/articles/view/58898 or http://tinyurl .com/sunitapaul9
9. Professor Lichtman's article from the US Embassy in Japan website
http://tokyo.usembassy.gov/e/p/tp-20080123-02.html or http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul10
10. Sunita Paul: Plagiarist
http://www.docstrangelove.com/2009/04/03/sunita-paul-plagiarist/ or http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul11 12. http://shadakalo.blogspot .com/2009/04/what-difference-4-days-make.html or http://tinyurl. com/sunitapaul12
11. Sunita Paul bio: http://www. american chronicle. com/authors/ view/2950 or
http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul13
12. "Suppressed trip, hidden meeting and treatment luxury of Bangladeshi politicians": http://www.american chronicle.com/articles/view/98368 or http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul14
13. Phone calls, ailment and mystery unfolded in BDR massacre case http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/96720 or
http://tinyurl .com/sunitapaul15
14. Bangladesh: Manipulation of BDR massacre probe
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/96420 or
http://tinyurl. com/sunitapaul16
15. An interview with Sunita Paul
http://bangladeshkhelafatandolan.blogspot.com/2008/06/interview-with-sunita-paul.html or http://tinyurl .com/sunitapaul18
16. Who used my name and created the false blog?
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/90278 or http://tinyurl .com/sunitapaul19
17. They hate US-West too
http://www.asiantribune.com/?q=node/10252 or http://tinyurl.com/ sunitapaul20
18. Letter to Saudi king regarding Madrid interfaith conference
http://bangladeshkhelafatandolan.blogspot.com/2008/07/letter-to-saudi-king-regarding-madrid.html, or http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul21
19. Take lesson from Bangladesh on pluralism and religious tolerance (original no longer available)
http://www.mombu.com/culture/bangladesh/t-take-lesson-from-bangladesh-on-pluralism-and-religious-tolerance-1172135.html or http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul22
20. Joe Fleishman bio: http:// www.americanchronicle.com/authors/view/4140 or
http://tinyurl.com/sunitapaul23
Jabir Islam blogs at http://shadakalo. blogspot.com
 



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