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Tuesday, June 29, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Fwd: Fw: All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy



------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Javed Ahmad

All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy.


A Short Neurological Test

1- Find the C below.. Please do not use any cursor help.

OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO


2- If you already found the C, now find the 6 below.


99999999999999999999999999999999999999999999999
99999999999999999999999999999999999999999999999
99999999999999999999999999999999999999999999999
69999999999999999999999999999999999999999999999
99999999999999999999999999999999999999999999999
99999999999999999999999999999999999999999999999


3 - Now find the N below. It's a little more difficult.


MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMNMM
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM


This is NOT a joke. If you were able to pass these 3 tests, you can cancel your annual visit to your neurologist. Your brain is great and you're far from having a close
 relationship with Alzheimer. 

Congratulations!
 


-----------------

And now:

eonvrye that can raed this rsaie your hnad.

 

To my 'selected' strange-minded friends:

If you can read the following paragraph, forward it on to your friends and the person that sent it to you with 'yes' in the subject line.

 


Only great minds can read this...


This is weird, but interesting! 

If you can raed this, you have a sgtrane mnid too 

Can you raed this? Olny 55 plepoe out of 100 can. 

I cdnuolt blveiee that I cluod aulaclty uesdnatnrd what I was rdanieg. The phaonmneal pweor of the hmuan mnid, aoccdrnig to a rscheearch at Cmabrigde Uinervtisy, it dseno't mtaetr in what oerdr the ltteres in a word are, the olny iproamtnt tihng is that the frsit and last ltteer be in the rghit pclae. The rset can be a taotl mses and you can still raed it whotuit a pboerlm. This is bcuseae the huamn mnid deos not raed ervey lteter by istlef, but the word as a wlohe. Azanmig huh? Yaeh and I awlyas tghuhot slpeling was ipmorantt! If you can raed this forwrad it to smoenoe.



 



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[ALOCHONA] An Interview with Anti-Racist Feminist Sunera Thobani



Mapping the Questions, Politics and location of Resistance
 
An Interview with Anti-Racist Feminist Sunera Thobani

Sunera Thobani teaches at the Women's and Gender Studies Program at the University of British Columbia. She is also past president of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC), Canada's largest feminist organization. The first woman of color to serve in this position, she made anti-imperialism and anti-racism central to the women's movement.  Her book 'Exalted Subjects' places new emphasis on the question of indigenism, race and citizenship within the context of Canada, and makes it clear that modern nation-states are fundamentally based on violence and relations of power. Her article 'White Wars' in the journal Feminist Theory is a critique of Western modes of feminism that work within the structure of white supremacy. Dr. Thobani is very clear that wars inflicted on Muslims and Islam cannot be and should not be justified in the name of liberation and democracy (for women).

Dr. Thobani traveled to West Bank and Gaza a few months ago. She came to University of California at Berkeley to speak against the Zionist occupation of Palestine, and to participate in the conference "Decolonizing the University" that took place in February 26-27. It was an absolute honor to meet with Sunera Thobani during this time and to discuss more about her work as an activist-scholar. We thank her for supporting the work of Chintaa

Tanzeen Doha: I was just reading your book. I will start with that. But I think it's because it's related to probably your speech, because you just went to Gaza…in September?

Sunera Thobani: I was in the West Bank in July, and then Gaza in September.

TD: I will start with a quote that I found in pg. 56 of your book. "Violence in this context was more than the individual caprice of unscrupulous settlers, it was the necessary condition for the preservation of the colonial order."  So, I want to ask you because this is the Canadian context… Is there a similar relationship when it comes to Gaza? Your observations on Gaza and the violence that Palestinians are subjected to in order to maintain the Zionist state of Israel.

ST: You know one way in which the violence in Gaza gets constructed in the West is that it's a humanitarian crisis, that the Israeli blockade has led to a humanitarian crisis, and therefore they need more aid. That's how the violence in Gaza, the suffering in Gaza gets constructed in that kind of way. You know all of the Palestinian activists I met in Gaza all said to me that it's not a humanitarian crisis. This is the political, the logical outcome of the occupation. It is not a humanitarian crisis. To construct it as a humanitarian crisis is to depoliticize it. And when I look at Canada today you have a similar construction about aboriginal reservations, about how aboriginals are treated. That they don't have enough services. They need help, they need aid. And you know it gets constructed in the same kind of way. And of course the Canadian nation state even today continues to be reproduced through the ongoing dispossession of aboriginal peoples, and violence is at the heart of it. Violence has been made into law. And where I see the similarities between Canada and Gaza, the situation in Palestine, is that both are settler colonies, both are settler societies. You know, Canada is a settler society that remains deeply colonial and yet it's trying to transform itself into a liberal democracy, which it is for a certain portion of its population, for Canadians, right, but not for aboriginals. And so, you know there are so many similarities between the Canadian situation and what's happening in Gaza because you know basically they are both settler societies… both based on the dispossession and occupation of indigenous people's lives. So, you know I see both orders really as ultimately resting on violence.

TD: What is the role of the intellectual within the context of global imperialism? What kinds of risks do you have to take in order to do that? And, what are the consequences of doing that?

ST: Well, the risks have increased tremendously now with the "war on terror". There is a battle going on. You know, certainly in the media and the public sphere… and university campuses it is very intense, and especially around pro-Palestinian politics. So, you know the risks have increased tremendously, but I feel the necessity to speak out and to break through this kind of ideological construct that is the frontline of the "war on terror". There is also the kind of ideological battlefield on which these ideas have to be contested and they have to really be confronted. So I think it's become even more urgent for intellectuals to speak out. But not just speak out, you know, we have the cases where intellectuals are kind of horrified with what the Bush administration did, and so in principle they are opposed to the war, but they don't actually want to engage with the ideas of the society… They don't want to engage with the movements that have emerged to defend those societies. So I think that intellectuals certainly need to speak out in opposition to US imperialism, to Canada's role in the "war on terror". Canada's been a staunch partner of the U.S right from the launch of the "war on terror". Canada is one of the major partners in Afghanistan. So certainly there is a need to confront and contest the imperialist ideology. But I think there is also responsibility on intellectuals to engage with those who are opposing U.S imperialism through out the Middle East and Central Asia. And you know there's been such a demonization of Muslims, of Islam that has made any kind of intelligent discussion impossible. You get attacked, you get called an apologist for terrorism. So I think it's the role of the intellectuals urgently needed now. It's not only to speak out against this imperialist war, but also to engage with… Where is the resistance coming from to U.S Empire? And, on what basis are they articulating that resistance? There is a lot to be learned from them. And it's just easy to just demonize it. I guess my concern is that, intellectuals speak out but what are they speaking out for, and who are they engaging with in doing that. Because with the fiasco of the Bush administration, with the sheer incompetence, it is in a way also become fashionable for intellectuals to distance themselves- Oh that was the Bush craziness, so of course that was stupid. Iraq was the unjust war. But they continue to defend Afghanistan [war]. They still see it as a necessary, just war. And in Canada it's very, very strong, this idea. Canadians are so invested in this idea that they are saving Afghan women, that they are sending little afghan girls to school. There is the only justification, that they have in Canada, is sending little Afghan girls to school- we are saving Afghan women. So, in a way, you know intellectuals need to speak out, need to confront their own states in the western world, but also they need to engage with- what are these forms of resistance? There is no dialogue, there is no understanding. It's just a one way kind of monologue that we see in the media. There is no engagement with people who are actually resisting. They have been demonized so thoroughly. I think it's the role of the intellectuals living in the West today to engage them, to break through this demonization. So I think it's a more complicated process than just speaking out.

TD: The very act of speaking out is basically a State sanctioned form of resistance even if you call "speaking" a form of resistance. Whether Western trained intellectuals are even capable of having any kind of discourse that is beyond the liberal discourse [is debatable], because the structures of that discourse has inherent, implicit hierarchy. So every time someone who is resisting, or coming from an indigenous perspective, will that even be within the discourse? And a lot of feminists have participated in that particular discourse, which automatically by participation you become sort of the second class voice within that discourse. How can intellectuals break free? Is it just speaking? What kind of engagement can happen to bring up this notion of indigenism? And, so what can we do other than having an engagement? And the whole notion of dialogue, which has actually been one of the main things the Obama administration, post-Bush, is talking about. He gave a speech in Cairo. Dialogue itself… As soon as you sit down you make a concession. How can the intellectuals deal with that paradox, that contradiction?

ST: I think you are absolutely right. Because once you engage… I mean that's why Hamas is rejecting to recognize Israel. Once they do that they are already in an inferior position. Once they recognize they lose half the battle. And this is where I think it is really important not to equalize. Dialogue is between equal partners. And that's where the biggest mistake happens. Israeli and Palestinians are not equal partners- one is the oppressor and one is the oppressed. Same thing, you know Obama going to Cairo. I mean what are you talking about; dialogue is impossible between unequal partners. So you know, first of all is to recognize power which has to be central. And you know, any kind of exchange that takes place has to be with a complete recognition of this unequal relation of power. I'll take it back to the question of intellectuals. Before they can have this dialogue, or engage in any kind of discussion, they have to deconstruct their own position, they have to look at themselves first, they have to look at their power that comes inherently with their categories, with their language, their whole construction of these conflicts. That needs to be the job of Western intellectuals. The way they do it is kind of equalize the two sides. There are no two sides. It's much more complicated. So, first thing is to recognize the centrality of power and violence, to see their discourses completely invested in reproducing that violence, and in a way kind of cleanse themselves of that. I'll give you a real concrete example. When I went to Gaza, I was in a delegation, and people were extremely critical of Hamas, and they came back, there were all kinds of discussion. And 'how do we humanize Hamas' was the discussion. And there is a part of me that just says: If you want to sit here and want to humanize Hamas, I have nothing in common with you. What I want to talk about is why you have dehumanized Muslims. That's the conversation I want to have. It is what Fanon said. That the black man in a sense is the artifact of the white man. What has led you to your position, in your society, in your values, that you can dehumanize an entire group of people? That's the conversation I want to have. Not how to humanize, Muslims or Islamists. It preserves the unequal relationship (binary). In feminism it happens a lot as well. Feminists in the West approach Muslim women, especially, Muslim women who wear the hijab, the veiled Muslim woman—- I am free, I am liberated, you are oppressed, let me help you. That's not a basis for dialogue. No exchange is possible. No meaningful exchange is possible. All that is possible is to continue to reproduce colonial relations. Colonialism was based very strongly on the dehumanization of the black man. Today we talk about racism, and people feel that racism is about rights and entitlement, civil rights, but in the modern world racism is about who is human and who is not. Black people in this country were considered 3/5th human. This is the basis on which racism, processes of racialization emerge- who is the human. This is the foundation of Western society's self-construction and its relation with the other. And today it's Muslims who have been so thoroughly dehumanized. The discussion have to start with: What is this society that feels the need to continue to dehumanize huge groups of people? That is the problem.

TD: I just go on to the next question which is about this article that you wrote- 'White wars'- where you actually critique Western feminism and the "war on terror". What inspired you to discuss Western feminism in relation to the "war on terror"? Why was that necessary?

ST: Because I live in a settler society, and I know historically that white women's participation in the colonial project was central to making it successful. It was when white women started to come to Canada, their migration was organized by the State, it was supported, they were brought there to reproduce British and French societies in the colony. So, you know, and that then became the basis on which white feminism emerged in Canada. And the early feminists in Canada saw themselves as the founders of a great nation and a great race. That was their project. So feminism and you know even in the case of South Asia lots of work has been done to show how complicit western feminism has been with colonialism, with imperialism. That's the history of feminism in the Western world. You can't negate that. And what I was interested in, ok that was the case. But then there was a whole emergence of anti-racist feminism. Many of us struggled very hard to break through into mainstream feminist organizations, into Women's Studies departments. And to bring a kind of anti-racist, anti-imperialist critique, and framing of feminist politics, and so I became interested because as soon as the 9/11 attacks happened, two things, one was the demonization of Muslims, and the second thing is the construction of Muslim women as hyper victims. And that became a way to, I think, mobilize feminists… So, I wanted to look at, ok so this is what's clearly happening. Feminist groups scrambling to save Afghan women all over the world, crying, putting money together. We were all subject to kind of the crass, patronizing response from Western women to what happened. So I really wanted to look at- ok, what has been the impact of this anti-racist critique, anti-imperialist critique that women like myself, many, many of us, I come very late in the picture… there are many women before me… indigenous feminists, black feminists, South Asian feminists- what has been the impact of that? How could it have been wiped out in one second, all of our work? So, I thought I want to look at what feminists are… actually, how are they theorizing what the war is about? What its courses are? What is their relationship to it? I wanted to identify what are the strategies they are using that makes it possible for them in this moment to completely erase the anti-racist third world feminist critique? I think that has been one of the victims of the war on terror as well, is that that kind of thinking has now been completely [shunned] with the kind of crass assertions of Western supremacy, Western civilization that has moved center stage. I wanted to understand how Western feminists responding to it, and from different theoretical traditions… how are they responding to it? What are their foundational assumptions? How are they actually thinking about themselves in relation..? I was surprised when I started to study and write the paper, at the many shared assumptions between Western feminists who supported the war and those who opposed it. Their basic assumptions, their foundational construct of the self all came from the same place, structured by the same discourse, the same values. And the politics led them to different places, but I think there has been a fall with anti-imperialist and anti-racist feminists. That you know, we have made allies with white women. I myself, I was the president of a primarily white women's organization. Women of color were minorities. I worked with white women. And yeah they were able to ally themselves with me, and the other women of color on some issues, on others we struggled. And of course, we know what the history is. As soon as women of color emerge as leaders, organizations collapse, white women leave. It's a very similar politics in the UK, in Canada, in the U.S. So what I wanted to do was really look at where our anti-racist feminism had been wreaked… that had allowed this moment to happen. Not to make the same mistakes again. That was really to expose how much common ground these different feminist theoretical traditions actually [have] and that common ground is white supremacy. Its white supremacy, whether they are liberal feminists, postmodern, the white supremacy, the whiten entitlement remains unquestioned. And ultimately, for an anti-racist feminism we cannot make alliance with white women on that basis. And I wanted to look at the strategies, identify them. So that way, learn to recognize what is happening.

TD: You talked about your space within the feminist movement, and other women of color and their space within the feminist movement. And their responsibilities to question white supremacy. For example, your occupation in the Gender Studies and Women's Studies program. Now, people are questioning, someone like Zizek for example, questioning multicultural utopias. Where even your inclusion in that is complicit with the liberal notion of multicultural utopia. So within that structure you have to function. How can that be challenged in a really meaningful way when in fact your participation in that department, in this movement actually in a way propagates this hierarchical, white supremacist system? So, how do you think about that? How do you engage with that? What do you do with that?

ST: I think you have to think about these things historically and concretely. Yeah, you can talk about multiculturalism, but I think it goes even further. What I'm really struggling with in my book is citizenship. For me the institution of citizenship has made people of color complicit in the genocide of aboriginal people, and in the on-going dispossession of aboriginal people. Citizenship policies in Canada, in the U.S as well were utterly racialized until the 1950s. In Canada we were defined as non-preferred races. So Canadians do not encourage our migration. They have specific laws to keep out Chinese, South Asians, black people, we know all of that. And people of color when they manage to come to Canada had to fight for their rights, and they did it through the paradigm of citizenship. They wanted equal rights with the settlers and colonizers. But in fighting for those equal rights they did not look at their relationship to aboriginal people. I know citizenship rights are extremely important and vital. But having access to these rights, we then reproduce the same relations of power with the aboriginal people. So, how do we conceive of these political projects which make citizenship not an end in itself? Because you know aboriginal people in Canada define citizenship as the final solution for them. It's the extinction of aboriginal rights- Canadian citizenship. And yet people of color have been completely seduced into that relationship, which I understand completely being a migrant myself three times in my life I understand the importance of citizenship. We have to rethink it in a way. We are not fighting for inclusion; we are actually fighting for transformation of the very institution of citizenship. And, it's a really deep political challenge. And I don't think anybody's done it yet. And I will tell you something about multiculturalism in Canada. Multiculturalism in Canada is official State policy. At that time when multiculturalism became adopted the State was facing really strong organized anti-racist movements in Canada. And multiculturalism became a way to really de-radicalize those demands. Anti-racist politics is about politics. It is not about culture. Its not about- can I have samosas? Can my kid eat samosas in school? And the State would transform it into—can my kid eat samosa? Yes of course you can. Right? So, multiculturalism itself was a response from the State to anti-racist politics, and anti-racist organizing which was about transforming the political sphere, transforming the political economy, looking at the basis of race and racialization within the economic structure. That's what anti-racist politics is about. And the State very effectively re-constituted that in the Canadian context. De-radicalized it, de-politicized it. Then it became essentially a way of freezing people of color in these Orientalist colonial constructs of culture. Their cultures are like that. They will always remain like that. In this moment, even a defense of multiculturalism, in the "war on terror", seems a radical thing. But it was actually a complete cooptation. And I think if we look at it historically then we have the answers. What were those anti-racist politics about? That is what we need to continue to make stronger. So, in a way we have to think about it concretely and historically in the context of this society. The history of multiculturalism is different in the States. But I think for me the grounding has to be a kind of anti-racist politics, and a critical race analysis of the global world. Because the modern global order was founded on racialization, and that was founded on the dehumanization of certain kinds of people and that has remained a constant. And it is a mistake for people of color, to think that just because for a short time they have inclusion to citizenship, that somehow our humanity has been accepted. And the ease with which Muslims have been so thoroughly demonized not just by the State but by the entire society, shows that they have never become convinced of their humanity, of other peoples. That's why they can justify torture, justify targeted assassinations, justify these drone attacks, killing suspected terrorists. They don't even know who is getting killed. But it's because you can dehumanize these people. And that's what we are facing in this "war on terror". So, multiculturalism is a very small part of what we need to be thinking about.

TD: In your speech, the speech that created so much debate you talked about the use of language. And you said how the language by the West and how it represents others as anti-democratic and irrational, so on and so forth. Frantz Fanon also discussed the question of language in a big way, particularly in the book- Black Skin, White Masks. I wanted to see if you wanted to talk more about the question of language in terms of resistance, in terms of questioning authoritarian systems. And how can a different way of speaking about things begin in academia and in activism?

ST: I think historically claiming words and giving them a different meaning has been central to resistance struggles. I mean the classic example is Black is Beautiful, and that whole movement. I think that my meaning in this speech was that, the language that was being used was actually demonizing Muslims. Not just as irrational. But as not human. Not human. You know the way Muslims continue to be described as- evil, forces of evil, they hide in caves. The kind of language that gets used actually produces us in these sheer terms, that we are not fully human. For me it was really important to pull to what was happening, because by talking about Muslims as not being human, Muslims can then be treated as if they are not human. They can be cured without any freedom and democracy-loving citizen saying, what is going on, why are these people being killed? So you know in my point, and of course Fanon has a very large critique, there is a whole kind of school of philosophy that looks at language and its use, but for me in that moment, what was really important was to look at how all of these colonial constructs, how the language of coloniality itself became mainstream. Whereas from the period after the 1960s until 9/11 there was racism, even though there was Islamophobia, the strength of movements in North America put a limit on how freely and how overtly that language could be used. Multiculturalism had come into place. It was a struggle in many places. In other places like Canada, it was policy. Nevertheless, it had put some limits on the gross assertion of white supremacy which relies on dehumanization of everybody else. For the white to become truly and fully human, is when others are turned into non-humans. There is a larger critique, and I think of course, language is very, very important. I am backing all the assumptions that are embedded in it, how it constructs reality, what people come to believe about themselves, how they come to have their relationship to their own selves is extremely important and Fanon wrote about it brilliantly. But in my speech what I was really trying to do… was about mobilizing the women's movement in Canada, to oppose the war, and to stop the Canadian participation in the "war on terror". It was a very modest aim. And, so it was a political motive if you will, in drawing a tension to how Muslims were being dehumanized in that moment. Of course the situation has gotten much, much worse than that in the 9 years since 9/11 happened. On the one hand the demonization of Muslims, and the complete dehumanization of Muslims. It is now commonplace. Language has shifted in a really dangerous way. Things that can be said today, 10 years ago were not possible. The things that can be said today, the completely overt defense of racial profiling for example, its not that people weren't racially profiled. In Canada black men were really racially profiled. Many black men were killed by police. Racial profiling was going on. But within mainstream politics it was impossible to stand up and defend it. There was always this containment that it had to be apologized for. It had to be denied. It had to be [considered] an aberration. Since 9/11 that kind language is everywhere. And racial profiling now is defended by Prime Ministers, Ministers, Police Chiefs. So, there has been a significant shift in the use of language since 9/11, and that has to be part of the politics of resistance…

TD: We saw with the Bush administration the intensification on the representation of Muslims as negative constructs. With the new president we saw a certain change in the way he is communicating. I want to know from you- what are the dangers and concerns… This relates to the Cairo speech, where he talked about how Islam has been hijacked by bunch of crazy lunatics but most of Islam is peaceful, so on and so forth. Therefore, that needs to be promoted, and there needs to be dialogue with those people. But there is also quite a bit of work done within American Islamic discourse where certain people who are not necessarily outspoken or who were outspoken before have become more interested in the question of the ethical than the question of the political. And of course, political repression is extremely high, for example, the imprisonment of Imam Jamil Alamin (formerly H.Rap Brown) who was a very outspoken former Panther member, and the marginalized voice, the voice of resistance has become apathetic. So, the question now is, there is a whole notion of trying to create a role model which is moderate, and which is Western, and which will speak to the mainstream system. In that case, this representation has been a change. What kind of strategies should we employ to deal with that in order to talk about Islam not in this "unprincipled peaceful" manner?

ST: You raise some very, very important points, and there is a lot in that, that needs to be unpacked. But first as somebody who gets labeled as a political activist, I refuse to see the territory of the ethical. I don't make a separation between the political and the ethical. So, for me the political always has to be grounded in the ethical, and vice-versa. And one of the strategies to isolate and marginalize activists, or there I say even extremists, is to separate them from the ethical and say – Oh that's just political, in the most trivial and trite and pejorative use of the term political. So, to begin with I wouldn't separate the ethical and the political. They go absolutely hand in hand. I think Obama's strategy is smart, smarter than the Bush Administration… I think clearly Obama's foreign policy rests on making a deep cleavage between moderate Muslims and extremists. And that division is actually very political. That's what this strategy is. If we listen to Obama or if we look at any of the self-styled moderate Muslims, the difference between moderate Muslims and extremist Muslims is that moderates will not oppose U.S foreign policy, moderates will not oppose Westernization. Moderates will argue for- whatever their version of Islam is to be their private concern. It's a completely- what you do in your home, that whole separation between the public and the private, and the public has to be secular. And of course the public is not secular. It's deeply shaped by Christian values. The whole split within Christianity between Protestantism and Catholicism, I mean historically that's how secularism emerges. So secularism is completely implicated genealogically within Christianity. So the notion that the secular is somehow non-religious cannot historically be justified. You cannot sustain that argument. The thing about making that separation between moderate Muslims and extremists who has supposedly hijacked Islam- the distinction between them is who will collaborate and accept Westernization and will accept this kind of blind faith in the Western project if that's what we will call it, and then the extremists become the ones who refuse to collaborate, who will not accept American hegemony. You know whatever the other motives are, but politically this is the point at which moderate Islam speaks on extremist Islam in the way that U.S foreign policy today is operated on. So, we have to realize given our own historical experiences that this is nothing new. Divide and conquer was central to the whole colonial project. And of course, there were classes; there were elites who were co-opted into reproducing the colonial system. If they hadn't, colonialism would not have survived. We have to know that this is nothing new. This is a historical pattern and this is how power reproduces itself within the colonial context. Which is again, we are back in that moment of coloniality. This is how power operates. In standing up and challenging this kind of moderate Islam that is working with the Obama administration's foreign policy and international agenda. We have to recognize it. It is nothing new. We have to analyze it within that context and not get sidetracked by this discussion about what is real Islam, who has hijacked it or who has not. That's a red herring. And to engage in that discussion actually limits us being able to move beyond that. We have to see that whatever moderate Islam is, and the way its been constructed by Obama in the U.S but also by other leaders in other countries and leaders of organizations in Muslim communities even, particularly in the West, this is a completely collaborationist agenda and it furthers imperialism. And historically that's how colonialism and imperialism have worked. So that has to be I think the place from which we analyze this, instead of getting caught in debates about what is real Islam.

TD:  I have to ask you a more direct question. You made a presentation, a slide presentation with pictures and photographs from Gaza, and you compared some of the photographs in West Bank. You did a whole presentation on the occupation in Palestine. We are talking about representation and language. What's interesting were the children, the drawings that they have in Gaza. The merging of a politics of, possibly a politics of solidarity. Because they had pictures of Yasser Arafat and they had pictures of the spiritual leader of Hamas. What did you see? Your observations on Palestinian self-representation in terms of the spirit of resistance and in terms of their political support for a specific type of resistance there? How do you look at that as probably an alternative strategy from the perspective of Muslims to resist imperialism? How do you look at the Palestinian movement from your observations?

ST: Well, from my observations, and I want to limit this to Gaza only. Because you know there is a tendency to romanticize communities. And Palestinians are divided by class, by all kinds of divisions that come in any group. But in terms of self-representation, of course Hamas's self-representation is very clear. It opposes Israel and defining itself as an oppositional force so far. At least this far, this is how they have represented themselves. That self-representation is very evident within Gaza. I showed some of the images of the big billboards, Hamas fighters with their guns, pictures of Hamas leaders, Fattah leaders even, Yasser Arafat is featured very prominently. Then, very important is the representations of Jerusalem all over the place. So Hamas is claimed to not be marginalized and contained within Gaza, but actually its vision is a national vision. Its vision is a united Palestinian community and a nation. The vision is clearly there. It's nationalistic. The way in which Hamas gets represented out here, as one faction, and people in Gaza are held hostage by Hamas, that's a very popular kind of construct. I did not see that at all when I was there.

TD: You saw it as a movement of the people…

ST: You know, for the people of Gaza, what is clear is that, the support for Hamas has increased as a result of the economic blockade and as a result of the Israeli attack on Gaza, support really strengthened for Hamas because of that.  People do see Hamas as representing the Palestinian occupation. Where else is it coming from? It's not. Certainly there are individuals, there are groups, I'm not trying to trivialize that, but in terms of political movement this is what people see. And we must remember that Hamas did not think it was going to win the election itself. When it won the election, in some way, it was the will of the people. It was the expression of the people who live in Gaza. And as I said when I started my talk, Hamas was surprised that it won the election. So, it was an expression of what people wanted and what they were choosing in that moment. Outside of course, Hamas is just been branded as a terrorist organization. Primarily Israel kind of constructs that definition, which has been embraced completely by the U.S, by Canada, UK, so their populations mainly also see Hamas as this terrorist organization. Palestinians do not see it like that. and in Gaza, my experience, for a limited time, I agree, I was there for a short time, support has consolidated around Hamas, because Palestinians see what is being done in Gaza is not being done only to Hamas, but its been done to all Palestinians. And secular human rights activists in Gaza who do not necessarily support Hamas, of course they support them in this struggle, but their political vision would be different, even they said very clearly, what was happening in Gaza is the outcome of the occupation. It was not just targeting Hamas. Any form of self-determination that was being expressed by Palestinians will be attacked in the same way.  And that's how Palestinians in Gaza were responding to us. That's where I think their support for Hamas came from. They did not separate themselves from what was happening to Hamas. This idea that somehow the population can be punished into withdrawing their support from Hamas, it has had the exact opposite effect.

TD: I want to concentrate on South Asia. We saw the demise of the Project for a New American Century, as an institution, basically was closed down. Brzezinski who is part of the Trilateral Commission has an entirely different neoliberal agenda, has a huge focus on South Asia and Far East Asia. There are big similarities between Obama's foreign policy and what Brzezinski has outlined earlier. Obama himself have called Brzezinski one the most important American scholars. In his book The Grand Chessboard there is clear indication of what the possibilities are with regards to a more dialogue based foreign policy in the Middle East, and much more militarily serious policy in South Asia. We are seeing its central in South Asia with the bombings that are going on in Pakistan. Which is not a Bush war at all. The bombings in Pakistan are clearly something that Obama has started. They are refocusing, increasing troops in Afghanistan. What is your take on that? How should we look at that? There has been this whole notion that Obama was elected as an anti-war president, so on and so forth. That was some kind of expectation for some although some quarters were cynical from the beginning.

ST: My observation is that, clearly Obama has expanded the "war on terror". He is expanding it into Pakistan. He is expanding it into Yemen. So there is no doubt about that Obama is expanding the "war on terror". In terms of the expectation from Obama that he was a antiwar candidate- this shows you… one doesn't want to get into a discussion on what Obama really wants, it's just the limits to an individual, how much change an individual can bring. And Obama clearly was an establishment candidate. He would not have won the democratic nomination if he wasn't. He would not have won the election if he wasn't. Clearly, after the fiasco of the Bush years, really they needed Obama. In a way they would have to invent him if he didn't exist. Obviously, it's terrible what Obama is doing with the "war on terror". I still keep thinking, lets hope it will change may be. Who knows what he is thinking. But it's clear that he's embraced the "war on terror", expanded it. But I also worry the impact this will have on people. During Obama's election young people in the U.S who were voting for the first time, voted for Obama in huge numbers. The impact of this kind of disillusionment and what it will mean in terms of cynicism about politics is something I think we have to think about very seriously when Obama is done with, whatever his own agenda is. But the impact it will have on politics and young peoples, kind of empowerment through their own political mobilization, I think we will see a serious negative impact on that as well. But the one thing that Obama did say was to social movements--- push me, push me. Where are the social movements in this country? Where is the antiwar movement in the U.S? You know, they thought Obama was in, and they could just fold up their bags and go home. What are the social movements in this country? So its fine to say, Obama sold out. Whatever one might say of him, which a lot of activists are now saying- what a disappointment, why did I support him? But where are the social movements? Because ultimately, which social activist worth their souls would put their faith in Obama as opposed to building their own movements? Who would have done that? That would have been the sloppiest kind of politics imaginable. So, where are the social movements in the U.S? That's the question I would ask.

TD: I will bring it back to the context of Bangladesh. There is a movement in Bangladesh to adjust Islam to indigenous ideas to go beyond the binary of Arabization and Americanism. So, what do you think about this urgency to make Islam compatible with indigenous ideas?

ST: I have to say that is very, very important. But this is a really important moment. I am not talking about Bangladesh because I have not studied the situation there. I'm talking about my experience living here. That there are divisions which are increasing amongst Muslims- oh these are the extremists, oh this is Arab culture. Self-orientalizing is a huge thing that is happening within Muslim communities all over the world. I think that is something that really needs to be guarded against. Its kind of Muslims doing the same thing- I am the good one, the Arabs are the bad ones. That is front and central. The temptation now for Muslims to engage in self-orientalizing and construct other Muslim communities is incredibly seductive; there are great rewards to be had for doing that. I think that has to be a critical, political perspective that has to be central to our politics.

TD: It has to be anti-Orientalist.

ST: It has to be completely. But also within Muslims. We think about Orientalism, we think Western societies doing it to Muslims, which is true.

TD: Self-Orientalism is a big deal right now.

ST: Self-orientalizing. I hear it in my own community- you know it's the Arabs, they are the ones that hate women, we are not like that. Its those who are violent, we are not. Even inside Muslims communities- good Muslim vs. bad Muslim- is really emerging strongly.

TD: Thank you.     

http://www.chintaa.com/index.php/chinta/showAerticle/68/english



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[ALOCHONA] CHT Commission submits probe report



CHT Commission submits probe report
 
 Dhaka, June 28 (bdnews24.com) – The International Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission (CHTC) has submitted a detailed report on the violence that erupted in the region in February 2010, along with a number of recommendations on Tuesday.

The report, sent to the prime minister, mentions the commission's concern over the 'tense situation' in Baghaihat-Gangarammukh area of Rangamati since the violent arson in April 2008 and the repetition of the incident on February, 2010.

It also states that the commission was worried over the violation of human rights and quality of governance in CHT, which is why it sent an investigation team to the region.

The report, undersigned by CHTC co-chairpersons Eric Avebury, Sultana Kamal and Ida Nicolaise, says that the team received 'contradictory accounts' of the arson attacks on Feb 19, which resulted in the burning down of 434 tribal and 29 Bengali settlers homesteads.

BAGHAIHAT ARSON

The probe team had visited the sites alongside Baghaihat – Gangarammukh road where tribal homesteads, a medical centre and a Buddhist temple were completely gutted.

A large number of tribal residents of the area claimed that the arson was carried out by mobs of Bengali settlers carrying kerosene and petrol. The mob was also armed with sharp weapons and backed by army troops.

Many reported the police guarding their settlement asking them to flee as they would not be able to resist the settlers and army.

However, the military told the probe body that their actions were only in self-defense as they were attacked by a group of tribal miscreants shielded by their women.

They also said that the miscreants were themselves responsible for the arson.

A number of Bengali-settlers, and civil and military officials claimed to the probe team that the tribal set fire to their own homesteads.

However, they could not put forward any convincing motive for this tribal action.

Civil officials also reasoned that the alleged arson attacks during the day time by tribal people could not be stopped as the police could not be mobilized as fast as the arsonists burned down a bridge.

However, on-site visit by the probe revealed that many of the burnt down settlements were only 5-10 minutes drive from the Baghaihat military garrison.

'NOTHING NEW'

The report also stated that the Feb 20 incident is nothing new and only another addition to a long list of such incidents.

It also stated that the tribal settlements in the Kassalong reserve forest were established a long-time back by tribal people evicted from their original lands in the counter-insurgency period.

However, the construction of a metal road from Baghaihat to the remote Sajek valley by army engineers in recent years fueled the conflict.

The apprehension further heightened with the increased inflow of Bengali settlers during the military-backed caretaker government when the army could act more freely.

Tensions flared due to incidents of land-grabbing, culminating into the Apr 20, 2008 arson attack by Bengali-settlers with military backing that led to 70 tribal residences being burnt to the ground.

RECENT INTIMIDATION

The report also states that tribal people have been facing a lot of illegal toll collection and forced unloading of their goods on the way to the Baghaihat bazaar for the interests of Bengali-settlers in recent times.

As a result, they have boycotted the bazaar in protest against the intimidations and demanding withdrawal of settlers.

The probe also expressed concern that the conflict could lead to further inter-ethnic violence in the area and urged the administration to deal with the issues more reasonably.

KHAGRACHHARI CLASH

The CHTC report stated that the tribal youths took out a demonstration condemning the Baghaihat violence in Khagrachhari on Feb 23.

It also claims that the demonstrators caused minor damage to shops and property. However, they were chased and attacked by Bengali settlers. The ensuing clash between the two groups resulted in the torching of Bengali and tribal homesteads and death of one settler.

However, an overwhelming number of tribal homesteads were burnt.

The report also stated that the probe was again faced with contradictory accounts of the actual incident.

Local journalists and media personnel testified that mobs of Bengali settlers torched the tribal homesteads in the presence of the police. However, the law enforcers did nothing to stop the actions.

They also claimed that a number of journalists were attacked by the Bengali settlers and sustained damages to their equipment.

The report also points to the close proximity of an armed police battalion camp and a security post near Shatbhaipara, where 41 residences of mostly tribal people were burnt down. It also pointed to the lack of action by the law enforcers.

It also questioned the failure of the district administration and military command to stop the mob for a number of hours.

The report also went on to state that the violence continued despite the imposition of section 144, proving the failure of the authority.

The probe report also mentioned of their visit to Khagrachhari's Shantiniketan area where settlers alleged arson of their homes by tribal people on Feb 23. A settler named Anwar Hossain was killed and another went missing.

One of Hossain's female relatives alleged that he was killed by tribal people when he tried to douse the fire at one of the settler's home.

However, the tribal people alleged that Hossain was part of the settlers responsible for the arsons and that he was killed in their attempt to save their homes.

The probe also states that they were informed by various sources, both settler and tribal, that the violence targeted to intimidate people and force them to leave their land and homesteads.

It also commented that if this was the case then the tribal people are more prone to land-grabbing because of their weaker state.

APPREHENSION OVER LAND COMMISSION

The report states that most observers agree that the regional clashes are fuelled by land disputes. It also says that the current government has reactivated the land commission by appointing a retired judge as its chairman in line with the CHT accord.

However, it also points out that the government attempt to date ends with this step as it has yet taken no step to amend flaws of the 2001 Act that governs the commission, despite protests by key tribal leaders.

It also points out that the chairman is showing very little interest to gain cooperation of tribal members of the commission, including the regional council and three circle chiefs.

Instead it has called for submission of complaints by affected parties without holding the cadastral survey, which is mandatory.

As a result, tribal people, along with their major social and political organizations, have boycotted the commission's controversial step.

It also states that the boycott has resulted in submission of claims by mostly Bengali settlers, who typically occupy tribal land, leading to chances of large scale loss of land rights by tribal people, which contradicts the intended objectives of the commission in the first place.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The probe report has made several recommendations to the government.

The CHTC urges immediate actions from the government and concerned parties to start a high-level independent probe into the February 2010 arson and killings as well as taking steps against those responsible. It also asks for scrutiny of allegations of the incidents occurring with law enforcers present.

It also urged the government to ensure security and proper rehabilitation (including compensation) of the affected people.

The recommendations also include ensuring 'free speech' for all, including the victims and witnesses of these violence and urged prevention of intimidation and suppression of the tribal peoples.

At the same time, the probe recommended resolution of the issues that forced to the tribal people to boycott trading in Baghaihat Bazaar so that they come back to the market on their own.

It also asked the closure of the Bengali's settling along the Baghaihat – Sajek road using the indirect support of military and civil authorities .

CHTC probe also recommended immediate amendment of the CHT Land Dispute Settlement Commission Act 2001in line with the provision of the peace accord and recommendations of the regional council. It also urged that the commission takes all further decisions after agreeing with tribal members first.

It also feels that withdrawal of the temporary military camps is required in phases, keeping the terms of the CHT peace accord, to restore normalcy in the region. It reasons that the withdrawal will reduce tensions resulting out of undue military control.


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[ALOCHONA] India's groundbreaking Right to Information law - Great for petty grievances of ordinary citizens but slow in enforcing broader acountability



 

 

Right To Know in India

Columbia Journalism Review

http://www.cjr.org/the_kicker/index.php#23997

 

The New York Times has an interesting summary today of the way that India's groundbreaking Right to Information law has been put to use by everyday citizens. The law allows any Indian to obtain a copy of virtually any document from any level of government, under the pain of fines. Lydia Polgreen reports that most have found it helpful in redressing or forcing actions on petty specific grievances--no small feat from the individual's point of view--but so far ineffective in forcing broader accountability or reducing endemic corruption.

 

In January 2009, Ralph Frammolino, a former Los Angeles Times investigative reporter now teaching in India, wrote an article for CJR that noted a similar dynamic, with the added wrinkle that India's most prominent journalists had been slow to make use of the law. Frammolino's article follows the New York Times artlicle.

 

June 28, 2010

Right-to-Know Law Gives India's Poor a Lever

By LYDIA POLGREEN

New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/29/world/asia/29india.html?hpw=&pagewanted=print

 

BANTA, India — Chanchala Devi always wanted a house. Not a mud-and-stick hut, like her current home in this desolate village in the mineral-rich, corruption-corroded state of Jharkhand, but a proper brick-and-mortar house. When she heard that a government program for the poor would give her about $700 to build that house, she applied immediately.

 

As an impoverished day laborer from a downtrodden caste, she was an ideal candidate for the grant. Yet she waited four years, watching as wealthier neighbors got grants and built sturdy houses, while she and her three children slept beneath a leaky roof of tree branches and crumbling clay tiles.

 

Two months ago she took advantage of India's powerful and wildly popular Right to Information law. With help from a local activist, she filed a request at a local government office to find out who had gotten the grants while she waited, and why. Within days a local bureaucrat had good news: Her grant had been approved, and she would soon get her check.

 

Ms. Devi's good fortune is part of an information revolution sweeping India. It may be the world's largest democracy, but a vast and powerful bureaucracy governs. It is an imperial edifice built on feudal foundations, and for much of independent India's history the bureaucracy has been largely unaccountable. Citizens had few means to demand to know what their government was doing for them.

 

But it has now become clear that India's 1.2 billion citizens have been newly empowered by the far-reaching law granting them the right to demand almost any information from the government. The law is backed by stiff fines for bureaucrats who withhold information, a penalty that appears to be ensuring speedy compliance.

 

The law has not, as some activists hoped, had a major effect on corruption. Often, as in Ms. Devi's case, the bureaucracy solves the problem for the complaining individual, but seldom undertakes a broader inquiry.

 

Still, the law has become part of the fabric of rural India in the five years since it was passed, and has clearly begun to tilt the balance of power, long skewed toward bureaucrats and politicians.

 

"The feeling in government has always been that the people working in government are the rulers, and the people are the ruled," said Wajahat Habibullah, the central government's chief information commissioner. "This law has given the people the feeling that the government is accountable to them."

 

Rajiv Gandhi, a former prime minister, once said that only 15 percent of spending on the poor actually reached them — the rest was wasted or siphoned off.

 

That figure may have changed in the decades since he uttered it, but few Indians doubt that a good chunk of the roughly $47 billion budgeted this fiscal year to help impoverished citizens is lost.

 

India's Right to Information law has given the poor a powerful tool to ensure they get their slice of that cake. The law, passed after more than a decade of agitation by good-government activists, has become embedded in Indian folklore. In the first three years the law was in effect, two million applications were filed.

 

Jharkhand is an eastern Indian state where corruption and incompetence are rife, fueled by mineral wealth and the political chaos that has gripped the state since it was carved out of the state of Bihar in 2000. Here the rural poor are using the law to solve basic problems. Their success stories seem like the most minor of triumphs, but they represent major life improvements for India's poorest.

 

In one village near Banta, a clinic that was supposed to be staffed full time by a medical worker trained to diagnose ailments like malaria and diarrhea and provide care to infants and expectant mothers had not been staffed regularly for years. A local resident filed a request to see worker attendance records. Soon the medical worker started showing up regularly.

 

The worker, Sneha Lata, an assistant midwife whose government salary is $250 a month, denied that she had been neglecting her post. She said the information law was a nuisance. "Because of this law I have to listen to all these complaints," she said. But with villagers now watching, she dares not miss work.

 

In a nearby hut, Ramani Devi sewed a blanket for a grandson born nine days earlier. In years past she would have been in the fields, toiling for a handful of change to make ends meet. As an elderly widow, Ms. Devi (no relation to Chanchala Devi) knew she was entitled to a $9 monthly government pension. That may not sound like much, but in a rural village, it is the difference between eating and starving.

 

Middlemen at the government office demand bribes of $20 to direct applications to the right bureaucrat, and many people ineligible for pensions were collecting them. When a local activist filed a request to find out which villagers were receiving pensions, Ms. Devi, who is a Dalit, formerly known as an untouchable, finally got her pension. Now she proudly shows off her savings account passbook.

 

Simply filing an inquiry about a missing ration card, a wayward pension application or a birth certificate is nowadays enough to force the once stodgy bureaucracy to deliver, activists here say.

 

But a more responsive bureaucracy is not necessarily less corrupt.

 

Sunil Kumar Mahto, 29, an activist in Ranchi, Jharkhand's capital, said he quickly learned that using the law to expose corruption was pointless. He gave the example of a road project. "The money was spent, but there was no road," Mr. Mahto said.

 

When he applied to find out what had happened, new money was allocated and the road was ultimately built. But no action was taken against whoever had pocketed the original money.

 

"The nexus of politicians, contractors and bureaucrats is very strong here," Mr. Mahto explained. "To get action against someone is very difficult."

 

Some critics wonder if the law is simply a pressure valve that allows people to get basic needs addressed without challenging the status quo. "It has been very successful in rooting out petty corruption," said Venkatesh Nayak of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative. "But our accountability mechanisms are weak, and transparency has no purpose without accountability."

 

But Shekhar Singh, an activist who fought for passage of the law, said that in a nation recovering from centuries of colonial and feudal oppression, fighting corruption was secondary.

 

"Our main objective was to empower citizens," Mr. Singh said. "This law has done that — given the people the power to challenge their government. That is no small thing."

 

Hari Kumar contributed reporting.

 

January / February 2009

Opening India

The world's largest democracy finally has an FOI law—so why have journalists been slow to embrace it?

By Ralph Frammolino

Los Angeles Times

http://www.cjr.org/betablog2/feature/opening_india.php?page=all&print=true

 

 

In October, community activists from around India gathered at the Nehru Memorial Museum & Library in New Delhi to celebrate the third anniversary of the country's Right to Information Act and assess the progress made under the landmark law. One speaker told how the law had produced a measure of belated justice after the 2002 riots between Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat state left more than a thousand dead and 150,000 homeless.

 

Dissatisfied with the pace of police investigations, a number of Muslims filed public-records requests to track the progress of their cases. Their scrutiny pressured police into arresting one hundred suspects.

 

Nikhil Dey, one of the champions of the law, choked up when he took the microphone to comment. "I'm sorry," he said, bringing his hand to his face.

 

"Don't be," came a voice from across the hushed conference room. "We should all have tears in our eyes."

 

Dey regained his composure and explained to fellow advocates why the Gujarat example was so poignant. "Completely non-accountable, brazen people who put the Constitution aside can be brought to book by their victims," he said.

 

There's no denying the emotional impact and political potential of India's young law granting citizens the right to access government documents. For a nominal fee—in most cases, ten rupees, or twenty cents—an Indian citizen can step up to the scariest government agency and take his or her shot. The law applies to the bulk of paper and electronic information collected by public agencies, from federal ministries to the smallest rural village, as well as the files of private organizations that are "substantially financed" by the government. Citizens can even request samples of materials, like cement, used in government projects. The law contains a number of exemptions for records that, among other things, might compromise national security, endanger life and safety, divulge trade secrets, or that relate to the riot-prone state of Jammu and Kashmir. It gives an agency thirty days to either deliver the information or reject the request. And unlike the U.S. Freedom of Information Act, the Indian law comes with some bite: bureaucrats who stall, give misinformation, or refuse to hand over records without reasonable cause can face personal fines up to twenty-five thousand rupees, or $520.

 

Born of a decade-long, Mahatma-like protest movement staged by peasants, the act, which took effect in 2005, has unleashed a surge of civic engagement in the world's largest democracy. In the first three years, citizens have filed hundreds of thousands of requests with federal, state, and local agencies, shaking out everything from construction budgets and neighborhood maps to school exams and road surveys. Armchair reformers and nongovernmental organizations like Greenpeace have used the law to halt illegal commercial construction, expose embezzlement in poverty food programs, and track the development of genetically modified crops on the subcontinent. They've embarrassed leading politicians for such things as spending public emergency funds on mango festivals and wrestling matches. Most of all, the law is changing the zeitgeist in a society where people have participated in free elections for fifty-six years but have been otherwise shut out of the daily decisions by a notoriously secretive and corrupt government bureaucracy. "The one difference the RTIhas made is that a citizen who used to feel helpless when he approached a government department doesn't feel helpless anymore," says Arvind Kejriwal, an information-law activist and founder of the anticorruption group Parivartan in Delhi. "He can challenge the department. He can challenge the bureaucracy. He can challenge injustice."

 

What is still unclear, however, is whether the law will live up to its potential as a game-changer by challenging the government's systemic lack of transparency and accountability. Expectations are high for a measure that represents the most sweeping government reform yet in a country that still doesn't require the disclosure of campaign contributions during political races or have a legal framework to encourage and protect whistleblowers. Despite the impressive testimonials and the isolated successes, fundamental change will come slowly, incrementally, and with plenty of setbacks. The information act has pried open the workings of government, instilling a fear in bureaucrats that their movements can now be tracked, but has yet to deliver the larger reforms its supporters envisioned. "Transparency? Yes," says K.K. Misra, chief of the commission set up to oversee the act in southern Karnataka state, which includes the city of Bangalore, an outsourcing hub. "But accountability and a better government? The eradication of corruption? That is a more time-consuming process."

 

Only 10 percent of India's 1.1 billion people even know about the law, according to two recent studies. And those who do tend to use it do so to satisfy personal grievances, such as dislodging ration cards or passports without paying bribes. Some of the more aggressive users have been the bureaucrats themselves, who file requests to peek at civil-service exams and glean clues as to why they were passed over for promotions. Otherwise, the bureaucracy has given up ground grudgingly. It is estimated that only about half of all public agencies have made the proactive disclosures of basic information, like salaries and regulations, required under the law. Public-information officers, typically junior administrators, are poorly trained or are hidden from the public in anonymous offices. Reports persist of citizens being harassed when they attempt to file RTI requests.

 

These problems are compounded by the growing mountain of appeals from denied requests, which threatens to overwhelm the system. And the independent state and federal "information commissions" charged with hearing those appeals have been reluctant to fine uncooperative officials. The Central Information Commission in Delhi, which hears appeals involving ninety federal departments and forty-eight ministries and union territories, including the city of Delhi, has assessed penalties in fewer than 4 percent of the 6,400 cases it has considered so far in which fines were possible. Only a third of the 2.2 million rupees, or $46,500, in fines levied has been collected; a small portion of that has been put on hold, either because of new facts or through court appeals of commission decisions. But more than half of the fines are either scheduled to be deducted in installments from officials' paychecks or remain seriously overdue, according to a Central Commission spokesman. The highest-ranking administrator tagged: the joint secretary in the Ministry of Environment & Forests, who was fined twenty-five thousand rupees in December 2007—and still hasn't paid because she's appealing the matter in civil court. The commission concluded she took a "very casual approach" to a subordinate's request for twenty-year-old records relating to a court case the department initiated against him. The joint secretary took eight months to deny his request, then cited a nonexistent exemption in the RTI act to keep the documents secret, the commission found.

 

Meanwhile, the mainstream Indian press has been tentative at best in its use of the new tool. Reporters for native-language publications, especially those at rural papers with small circulations, have been using the act, but often as a way to keep local officials honest rather than to ferret out stories. The leading English-language newspapers and magazines—the publications that have the most influence on India's power centers—have reported widely on the RTI law itself, but have not embraced it as an investigative tool. Reporters and editors say they simply don't trust the information released by government officials. Narendar Pani, a former senior editor for The Economic Times and now dean of interdisciplinary studies at the National Institute of Advanced Studies in Bangalore, suggested other, less noble explanations for the "patchy" use of the law. English dailies compete for upscale urban audiences that prefer feel-good, India-rising stories to articles about government corruption. Pani said another factor is that Indian reporters are culturally attuned to work through networks of informal sources, which would dry up with "a blunt-instrument approach, which is the RTI."

 

The right to information act emerged out of a "people's movement" in Rajasthan, a state in western India that borders Pakistan. The improbable crusade of impoverished peasants reframed a typically intellectual debate over good governance into a gritty struggle for survival. "The unique thing about India's RTI is that it started with poor people, making a demand for extremely real issues," said Aruna Roy, one of the country's most respected social activists and the person most closely identified with the RTI movement. "It was not an academic issue at all."

 

The issue was, and continues to be, official malfeasance. Billions of rupees disappear from construction and welfare programs. Civil servants and local officials do little without pocketing baksheesh. Transparency International estimates that Indians dole out a collective $4.8 billion in bribes every year for basic services, like filing a police report. In upholding the conviction of a police officer for taking a 3,500-rupee bribe, India's Supreme Court lamented in 2006: "No facet of public activity has been left unaffected by the stink of corruption." Hardest hit, advocates say, are the 450 million mostly rural villagers who subsist on less than $1.25 a day.

 

Their ranks include the feisty people of the Pali District in central Rajasthan. During the early 1990s, the region suffered through severe droughts. To help stave off famine, the government opened a number of small construction projects so the villagers could earn money to buy food. But when villagers had completed their work and showed up to collect their pay, they were shortchanged. The town official who controlled the money claimed the workers didn't log nearly as many hours as they thought. The villagers demanded to see the timesheets, or "muster rolls." The official refused, saying the rolls were confidential government documents under the 1923 Official Secrets Act, an anti-espionage measure left over from British rule.

 

As it happened, the irate villagers were members of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan, or the Workers-Farmers Unity Union, which Nikhil Dey and Aruna Roy started in 1990. A small, severe-looking woman, Roy knew the bureaucratic game, having served in the most elite group of civil servants, the Indian Administrative Service, before quitting in 1975 over what she termed its "decadent colonial spirit." She moved to Rajasthan to work directly with the poor. When the grievances over the famine work first bubbled up, the union staged hunger strikes but nothing happened. Let them die, local officials said. That's when Roy and her compatriots seized on access to information as a way of fighting back. They convinced one local official to let them copy muster rolls, including related bills and vouchers for the construction projects. Insiders leaked other records. Then they went from village to village, confirming the information.

 

What they found was straight out of Chicago ward politics. There were dead people on the rolls, as well as names of villagers who had moved away—all "ghost" employees who never worked a day on the projects. Bills showed evidence of other fraud: the "purchase" of new stones when workers had used old ones from a torn-down building.

 

In December 1994, Roy and her cohorts convened a public hearing to discuss the findings. More than a thousand villagers, gnarled old men in turbans and women in colorful ankle-length ghaghras, sat under the shade of a borrowed parachute. With town chiefs looking on from a distance, peasants paraded to the mike to testify to the rip-off. After two years and two highly publicized sit-down strikes, Rajasthan officials grudgingly agreed to open all village records to inspection and photocopying. The union's campaign became a phenomenon, with several village officials promising to pay back pilfered funds. Former Prime Minister V.P. Singh showed up at a subsequent hearing and the Brahmins of the national press offered to help. The burgeoning movement also prompted Rajasthan and eight other states to pass right-to-information laws, which spurred other transparency campaigns.

 

In conjunction with the Press Council of India, Roy and another union co-founder, Shekhar Singh, lobbied Parliament for a national law. The first attempt got enough votes to pass in 2002, but was never enacted due to a technicality. A second bill soon picked up a powerful ally in Sonia Gandhi, the president of the National Congress Party, who fashioned a coalition government after the 2004 elections. The coalition government, called the United Progressive Alliance, committed itself to passing a strong information law and the next year Gandhi pushed it through Parliament.

 

The information commissions were established to keep requests from getting bottled up in hostile bureaucracies. But as the number of requests mushrooms, the commissions at the federal level and in the larger states have themselves become a bottleneck. The Central Information Commission in New Delhi, for instance, is trying to dig out from nearly nine thousand appeals and the end may not be in sight. If things don't change in a year or two, warns Wajahat Habibullah, the head of the commission, the whole system may collapse.

 

The law's supporters vow to safeguard it, claiming the glut of appeals will subside once agencies have fully embraced the act. Indeed, they gained added influence when one of their own—Shailesh Gandhi, an RTI activist from Mumbai with eight hundred requests under his belt—was chosen to become the new federal information commissioner. He started hearing appeals in mid-September. Activists are also laying plans with federal authorities to establish a national RTI hotline that will allow citizens to place and pay for their requests via cell phone.

 

During the October gathering of activists, Roy, Dey, and thirty others gave an update on the nationwide study they are conducting of the RTI law's impact. As part of the study, underwritten in part by $250,000 from the Google Foundation, the activists have compiled a database of case studies, some six thousand accounts of how the act has struck a small blow for poor farmers and other underdogs. The cumulative effect, Dey says, is a "class-action kind of thing" that he believes will shift India from an electoral to a participatory democracy. "You can't say it's tangible. It's a change of culture," he says. "It's governance being turned around."

 

The media are turning around as well, albeit slowly. English-language newspapers now regularly publish stories brought to them by RTI activists. Some have broken bite-sized exclusives stemming from their own requests. One Bangalore tabloid has carved out an RTI mini-beat. In November, Delhi's largest television station launched a federal probe with its report—based on information obtained under the RTI law—that newborn babies were dying at a disturbingly high rate at a leading city hospital due to unsanitary conditions there. Within other newsrooms, editors and reporters accustomed to India's smash-and-grab style of journalism openly acknowledge they need to find a way to harness the landmark law. "To be very frank, we have not understood the power of the Right to Information Act yet," says Saikat Datta, an investigative reporter for the weekly newsmagazine Outlook, about the journalistic community. "We just haven't figured out how powerful this tool is and what it can achieve."

 



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