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Wednesday, June 16, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Fwd: Electronic voting machine (EVM): The cheat box



------- Forwarded message --------

From: Javed Ahmad

 
11. Flowchart of an Ideal Voting Machine
Preface: The power brokers have built their own voting machines to be introduced in this coming election. But knowing well their true nature and ambitions, would you depend on those machine votes? If there are no option of traditional ballot voting, simply refuse to cast your vote. Because, in that case, your vote wouldn't matter. As a voter, the choice is yours. A ballot can be re-counted if needed, but a vote placed on a machine cannot be verified. Unless of course the machines are built according to a design suggested here.

http://javedahmad.tripod.com/canada/index.htm

--- On Thu, 6/17/10, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
Subject: Electronic voting machine (EVM): The cheat box
To:
Date: Thursday, June 17, 2010, 12:41 AM


Electronic voting machine (EVM): The cheat box

MD. Iqbal Hossain

In this modern electronic age people has made their life dreamy and easier using this technology, and at the same time people has become aware of its negative sides based on applications. One example is the use of Electronic Voting Machine (EVM). The first EVM was used in Kerala province in India in 1982. Since then a long time has passed a way experimenting on EVM. During this period other countries in Europe and America also experimented on EVM from technical and transparency point of view. Both point of views were equally important however transparency was even a more concern to politicians. Europe and America worked on EVM much more than India. They have expensed hundreds of Million of dollars for research on EVM.
 
Bangladesh Election Commission is going to use EVM for the first time in Chittagang City Corporation election in a single word. I have noticed this news and felt to write something on EVM. During the course completion on Computing and Information System under the London University I realized the truth of security constraint of information in Information Technology. If information has value that is less than the cost of breaking the security line then the information is secured. This means security of information is relative; there is nothing like absolute security in information technology. On the other hand politics is a highest valuable thing in the world. One can do anything to win the political game. EVM is now 28 years old technology on which thousands researches were performed and eventually it was proved that "EVM is not a transparent method" for voting and "is not helpful for practicing the democracy".
 
Counties which performed researches on EVM finally have banned the use of EVM in voting except the India. Those countries are Netherlands, Ireland, German, Italy, and America. Even in England the recent parliamentary election was accomplished with paper ballot where as electronic voting system is already exist in England and other EU countries, they is use it for election events in large organization only because in public election events transparency is a question. In research it is found that the possible highest degree of safety level of EVM's circuit does not stand with the penetration of hacker. It means EVM is certainly temperable where information is high priced. Practically it is not possible to acquire a trustworthy election result where as all electronic modular circuits are available in market and there are millions of skilled hands who are able to use those circuits to hack the EVM. More Than 2 millions of such hands are already available in Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh. More over, in India, China, Korea, and Taiwan there are many different sized company who fabricate electronic circuit into chipsets on demand of customers. They can pirate available chip even with new added program functions!

If one wants to temper the EVM then all possible ways are available for him/her. The chief of the "Net India" Hari K. Prasad has discovered this truth in his research project on EVM with The University of Michigan where computer professor J. Alex Halderman and the renowned computer hacker and technologist Rop Gonggrijp from holand, Michigan University's students Scott Wolchoky and Eric Wustrowy, and engineers Arun Kankipati, Sai Krishna Sakhamuri and Vasavya Yagati at Net India were the research members.Rop Gonggrijp was the instrumental in having EVMs banned in the Netherlands.

In 2004 and 2009 India national election used EVM for voting. The election result and procedure have been criticized because of widespread reports of election irregularities. Despite this criticism, many details of the Indian EVM's design have never been publicly disclosed, and they have not been subjected to a rigorous, independent security evaluation. In some province in India candidates with new faces have received 40%-50% vote even though they are not so familiar to the public of relevant constituencies and even they were not the resident of that constituency. India election commission demands that their EVM is fully temper-proofed because EVM's program code is hardwired into electronic chipsets and no one can enter the machine. This argument has no value to technologists. In fact Indian EVM has more weakness then the EVMs of Europe and America.

Professor J. Alex Halderman performed study for California state and now EVM is banned in this state along with other 21 states in US. The rest of states are now under the lawsuit against the use of EVM in public election. Dr. Till Jaeger in Germany has filed a lawsuit against lack of transparency in usage of EVMs in German Supreme Court that resulted in effectively banning EVMs in Germany.

The court also expressed a guideline that emphasize that voting must be such a transparent process in which a general voter can understand each steps of voting process from casting vote to counting vote.

In India some NGO and important persons have field lawsuit against usage of EVM. VV Rao of NGO Jana Chaitanya Vaidika has filed a lawsuit in Supreme Court, Omesh Saigal IIT Delhi and retired IAS official have challenged Election Commission of India about vulnerability of EVMs, Satinath Chaudhary who filed lawsuit with Supreme Court, Mr. Sanjay Parikh, Supreme Court attorney and several others such as Rahul Mehta who showed lack of transparency in EVM , and Ajay Jagga an attorney very active on raising EVM issues in India.

EVM can be tempered in many ways. I mentioning only four of them.changing the display unit of the EVM: modified display unit will show tempered number of balanced vote count for each candidate to win the election result for desired candidate.

Using memory overwriter: a memory overwriting circuit chipsets can be hooked onto the real memory chip with a clip to overwrite the previous memory and write new memory data into the EVM memory to distribute vote count to all candidate so that desired candidate win the election result at that booth.

the above two methods can be implemented in addition with a Bluetooth chipsets. Now these two works can now be done with a mobile phone from distance.These tempering can be done in a minute without any physical or electronic traces.

4. EVM's inside code can be programmed in way that no one can trace its fraudality ever. Whenever engineer check its transparency the EVM just works as a innocent baby. But, it will do its real job just before the vote counting because it has received a fraction of a signal from distance mobile phone through the tiny Bluetooth circuit chip far embedded inside the main processor of the EVM. No one will be able to trace it.

Remember the pirate copy of circuit chip can be fabricated with additional custom function. Now this chip is ready to penetrate the production line of EVM with the help of dishonest persons in industry. The finished EVM is now waiting for the ghostly signal from distance mobile or satellite.

Technology and counter technology are changing day by day. Even more powerful hacking technique may emerge or in exist at this moment. Who knows, who is doing what things? One can say EVM device box will be completely un-penetrate-able physically.

But we don't know who will try to penetrate it, but we know at least one thing, someone has made it! If the EVM is completely sealed and inside is un-seen-able then question arise again what is inside then? Only the mastermind of the design of the EVM circuit can answer it.

When all over the world the use of EVM is banned and being banned Bangladesh Election Commission is going to use EVM in public election. During past caretaker government period Prime Minister Shekh Hasina raised a demand of using transparent ballot box. She intelligently emphasized on the transparency of the voting process. Now BEC is going to implement the black box EVM that is technologically proved to be real black box in public election. I hope the Election Commission will be aware of this thing.
 



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[ALOCHONA] Black Day for newspapers observed



Black Day for newspapers observed

'Black Day for Newspapers' was observed yesterday across the country with a strong demand of stopping torture on journalists, aggression on press and reopening of Channel 1, Jamuna TV and Amar Desh.Different social, cultural, political and journalists' organisations arranged various programmes marking the day.

On June 16, 1975, the then Awami League government had closed all newspapers except four under government control.

Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists (BFUJ) and Dhaka Union of Journalists (DUJ) organised a discussion on "June 16 Black Day for Newspapers" at the national press club.

Presided over by BFUJ president Ruhul Amin Gazi the discussion was moderated by DUJ secretary Muhammad Baker Hossain and addressed, among others, by BNP senior joint secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, opposition chief whip Zainul Abedin Farooq, Barrister Nasir Uddin Washim, press club's president Shauwkat Mahmud and its secretary Kamal Uddin Sabuj, BFUJ secretary general MA Aziz, DUJ president Abdus Shahid, Poet Zahangir Firoz, Quader Gani Chowdhury, Basir Jamal, Amirul Islam Kagaji, Zahangir Alam Prodhan, Dr AZM Zahid Hossain, and Chhatra Dal president Salahuddin Tuku.

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday said that Awami League and democracy never go together.Addressing the discussion as the chief guest he said that in 1975, the then AL government had closed all but four newspapers by enacting an act in the parliament and in 2010, the party is doing the same thing illegally.Mirza Fakhrul demanded immediate release of Amar Desh Acting Editor Mahmudur Rahman and withdrawal of the daily's closure.

Zainul Abedin Farooq said that the government is acting as fascist in the name of democracy.

Shauwkat Mahmud said that the journalists' movement might turn into the anti-government movement if it does not stop its fascist aggression on the media. He strongly criticised torture on Amar Desh acting editor Mahmudur Rahman making him undressed on police remand.

Nasir Uddin Washim alleged that the AL government has established 'undeclared BAKSAL rule' in the country after coming to power through a questioned election.
He apprehended of losing of the country's independence if freedom of the press is curbed in such a manner and consequently democracy is destroyed.

The speakers alleged that the student leaders of the party are compelling the female students to do immoral activities. "AL by-born cannot tolerate others' opinion. The party leaders and activists are busy in changing their fates in the name of changing day," added the speakers.

Meanwhile, a discussion meeting was arranged by Aggression Resistance National Committee at the Monthly Madina auditorium in the city marking the day with its chairman Maulana Mahiuddin Khan in the chair.

The speakers at the meeting said torture on journalists and shutting down press were barriers towards establishing democracy. If such activities are being continued, then democratic society never established in the country. So, the government had to refrain form such undemocratic works in the interest of democracy.

The function was addressed, among others, by the committee's member secretary Alamgir Majumder, Muslim League vice president Nurul Haque and general secretary Quazi Abul Khair and Islamic Party president Adv Abdul Mubin.

Bangladesh Labour Party organised a roundtable at the National Press Club to mark the Black Day with its chairman Shamsul Huda Mamun in the chair.

BNP standing committee member MK Anowar, MP was the chief guest at the function, which was addressed, among others, by BNP senior joint general secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, assistant secretary of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Abdul Kader Mollah, Press Club president Shawkat Mahmud, NPP chairman Sheikh Shawkat Hossain Nilu, Barrister Haider Ali, general secretary of Islami Oikkya Jote Maulana Abdul Latif Nejami, general secretary of Bangaldesh Jatiya Party Abu Naser Rahmatullah, BNP central leader Khaleda Yeasmin and NAP general secretary M Gulam Mostafa Bhuyian.

MK Anwar, the former minister, said the government will have to face the dire consequences if the CCC mayoral election is held in unfair manner and vote rigging takes place like that of the Bhola-3 by-polls.

Bangladesh National Awami Party (Bhasani) organised a discussion at its central office in the city with its Dhaka city secretary Tofazzal Hossain in the chair.The party's president Anwarul Haque was the chief guest at the function which was addressed, among others, by its senior vice president Altaf Hossain Munna, Tazul Islam Master, Adv Hafizur Rahman Khan, Chhatra Union president Mamunur Rahman Mamun and Mahinur Akter Chinu.

Terming newspapers as the spokesman of independence and the state's unity, Anwarul Haque criticised the government for curbing freedom of the press whenever it came to power.He demanded immediate release of Amar Desh Acting Editor Mahmudur Rahman and stopping torture on journalists.

A discussion was also arranged by National Democratic Party (NDP) at its central office in the city yesterday to the mark the Black Day for newspapers.Presided over by its chairman Khandoker Golam Mortaza, the function was addressed, among others, by NDP secretary general Alamgir Majumder, presidium member Maulana Zainul Islam and Kazi Jamal Hossain.

Golam Mortaza said the government is torturing journalists and curbing the press aiming at establishing BKSAL rule in the country like that of 1975.

Jatiya Ganotantrik Party (JAGPA) yesterday formed a human chain in front of the National Press Club marking the day and demanded unconditional release of Mahmudur Rahman.

JGPA president Shafiul Alam Prodhan also demanded reopening of Channel 1, Jamuna TV and Amar Desh.

Islami Oikya Jote chairman Mufti Fazlul Haque Amini at a meeting at its central office in the city said that AL had closed newspapers except four in this month in 1975 and again in this month of 2010 it is attacking the press.Dire consequences were waiting for the party if it does not stop its undemocratic activities, he said.
 
http://www.ittefaq.com/issues/2010/06/17/news0287.htm
 
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] A Short History of BP



Beyond Petroleum, Beyond Pollution, Beyond Politics

A Short History of BP

By M. KAMIAR

British Petroleum is the UK's largest corporation. It is among the largest private-sector energy corporations in the world. It is a vertically integrated cartel that operates oil and natural-gas exploration, marketing, and distribution all over the globe.  

BP, however, goes beyond petroleum, indeed, beyond business. The mess we have today in the Gulf of Mexico is not the first time BP has committed crimes against the environment and against people. This is a proverbial drop in the bucket for BP. This outfit has been cheating humanity since its inception.

Many people do not know that BP was born, named after, and committed many crimes against the people of Iran. For nearly 80 years, it seized the wealth of that nation, interfered in its politics, and destroyed its future.

The history of crude-oil exploration and production in the Middle East began with William Knox D'Arcy (1849-1917), a British subject living in Australia who became very rich very quickly—twice. D'Arcy, a lawyer, invested in gold mines in Rockhampton, Queensland. After becoming a millionaire by the end of 19th century, he and his family returned to England.

In 1901, D'Arcy obtained a concession from the government of Iran to drill for mineral resources, with the exception of the five northern provinces the Russians wanted. This concession, called the "Green Document," was written on a page of green paper signed by the Shahanshah, king of kings, of Iran. D'Arcy was to pay the government of Iran £20,000 in cash and £20,000 in stock in the proposed operation, plus a royalty of 16% of net profits from all enterprises formed under the agreement.

D'Arcy founded the First Exploration Company in 1903. He never set foot on the land that made him a wealthy man. D'Arcy conducted business through representatives and later through the UK government. He hired G. B. Reynolds, an experienced geologist-engineer, to oversee the drilling. Reynolds had worked in India and been drilling in Sumatra.

Reynolds had visited Baghdad frequently and had paid close attention to local legends, especially the stories about Zoroastrian temples built on eternal fire and tar pits in southwestern Iran. He hired scouts from local nomadic tribes. These were akin to Native Americans guiding Ponce de Leon to the Fountain of Youth.

He had two areas in mind. The very first attempt at drilling in western Iran, in Qaser Shirin, near the border with the Ottoman Empire, was disappointing. A third well was drilled near Masjid Sulaiman, 80 miles northeast of Ahvaz, the capital of Khuzestan province. There was no oil here either.

D'Arcy had spent more than £225,000 to no avail and was ready to sell his precious Green Document. He mortgaged his remaining gold holdings but was still running out of money. D'Arcy telegraphed Reynolds and told him to close down the operation.

But Reynolds was sure he would find oil. He telegraphed back and asked for written confirmation to be sent by mail. While waiting for the mail, which normally took two weeks, he and his scouts followed their noses day and night, searching for that rotten-egg smell. Reynolds ordered drilling for a fourth well where he had found traces from a natural seepage in the same vicinity as the third.

This one was a gusher. The crude shot 50 feet over the derrick from a well that was 1,180 feet deep. On May 26, 1908, the most significant chapter in the history of the Middle East—if not the whole of mankind—opened.

By its 100th anniversary, this well had produced more than one billion barrels of light crude oil. Reynolds had struck one of the world's richest oil fields on the edge of the Persian Gulf basin. With 314 wells, the Masjid Sulaiman field was still producing about 7,000 barrels of oil per day in the early 1980s.  And this was only the first of many productive Persian Gulf reservoirs. 

In 1909, D'Arcy formed the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC). Britain's First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, had been following the progress of the burgeoning petroleum industry because he was thinking of converting the British navy's ships from coal to oil, which he implemented in 1911. In order to protect its supplies of this now-crucial military resource, the British government became part owner of APOC in 1914, acquiring 50 percent of the voting stock, reimbursing all of D'Arcy's expenditures, and granting him £900,000 worth of shares. D'Arcy remained a director until his death in 2000. In 1923, the company secretly paid £5,000 to Churchill to lobby the UK government to grant APOC a monopoly on Iranian oil resources (Myers 2009).

The rush was on. Western oil companies eventually attained total control over the middle-eastern oil industry. These companies often became de facto rulers of these semi-colonial territories. All aspects of exploration, production, refining, and marketing were controlled by these multinational corporations. The owners not only discouraged but prevented native populations from obtaining the skills and education to manage their own resources, and workers were treated no better than slaves.

In 1935, the Iranian government sent a memorandum to all foreign embassies in Tehran to address the country by its correct name: Iran—not Persia. Persia, or Pars, is only one of 30 provinces in Iran; Greek historians mistakenly assumed that all people in Iran were Persians, and the British and others kept repeating this mistake (Kamiar 2007). APOC was forced to change its name to Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC).

Oil concessions generally covered very large areas and were for long durations. They paid a small, fixed, non-negotiable royalty. Until 1953, AIOC was paying Iran a 16% royalty. The government of Iran was not even allowed to check AIOC's records.

More importantly, these oil imperialists were supported by the full military might of their respective governments. Iran's shah, who was installed by the Allies in 1941, headed a corrupt dictatorship. There is no telling what or how much he stole from his people. With the help of these corrupt shahs, first backed by the British then by the US, AIOC appropriated the lion's share of Iran's wealth.     

By the post-WWII era and the beginning of decolonization, educated people in Iran realized the country was in effect occupied and controlled by AIOC. They'd had enough. Coinciding with the growth of a new nationalist fervor in the region, the shah was forced aside, remaining primarily as a figurehead, and a new prime minister, Mohammad Mossadeq, was elected in 1951. Mossadeq, with the approval of Majlis (the Iranian parliament), nationalized Iran's oil industry. The British government contested the nationalization at the International Court of Law, but its complaint was dismissed.

The British had, in effect, been kicked out of Iran

AIOC responded with a boycott of Iranian oil, but that was not enough to bring the country to its knees. The British then approached Washington for help. Nothing much developed during the remainder of the Truman presidency, but the incoming president, Dwight D. Eisenhower, was a very close friend and ally of Churchill's and did not ignore his comrade's pleas for assistance.

In 1953, the year Eisenhower took office, the CIA went into action, in partnership with the British. Eisenhower approved the plan, called Operation Ajax, of instigating a counter-coup designed to return the shah to total power. The director of the operation was Theodore Roosevelt's grandson, Kermit Roosevelt, who headed the CIA's Middle East division. The CIA paid out $1 million to hire demonstrators—mostly gang members, prostitutes, drug addicts, and thugs (Gelvin, 2005, p. 279; Fayazmanesh, 2003, p.4). This same tactic had been used successfully in Italy in 1948 to prevent the communists from winning the elections. Operation Ajax, mostly planned by Donald N. Wilbur, an architecture expert, was also supported by few ayatollahs, powerful landlords, and big merchants. The riots and chaos that ensued did the trick, and Mossadeq was forced to resign. (See Alexander Cockburn's The Crude Truth.)

When the shah triumphantly returned to Tehran on August 19, he personally expressed his gratitude to his savior, Kermit Roosevelt, for putting him back on his Peacock Throne. Upon returning to the US, Roosevelt accepted a job with Gulf Oil. He remained in demand as a consultant and liaison between American oil companies and Middle Eastern governments.

The shah's return opened a reign of terror, funded by the US, in Iran. Mossadeq was found guilty of treason, spent three years in solitary confinement, and was put under house arrest until his death in 1967. The majority of his supporters, however, were turned over to firing squads. Mossadeq's foreign minister, Hossein Fatemi, was taken from a hospital to be executed.

In return for US help, AIOC agreed to share its Iranian concession with US oil companies. American victory in Iran resulted a newly formed oil consortium, expansion of the right of extraterritoriality (meaning US and UK nationals could not be tried in Iranian courts), and the establishment of SAVAK, the shah's secret police. SAVAK was created in 1957 with CIA assistance and US tax dollars. Its primary mission was to eliminate threats to the shah. Its tactics included censorship, "disappearances" of dissidents, torture, and execution.

The shah showed his gratitude to US foreign-policy makers. During the wars of 1967 and 1973 between Israel and its Arab neighbors, the shah provided cheap fuel for the Israeli war machine even as Arab members of OPEC decreased oil production and created an oil embargo directed at the western nations, causing oil prices to quadruple in two months. By 1975, as the world's second-largest oil producer (after Saudi Arabia), Iran was earning nearly $20 million per hour. Much of this money went to the US as Iran became the largest purchaser of American weapons.

In 1954, AIOC changed its name to British Petroleum. In 1959, BP expanded beyond the Middle East to Alaska, and in 1965 it was the first company to strike oil in the North Sea. Today, the oil company that began in Iran has gone global. It has oil wells and gas stations on all continents.

At $1 million, the counter-coup in Iran seemed like a bargain for the US. But was it? Drawing a straight line from the overthrow of Mossadeq's government in 1953 to the Iranian revolution of 1979—and perhaps to the events of September 11, 2001—we begin to see Operation Ajax's ultimate cost in terms of money and lives.  From 1953 to 1979, Iran was a BP prison, polluted and poor, run with an iron fist by the company and its puppet, the shah.

Now it is drilling offshore near the US in the Gulf of Mexico. Many Americans in the region are beginning to feel the pain and outrage Iranians endured for 70 years—getting a small taste of how BP goes Beyond Politics.

Dr. M. Kamiar is a professor of geography at Florida State College. With Professor Stanley D. Brunn, he is editing Native World Geography. Each chapter on a region in this book is going to be written by a geographer with a doctoral degree from that region. He can be reached at mkamiar@fscj.edu.  

Sources cited:

CIA. The World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ir.html.

Fayazmanesh, S. "In Memory of August 19, 1953: What Kermit Roosevelt Didn't Say." www.counterpuch.org, August 18, 2003.

Gelvin, L. G. The Modern Middle East: A History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Kamiar, M.  "Country Name Calling: The Case of Iran vs. Persia." The American Geographical Society's Focus on Geography, Vol. 49, No. 4, Spring 2007, pp. 1-11.

Myers, K. "The Greatest 20th Century Beneficiary of Popular Mythology has been the Cad Churchill."  Independence, Thursday September 03, 2009. http://www.independent.ie/opinion/ columnists/kevin-myers/the-greatest-20th-century-beneficiary-of-popular-mythology-has-been-the-cad-churchill-1876680.html.

Pollack, K. M. The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict Between Iran and America. New York: Random House, 2004.
 


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[ALOCHONA] Electronic voting machine (EVM): The cheat box



Electronic voting machine (EVM): The cheat box

MD. Iqbal Hossain

In this modern electronic age people has made their life dreamy and easier using this technology, and at the same time people has become aware of its negative sides based on applications. One example is the use of Electronic Voting Machine (EVM). The first EVM was used in Kerala province in India in 1982. Since then a long time has passed a way experimenting on EVM. During this period other countries in Europe and America also experimented on EVM from technical and transparency point of view. Both point of views were equally important however transparency was even a more concern to politicians. Europe and America worked on EVM much more than India. They have expensed hundreds of Million of dollars for research on EVM.
 
Bangladesh Election Commission is going to use EVM for the first time in Chittagang City Corporation election in a single word. I have noticed this news and felt to write something on EVM. During the course completion on Computing and Information System under the London University I realized the truth of security constraint of information in Information Technology. If information has value that is less than the cost of breaking the security line then the information is secured. This means security of information is relative; there is nothing like absolute security in information technology. On the other hand politics is a highest valuable thing in the world. One can do anything to win the political game. EVM is now 28 years old technology on which thousands researches were performed and eventually it was proved that "EVM is not a transparent method" for voting and "is not helpful for practicing the democracy".
 
Counties which performed researches on EVM finally have banned the use of EVM in voting except the India. Those countries are Netherlands, Ireland, German, Italy, and America. Even in England the recent parliamentary election was accomplished with paper ballot where as electronic voting system is already exist in England and other EU countries, they is use it for election events in large organization only because in public election events transparency is a question. In research it is found that the possible highest degree of safety level of EVM's circuit does not stand with the penetration of hacker. It means EVM is certainly temperable where information is high priced. Practically it is not possible to acquire a trustworthy election result where as all electronic modular circuits are available in market and there are millions of skilled hands who are able to use those circuits to hack the EVM. More Than 2 millions of such hands are already available in Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh. More over, in India, China, Korea, and Taiwan there are many different sized company who fabricate electronic circuit into chipsets on demand of customers. They can pirate available chip even with new added program functions!

If one wants to temper the EVM then all possible ways are available for him/her. The chief of the "Net India" Hari K. Prasad has discovered this truth in his research project on EVM with The University of Michigan where computer professor J. Alex Halderman and the renowned computer hacker and technologist Rop Gonggrijp from holand, Michigan University's students Scott Wolchoky and Eric Wustrowy, and engineers Arun Kankipati, Sai Krishna Sakhamuri and Vasavya Yagati at Net India were the research members.Rop Gonggrijp was the instrumental in having EVMs banned in the Netherlands.

In 2004 and 2009 India national election used EVM for voting. The election result and procedure have been criticized because of widespread reports of election irregularities. Despite this criticism, many details of the Indian EVM's design have never been publicly disclosed, and they have not been subjected to a rigorous, independent security evaluation. In some province in India candidates with new faces have received 40%-50% vote even though they are not so familiar to the public of relevant constituencies and even they were not the resident of that constituency. India election commission demands that their EVM is fully temper-proofed because EVM's program code is hardwired into electronic chipsets and no one can enter the machine. This argument has no value to technologists. In fact Indian EVM has more weakness then the EVMs of Europe and America.

Professor J. Alex Halderman performed study for California state and now EVM is banned in this state along with other 21 states in US. The rest of states are now under the lawsuit against the use of EVM in public election. Dr. Till Jaeger in Germany has filed a lawsuit against lack of transparency in usage of EVMs in German Supreme Court that resulted in effectively banning EVMs in Germany.

The court also expressed a guideline that emphasize that voting must be such a transparent process in which a general voter can understand each steps of voting process from casting vote to counting vote.

In India some NGO and important persons have field lawsuit against usage of EVM. VV Rao of NGO Jana Chaitanya Vaidika has filed a lawsuit in Supreme Court, Omesh Saigal IIT Delhi and retired IAS official have challenged Election Commission of India about vulnerability of EVMs, Satinath Chaudhary who filed lawsuit with Supreme Court, Mr. Sanjay Parikh, Supreme Court attorney and several others such as Rahul Mehta who showed lack of transparency in EVM , and Ajay Jagga an attorney very active on raising EVM issues in India.

EVM can be tempered in many ways. I mentioning only four of them.changing the display unit of the EVM: modified display unit will show tempered number of balanced vote count for each candidate to win the election result for desired candidate.

Using memory overwriter: a memory overwriting circuit chipsets can be hooked onto the real memory chip with a clip to overwrite the previous memory and write new memory data into the EVM memory to distribute vote count to all candidate so that desired candidate win the election result at that booth.

the above two methods can be implemented in addition with a Bluetooth chipsets. Now these two works can now be done with a mobile phone from distance.These tempering can be done in a minute without any physical or electronic traces.

4. EVM's inside code can be programmed in way that no one can trace its fraudality ever. Whenever engineer check its transparency the EVM just works as a innocent baby. But, it will do its real job just before the vote counting because it has received a fraction of a signal from distance mobile phone through the tiny Bluetooth circuit chip far embedded inside the main processor of the EVM. No one will be able to trace it.

Remember the pirate copy of circuit chip can be fabricated with additional custom function. Now this chip is ready to penetrate the production line of EVM with the help of dishonest persons in industry. The finished EVM is now waiting for the ghostly signal from distance mobile or satellite.

Technology and counter technology are changing day by day. Even more powerful hacking technique may emerge or in exist at this moment. Who knows, who is doing what things? One can say EVM device box will be completely un-penetrate-able physically.

But we don't know who will try to penetrate it, but we know at least one thing, someone has made it! If the EVM is completely sealed and inside is un-seen-able then question arise again what is inside then? Only the mastermind of the design of the EVM circuit can answer it.

When all over the world the use of EVM is banned and being banned Bangladesh Election Commission is going to use EVM in public election. During past caretaker government period Prime Minister Shekh Hasina raised a demand of using transparent ballot box. She intelligently emphasized on the transparency of the voting process. Now BEC is going to implement the black box EVM that is technologically proved to be real black box in public election. I hope the Election Commission will be aware of this thing.
 


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[ALOCHONA] 16th June black day



16th June black day

On 16 June 1974, the Awami League government led fathers of PM and several other senior ministers and MPS of current government, decided to shut down all print media except two government run newspapers. In addition government took over the ownership of two leading but privately owned newspapers ( Daily Ittefaq and Daily Observer) and kept them running as government mouth pieces.

Since then 16th June used to be observed by journalists in Bangladesh as black day as thousands of jouralists lost their livelihood instantly. However as the years passed, younger generation jouranalists choose to forget 16th June evets and 16th June is no longer a black days. At least if yu scan the mainstream media in Bangladesh, you hardly seeany mention of it.

Media definitely has its bias towards Awami League and it is less to AL's credit than to BNPs fault. BNP leadership or policy makers never made it a priority to take smart steps and befriend junior media personnel. Hence smaller acts of aggression on Media by BNP governments get much more media atention than bigger attacks by successive Awami League governments. Events like a police officers fist fight with a elderly photojournalist, or arrest of a stinger etc attarcts disproportionately more protests/ criticism from media than large scale crackdown by Awami League governments.

There is no dobt that if one looks deep into the facts, media suffered much more at the hands of Awami League than BNP. Even when Awami League was in opposition, media was not immune from acts of aggression by Awami League leadership.

Not taking lesson from 16th june events, when Awami came back to power next time, it decided to shut down four very popular governmet run weeklies and dailies. Although financial problems was shown by the government as the main reason, it was very clear that the closure was done simply out of vengence on the journalists working on those outlets. PM had to settle some score with Nirmal Sen for his famous headline, 'Swavik Mrittur Guarantee Chai…' or Shahadat Chowdhury for being supportive of popular President Ziaur Rahman. And during the time it was closed, both weekly Bichitra and Daily Doinik Bangla was very much financially viable sec to Bichitra's popularity and government ad revenue to Doinik Bangla. After closing down veryu popular barnd Bichitra, PM sister Sheikh Rehana was given the ownership of the name and she ran an abysmal weekly on the same name before killing it.

When 3rd Awami League government came back to power, in addition to print media, it had to deal with electronic media. Keeping up its tradition, government imposed a harsh gag on all electronc media, preventing them from iviting guests critical of government's acts. In quick succession it closed down two TV channels and one newspaper, arrested one editor and is currently torturing him under custody.

In 18 months of its rule, government also did not hesitate impose draconian rules like blocking Youtube, esnipe, facebbok.

http://rumiahmed.wordpress.com/2010/06/16/16th-june-black-day/



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[ALOCHONA] In Memorium: Teshome H. Gabriel [Prof UCLA Film School]



Dear Friends

In memory of Teshome Gabriel with whom I spent many hours hanging out with over the last several years. He was generous to a fault with everyone and a favorite of all his friend's kids including mine. He was interested in everything.  

 

My friend, Vinay Lal of UCLA (through him I got to know Teshome) has written a wonderful remembrance of Prof Teshome Gabriel. I just thought I would share his memory with every one.

 

One could not have a conversation with Teshome without walking away, if one allowed one's imagination something of a free hand, with some interesting idea that had entirely escaped one's attention.

 

I am honored and privileged to have known him. May he rest in peace.

 

Robin

 

PS - You can see a pictire of Teshome at http://www.ethiopianreview.com/content/28207

 

*Friend, Master Storyteller, Scholar, and Humanist Par Excellence: Reminiscences of Teshome H. Gabriel

June 16, 2010 by Vinay Lal

http://vinaylal.wordpress.com/

 

In the very first week that I arrived at UCLA in the fall of 1993 as a new faculty member in the Department of History, I was introduced to Professor Teshome H. Gabriel. He was described to me as a film scholar, and as the moving spirit of the collective, comprised mainly of younger faculty and graduate students in the humanities, known as "Emergences", also the title of the journal published by the group. In those days, the group would meet on Friday evenings, and we gathered at the bar in the basement at the Faculty Center where Teshome, liberally and unstintingly spending money on others as he seems to have done his entire life, would order pitchers of beer for the group. It took very little time to discern that, as good a scholar as he was, he was also an extraordinary person, a friend generous to a fault, a person full of unusual creativity, wise counsel, good spirits, and fortitude. And so it is a blow in the extreme to find that Teshome will no longer be in our midst, even if in spirit he remains with all those who were fortunate to have known him.

 

Teshome Gabriel, who had a very long association with UCLA, passed away peacefully in his sleep on the evening of Monday, 14 June 2010. Teshome earned his doctorate in film studies at UCLA and went on to become a faculty member at the same university. His principal appointment was with the UCLA School of Theater, Film and Television, though he was also affiliated with the African Studies Center and more peripherally with the Department of Comparative Literature. The brief official announcement of his death issued by UCLA's International Institute describes him as having "written extensively on memory and the cinema, theories of Third Cinema, on the aesthetics of nomadic thought in cinema and on weaving and the digital in developing countries." Intriguing as is this description, to which I shall return shortly, it does not gesture at his unique – and, sad to say, largely unrecognized by the faculty and administration — place in the intellectual life of UCLA and the part that he played in mentoring untold number of students.

 

It is not merely that thousands of students over the years took his classes on third world cinema, and in particular one of his signature classes on 'film and social change'. There cannot have been many African, and African-American, students in the humanities at large who did not come to know Teshome, or go to him for counsel. He mentored them, and many other students, in innumerable ways. Teshome had an enormous if quiet following on campus among the students, who recognized that, before everything else, he was dedicated to them. What made him more lovable, and doubtless frustrating at times, was that he was rather disorganized, the very picture of the absent-minded professor. He would scribble notes on the back of envelopes, on newspapers (usually the New York Times) and in the back of books, and one was quite certain that most of those notes would, as happens to scraps of paper, disappear into thin air. Before one of the coffee shops on the north campus called LuValle was renovated about 8-10 years ago, Teshome, in a manner of speaking, held court; in later years, he divided his time between LuValle and Northern Lights, on the other side of the main research library. It wasn't possible to have a conversation with him for more than 15 minutes on campus before someone passing by would stop to say hello, banter with Teshome in Amhara, or exchange some news about Ethiopia. He was, shall we say, a distinctive presence in every way, not least of all because in Los Angeles's very mild winter he dressed as one might in Chicago or Minnesota in the middle of a snow-storm, and even on a slightly warm day he usually wore a thick scarf around his neck.

 

It is characteristic of Teshome that, in nearly the seventeen years that I knew him, I do not ever recall hearing him utter the word "research". When we met, he might ask, 'What are you reading these days?', or 'What are you writing?' It is difficult to convey, to those who think that research is the task of a research university, but have never quite bothered to ask whether most of what passes for research is even worth the paper on which it is written, never mind the millions squandered on such utterly useless things as surveys, questionnaires, and the economist's mindless models, just how refreshing it was to be in the company of someone who never quite bothered with research. Teshome had, I believe, come around to the view that most of research is in fact inimical to thinking, but it is necessary only to accept that 'research' was far from his mind. He was interested principally in thinking and storytelling. To what extent he imbibed his supreme gift for storytelling from his indigenous Ethiopian traditions is an interesting question in itself, but he could mesmerize young and old alike with his gifts. He regaled my children with stories and had an enviable way with young ones.

 

Since, at least in the last 20 years of his life, Teshome had no research agenda, and was unencumbered by any desire to be famous, prolific, or the holder of a "chair" or "distinguished" professorship, he was at complete liberty to let his stupendously fertile imagination wander about in the most unexpected ways. Teshome first became known for his work, extending back to the late 1970s, on "Third Cinema", though he kept on refining his ideas and never ceased to revisit much of his own work which others had come to take for granted. It is not too much to say that Teshome was the principal scholar who helped to develop a critical theory of Third Cinema. He saw such a third cinema as a guardian of popular memory and as a source of emancipation for formerly subjugated peoples. While Third Cinema would develop its own conventions of narrative and style, its aesthetic had to be tied to a politics of social action. Though it is his work on Third Cinema that made Teshome into an internationally recognized figure in film studies, his later work, a string of very short essays written intermittently over a period of two decades, was brilliantly creative even if it never got the recognition that it deserved. In one of those essays, he explored the relationship between the web and weaving – and so birthed the idea of digital weaving. When Ashis Nandy and I approached him for a contribution to our book, The Future of Knowledge and Culture: A Dictionary for the Twenty-first Century (Viking Penguin 2006), he proposed a short essay on "Stones". I very much doubt that anyone has even written on stones with such verve, imagination, and jouissance as has Teshome. Here is a passage from Teshome's essay which illustrates the sheer fecundity of his mind:

 

"Movement is not just a spatial displacement, or a matter of sequence, or of a linear history. While stones are generally associated with immobility, those that tend to remain still are in fact the ones that move the most throughout history. By not moving at all, they move in other directions, in other dimensions, in their own curious and often ironic way. Pyramids would seem to be the most immobile of things, yet they have been all over the world; there is no place in the world that does not carry archival memories of pyramids, for whom the pyramid does not signify something of deep cultural importance. One can argue that the same forces are at work in the wailing wall of Jerusalem and the great wall of China, and the Kaaba/Ka'ba of Mecca. Stones, like sacred relics, travel and induce us to do likewise; they move us emotionally, spiritually, and in many other ways."

 

One could not have a conversation with Teshome without walking away, if one allowed one's imagination something of a free hand, with some interesting idea that had entirely escaped one's attention. The ideas he bore had, one could argue, some fundamental relationship to the circumstances of his own life. For instance, he was greatly intrigued by the idea of the 'nomadic', and I often wondered if it had to do with what had become his largely sedentary life in Los Angeles. For a major academic, Teshome traveled very little – other than visits having to do with family matters — in the last 20 years of his life, barely even attending conferences. It would be a breach of privacy to share the details, which I can never forget, of his visit to Ethiopia, where he grew up and attended school before moving to the United States, after a gap of some thirty years. Teshome and his wife Maaza, with whom we had the pleasure of sharing our home on many occasions, had very close links with the large Ethiopian community in Los Angeles, and on many Friday evenings Teshome could be found engaged in animated conversation at Awash, one of Los Angeles's landmark Ethiopian restaurants.

 

In 2002, when I published my first book Empire of Knowledge (Pluto Press, London), I dedicated it to my young daughter ("to whom the future belongs") and to Teshome Gabriel, "who has enabled the futures of many young ones". Ten years later, I would have reason to add much more to this dedication. Teshome was a true friend, a weaver of tales, a gifted scholar, and a person of the finest qualities in every respect. He will be greatly missed.

 



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RE: [ALOCHONA] Re: Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh



Dear Azajur,
Read this article then it will be clear to you What is it that Mahmudur rahman deserves.

http://www.dailyjanakantha.com/news_view.php?nc=16&dd=2010-06-16&ni=21944
 
Kind Regards
 
J.A.Chowdhury
 
> To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> From: Ezajur@yahoo.com
> Date: Mon, 14 Jun 2010 17:45:42 +0000
> Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh
>
> Sorry - but your email was not clear. What is it that Mahmudur rahman deserves?
>
> --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, "J.A. Chowdhury" <Chwdhury@...> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> > I don't understand why some of our forum friends are crying for Mahmudur Rahman. Who is Mahmudur Rahman? 2 takar so called Editor? Mahmudur Rahman is not a Jurnalist. Professionally he is an Engineer and a BNP Jaamati activist. Any body can buy a Editor post with money????
> >
> >
> >
> > Well he is an (jobordost) editor. An Editor can write anything in his newspaper without any prove? Especially against some one? If answer is no, Govt. doing nothing wrong with Mahmudur Rahman.He is associated with Jongi Prof.Mohiuddin. Hijbut Tahri use to print all their lift-let in Amar Desh press. So Mahmudur Rahman deserve it.
> >
> >
> >
> > Kind Regards
> >
> >
> >
> > J.A.Chowdhury
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > To: alochona@yahoogroups.com; WideMinds@yahoogroups.com; dahuk@yahoogroups.com; abidbahar@...; delwar98@...; sonarbangladesh@yahoogroups.com; history_islam@yahoogroups.com; Bangladesh-Zindabad@yahoogroups.com; amra-bangladesi@yahoogroups.com; zoglul@...; mmk3k@...; aminul_islam_raj@...; udarakash08@...; mahmudurart@...; farhadmazhar@...
> > From: faruquealamgir@...
> > Date: Mon, 7 Jun 2010 23:41:28 +0600
> > Subject: Re: [ALOCHONA] Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > Friends
> >
> >
> > Please be assured that the courageous of all time in the History of Bangladesh journalism "Mahmudur Rahman" will survive the fascist BAL's tricks of Remand n might meet the fate of Tareq Rahaman surly. As the BAL always fear the people so, they always coerce the people n keep them under continuous threat of concocted stories of "Jongibad"(like Bagh ailo Bagh Ailo of the Rakhal balak) so they fear the Manush Rupi Bagh the Mahmudur Rahman.
> > Be it sure that anything otherwise happens with this "OKUTO BHOI NIR BHIK KOLOM SOINIK" will have long long effect on the politics of BAKSAL strangulating the freedom of expression etc etc.
> >
> >
> >
> > Let the heroic sacrifice of the Martyrs remain ever glowing in the "Akash Batash Nodi Prantor" of BANGLADESH n the Lal Sabuj Pataka to fly high with right dignity n honour forever n ever.
> >
> > BANGLADESH ZINDABAD
> > ZINDABAD BANGLADESH ZINDABAD
> >
> >
> > Faruque Alamgir
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > On Mon, Jun 7, 2010 at 5:54 PM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@...> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh
> > http://www.chintaa.com/index.php/campaigndetails/index/5/english
> >
> > Punishing the dissenter
> >
> > Chintaa Report
> > Sunday 06 June 10
> >
> > Concerns about Safety of Mahmudur RahmanThe chronology of events that lead to the arrest of Acting Editor of Amar Desh is scandalous by the very nature by which government has abused executive power and misused legal instruments. This will create serious problem in the efforts of the people to go by the rule of law and create a reasonable space within the present nature of power to practice democratic values. Silencing the dissenting voice is also embarrassing for Bangladesh development partners who often sermon on human rights, freedom of thought, conscience and press. As we could notice, from the media the diplomatic community has expressed their concerns within the paradigm of their foreign policy objective in Bangladesh. But it is also clear that the blatant interventions that we used to the see during the past regime for wrong causes, of which Mahmudur Rahman was critical and vocal, is now pathetically timid and shy.
> > The government is filing one case after another against Mahmudur Rahman in order to keep him in the jail. A transparent judicial process free from the manipulation of the ruling regime could definitely conclude that all these allegations are simply fabricated, nasty tricks of politics. Nevertheless, what concerns us gravely is the repeated attempt to take Mahmudur Rahman for remand. Human Rights Defenders of Bangladesh are worried, because there was series of attempts on his life on several occasion. There is a culture of custodial torture and death in Bangladesh. In its latest update on Mahmudur Rahman the internationally acclaimed human rights organisation Odhikar in a statement issued on 6 June 2010 expressed their concern about the safety and life of Mahmudur Rahman. The Statement says:
> >
> > Mahmudur Rahman, the Acting Editor of the Bengali Daily Amar Desh, was arrested under sections 419, 420 and 500 of the Code of Criminal Procedure under the Tejgaon Industrial Area Police Station Case No. 1(6)2010 and again under sections 143, 342, 332, 353, 186, 506, 114 of the Code of Criminal Procedure under the Tejgaon Police Station Case No 2(6)2010 on June 2, 2010. Mahmudur Rahman got bail in the first case but in the second case, which was filed after his arrest, he was not granted bail and sent to prison. However, today on June 6, 2010, a third case has been filed against him, Case No.5 (6)2010 at the Kotwali Police Station. He was charged for obstructing government officials in their function, while he was already in custody. The prosecution prayed for seven days remand. On top of this, according to newspaper reports, the government is preparing a sedation case against him. The chain of events is very alarming. It is to be noted that Mahmudur Rahman has been physically attacked a couple of times. Heavy stones and bricks have been thrown at his car in Bangladesh and he was also attacked with a sharp object during his visit to London, which could have fatally injured him. Given this history the repeated attempts by the government to take him to remand is of grave concern to us.
> >
> > Odhikar has always fought against custodial torture and death. Despite the fact that the government has made repeated promises to the international community regarding upholding human rights, gross violations of human rights have not abated in the country. In this context, Odhikar is deeply concerned about the life and safety of Mahmudur Rahman. We therefore, appeal to all the human rights defenders to write to the Prime Minister of Bangladesh to ensure the safety of Mahmudur Rahman and to stop all attempts to take him into remand, against the fundamental principles of human rights and international norms.
> >
> > Ms. Sheikh Hasina
> >
> > Honorable Prime Minister
> >
> > Prime Minister's Office
> >
> > Old Sangsad Bhaban
> >
> > Tejgaon, Dhaka-1215, Bangladesh
> >
> > Tel: +880 2 8151157 (PS-I to PM)
> >
> > Fax: +880 2 8153846
> >
> > Email: info@...
> > According to the reports published in today's newspapers, another case has been filed against Mahmudur Rahman in Uttara police station, and the petitioner asked to take him to remand for 10 days. The repeated attempts to take Mahmudur Rahman to 'remand' is a very bad sign Unless human rights defenders mobilise opinion and protests we might be guilty of allowing a repressive government to indulge in grave human rights violation.
> > We have below recall the chronology of events that led to the arrest of Mahmudur Rahman to dispel government's claim that Amardesh has violated existing law regarding press and publications.
> >
> > Chronology of Events
> >
> > 26 April, 2009: Amar Desh Publications Ltd informed the District Commissioner of Dhaka by a written letter stating that according to the decision of the Board of Directors the chairman of the Company Mahmudur Rahman is appointed as the Acting Editor of Amar Desh. It may be mentioned here that according to the Printing Press and Publication Act, 1973 the Ditrict Commissioner must be informed about appointing – withdrawal of Editor of Newspaper.
> > 16 June, 2009: The Special Police- Super of Dhaka on behalf of District Commissioner informed Amar Desh Publications Ltd. that the District Commissioner has No Objection to the appointment of the Acting Editor.
> > 3 September, 2009: The Amar Desh Publications Ltd applied to the District Commissioner to change of the name of Publisher, as per the Printing Press and Publication Act, 1973 and declared that in the court. At the same time, the replacement of the old publisher with the name of Mahmudur Rahman as the new publisher was formally notified to the District Commissioner in accordance with the law.
> > 11 October, 2009: The Publisher Hasmat Ali Hashu went to the District Commissioner's office and signed the appropriate form stating his resignation as the publisher. This information was given by the District Commissioner in BBC interview.
> > 5 November, 2009: The Film and Publications Directorate gave a No Objection Certificate for the change of publisher. The letter signed by Deputy Director Masuda Khatun stated, "The name of Alhaj. Hashmat Ali, publisher of Daily Amar Desh can be replaced with the name of Mahmudur Rahman".
> > 15 March, 2010: The District Commissioner of Dhaka enquired to Amar Desh Publications Limited why the name of Hashmat Ali Hashu is still on the printer's line of the newspaper? In reply, Amar Desh informed that they were still waiting for the reply from the District Commissioner's office for their letter of notification to the District Commissioner. So they were compelled to continue the name of the earlier publisher according to the Printing Press and Publication Act, 1973. Accordingly, the company requested the DC office to expedite their decision.
> > 1 June, 2010: The Tejgaon Thana Officer-in-Charge (OC) raided the press of the daily Amar Desh with armed forces and declared its closure by sealing the Press. They reported to the news media that since there was no legal publisher of the newspaper the declaration has been cancelled by the District Commissioner. However, they could not produce any paper in this regard. The papers were not even received by Amar Desh authorities from 1 June to 2nd June.
> > BBC (Bangla) Radio interview of the District Commissioner Mr. Muhibul Haque on 2nd June, 2010 is the only government version on the government action regarding the cancellation of the Declaration of Amar Desh.
> > The english translation of the transcript of the BBC interview
> > DC: Actually there is no publisher of Amar Desh at present. It means, there is no legal publisher. According to the Article 5 of the Press and Publication Act, 1973, any news paper must have a publisher and according to article 7, he must sign a declaration in our office. The publisher of this newspaper has signed a paper about his resignation as the publisher.
> > BBC: when did he do that?
> > DC: He signed on 11 October, 2009. The publisher was Alhaj Md. Hashmat Ali.
> > BBC: 11 October, 2009 ... and now it is 2010. So what happened all these days. Did you ask the Amar Desh the reason ......
> > DC: Yes, we wanted to know; we have given an official letter. They responded to us. They informed that there was no publisher; so this newspaper cannot be allowed ...... So I cancelled the declaration. I have done that.
> > BBC: So when you sent a letter to Amar Desh, did they agree in writing that that they did not have any publisher?
> > DC: yes, they did not have any publisher; they told us that they did not have a publisher.
> > BBC: And when did they inform you?
> > DC: They have informed us few days before
> > BBC: But who responded to your letter on behalf of Amar Desh. If they did not have a publisher?
> > DC: The Acting Editor
> > BBC: Amar Desh has told us that they sent a letter to you for your approval of the change of the publisher's name. Then what happened?
> > DC: Not for the change of publisher. The earlier publisher signed a form of resignation. Then another person wanted to become the publisher, but it did not fit into our criteria, therefore was refused. So now there is no publisher of Amar Desh.
> > BBC: What does it mean that it did not fit into your criteria? If you could explain the process of your refusal of the request for change of publisher's name...
> > DC: The process is that according to the Act, they have applied for approval, then we gave it for investigation. There was a negative response from the investigation. So we could not give approval to the publisher who has applied. Mahmudur Rahman has applied, but we could not appoint him...
> > BBC: Why was his application rejected? Can you please tell us, what was the problem found against him in the investigation...
> > DC: We have given an official letter regarding this. There are many issues here. This cannot be explained in such a short time....
> > BBC: When did you let him know about it?
> > DC: Today, we informed him....
> > ..........................................
> > Amar Desh's communication with DC
> > We have the letters that Amar Desh provided to the district administration to go by the existing Press and Publication Act. Till today, 7 June 2010, the interview given by the District Commissioner to BBC Bangla is the only position one could guess as government's position, that could hardly stand the court of law. This is the reason why government is desperate to fabricate various other cases against him.
> > In response to BBC's 1st question the DC admitted that in 11th October 2009 the ex-publisher resigned formally. But what he hided is, 3 months before the resignation of ex-publisher, in 3rd September 2009 the authority of the Amar Desh Publications Ltd. formally informed district administration by written letter that, the company has changed the publisher and it is applying for the no-objection letter from the administration in this regard. The Deputy Commissioner is conspicuously silent on this matter in order to justify fabricated charge against Mahmudur Rahman. The claim that Amar Desh dos not have a publisher implies that through administrative inaction the District Commissioner intended to efface the existence of an editor as well as the on going administrative and legal process to regularise the change of ownership and appoinment of editoror other matters. The DC should either have clearly notified to the authorities of Amar Desh that Mahmudur Rahman is not acceptable. In that case the Amar Desh could come up with different name.
> > The DC said, "They informed that they (Amar Desh) have no publisher". Nevertheless, in response of administrations 15th march's letter there is no such word in Amar Desh's letter. Furthermore, the newspaper authority reminded the administration that as they did not say anything at all about Amar Desh's 3rd September 2009 letter regarding the alteration of publisher, they are writing the name of their old publisher. According to the Press and Publication Acts this was the only option available to Amar Desh.
> > The farce of the whole drama reaches the apex when DC told that, "we informed today (1st June)". What it implies? It means by sending riot police into newspapers office to shut down the press and illegally breaking and entering into newspapers office without any warrant, beating journalists and later snatching the editor, the govt. indeed brutally communicated to Amar Desh authority that, "we could not approve Mahmudur Rahman to be the publisher".
> > Reporters from Chintaa were present throughout the night along with other reporters from various media to witness the midnight raid and the brutality with which a dissent voice has been silenced. There was no official letter sent to Amar Desh's office. It was blatantly an operation to demonstrate that government does not care about the rule of law, and have absolutely no hesitation to violate human rights, particularly the violation of the constitutional guarantee of freedom of thought, conscious and expression.
> > Prime Minister took charge of District Deputy Commissioner!
> > The information minister told parliament in 2 June, "It is the duty of DC to postpone newspapers declaration". According to 1973 Printing Press and Publications act it is the duty of DC indeed. But, after the application of Amar Desh to the Film and Publication office of the government, although the intelligence agency gave clearance, the DC office was not giving clearance on the ground that Prime Ministers office did not give clearance. Off the record, the DC office officials admitted the fact that this issue was under judgment in prime ministers office. Our question is that when did the Prime Minister take the charge of Deputy Commissioner?
> > The fact might be that exclusively in the case of Mahmudur Rahman the prime minister has degraded her to the office of District Commissioner, a shame for both the government and the country. As if that was not enough she had to finally send police, disconnect satellite TV connection and escalator, create blockade, refuse food and water to be supplied to the people in the Amar Desh office, beat the journalists by batons, and vilently snatch the editor Mahmudur Rahman without any papers or warrant. Defiance of all constitutional rights, law and international norms of human rights the act of the government is hardly different from any armed criminals or terrorists. Proving again, that the state terrorism is the first and foremost evil people must confront if they are determined to create a democratic polity.
> > Whereas the police was supposed to be tried because of breaking and entering into a private establishment of newspaper illegally, the police filed new case against Mahmudur Rahman on the ground, what they call preventing police from their duties.
> > The closure of Amadesh and arresting Mahmudur Rahman signals the rapidly deteriorating political scenario of Bangladesh. It is urgent that the grievous threat to democracy and freedom of speech and media is condemned globally. It happened in a row of the closure of 2 TV channels and Facebook for so called sensitive reasons. This govt. did ban YouTube in the February 2009 as well.
> > Arresting the editor of Amar Desh by Riot Police and trying to take him to remand for the so called 'interrogation' at any cost demonstrate elements of virulence within certain section of the government and it is urgent that government is warned of this move. The remand system is notorious for inhuman torture and sometimes it makes lifetime trauma. The journalists and other democratic activists fear that the repeated remand application by a section of the people in the government is only to brutally assault Mr. Mahmudur Rahman, rsponsibility of which consequently will have to be shoulderd by the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her government as a whole.
> > Government should come to its senses.
> >
> > http://www.chintaa.com/index.php/campaigndetails/index/5/english
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > _________________________________________________________________
> > Hotmail: Trusted email with Microsoft's powerful SPAM protection.
> > https://signup.live.com/signup.aspx?id=60969
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RE: [ALOCHONA] Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh



MR SA
Read this article: http://www.dailyjanakantha.com/news_view.php?nc=16&dd=2010-06-16&ni=21944
If you agree with with this article, I am agree with you, yes Mahmudur Rahman can be a Jurnalist.
 
Regards
 
J.A.Chowdhury
 


To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: shossain456@yahoo.com
Date: Tue, 15 Jun 2010 07:27:06 -0700
Subject: Re: [ALOCHONA] Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh



I don't get it Mr Chowdhury "why an engineer cannot be a journalist or a writer?". How many of our famous editors/journalists pursued formal journalism training? Dhaka University opened the Journalism Department in 1978. Before that there was no formal training opportunity to become a Journalists.
 
If an engineer can become a Diplomat (many of our top ranking diplomats are engineers) why they cannot be Journalists? Only ignorant people can argue against it.
 
SH
Toronto


From: J.A. Chowdhury <Chwdhury@hotmail.com>
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tue, June 8, 2010 1:28:42 PM
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh

 

I don't understand why some of our forum friends are crying for Mahmudur Rahman. Who is Mahmudur Rahman? 2 takar so called Editor? Mahmudur Rahman is not a Jurnalist. Professionally he is an Engineer and a BNP Jaamati activist. Any body can buy a Editor post  with money????
 
Well he is an (jobordost) editor. An Editor can write anything in his newspaper without any prove? Especially against some one? If answer is no, Govt. doing nothing wrong with Mahmudur Rahman.He is associated with Jongi Prof.Mohiuddin. Hijbut Tahri use to print all their lift-let in Amar Desh press. So Mahmudur Rahman deserve it.
 
Kind Regards
 
J.A.Chowdhury
 
 

To: alochona@yahoogroup s.com; WideMinds@yahoogrou ps.com; dahuk@yahoogroups. com; abidbahar@yahoo. com; delwar98@hotmail. com; sonarbangladesh@ yahoogroups. com; history_islam@ yahoogroups. com; Bangladesh-Zindabad @yahoogroups. com; amra-bangladesi@ yahoogroups. com; zoglul@hotmail. co.uk; mmk3k@yahoo. com; aminul_islam_ raj@yahoo. com; udarakash08@ yahoo.com; mahmudurart@ yahoo.com; farhadmazhar@ hotmail.com
From: faruquealamgir@ gmail.com
Date: Mon, 7 Jun 2010 23:41:28 +0600
Subject: Re: [ALOCHONA] Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh



Friends

Please be assured that the courageous of all time in the History of Bangladesh journalism "Mahmudur Rahman" will survive the fascist BAL's tricks of Remand n might meet the fate of Tareq Rahaman surly. As the BAL always fear the people so, they always coerce the people n keep them under continuous threat of concocted stories of "Jongibad"(like Bagh ailo Bagh Ailo of the Rakhal balak) so they fear the Manush Rupi Bagh the Mahmudur Rahman.
Be it sure that anything otherwise happens with this "OKUTO BHOI NIR BHIK KOLOM SOINIK" will have long long effect on the politics of BAKSAL strangulating the freedom of expression etc etc.

Let the heroic sacrifice of the Martyrs remain ever glowing in the "Akash Batash Nodi Prantor" of BANGLADESH  n the Lal Sabuj Pataka to fly high with right dignity n honour forever n ever.

 

BANGLADESH  ZINDABAD
ZINDABAD 
BANGLADESH ZINDABAD


Faruque Alamgir



On Mon, Jun 7, 2010 at 5:54 PM, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail. com> wrote:
 

Assaulting Mahmud & Daily Amar Desh
http://www.chintaa. com/index. php/campaigndeta ils/index/ 5/english

Punishing the dissenter

Chintaa Report
Sunday 06 June 10
 

Concerns about Safety of Mahmudur Rahman

The chronology of events that lead to the arrest of Acting Editor of Amar Desh is scandalous by the very nature by which government has abused executive power and misused legal instruments. This will create serious problem in the efforts of the people to go by the rule of law and create a reasonable space within the present nature of power to practice democratic values. Silencing the dissenting voice is also embarrassing for Bangladesh development partners who often sermon on human rights, freedom of thought, conscience and press. As we could notice, from the media the diplomatic community has expressed their concerns within the paradigm of their foreign policy objective in Bangladesh. But it is also clear that the blatant interventions that we used to the see during the past regime for wrong causes, of which Mahmudur Rahman was critical and vocal, is now pathetically timid and shy.
The government is filing one case after another against Mahmudur Rahman in order to keep him in the jail. A transparent judicial process free from the manipulation of the ruling regime could definitely conclude that all these allegations are simply fabricated, nasty tricks of politics. Nevertheless, what concerns us gravely is the repeated attempt to take Mahmudur Rahman for remand. Human Rights Defenders of Bangladesh are worried, because there was series of attempts on his life on several occasion. There is a culture of custodial torture and death in Bangladesh. In its latest update on Mahmudur Rahman the internationally acclaimed human rights organisation Odhikar in a statement issued on 6 June 2010 expressed their concern about the safety and life of Mahmudur Rahman. The Statement says:
Mahmudur Rahman, the Acting Editor of the Bengali Daily Amar Desh, was arrested under sections 419, 420 and 500 of the Code of Criminal Procedure under the Tejgaon Industrial Area Police Station Case No. 1(6)2010 and again under sections 143, 342, 332, 353, 186, 506, 114 of the Code of Criminal Procedure under the Tejgaon Police Station Case No 2(6)2010 on June 2, 2010. Mahmudur Rahman got bail in the first case but in the second case, which was filed after his arrest, he was not granted bail and sent to prison. However, today on June 6, 2010, a third case has been filed against him, Case No.5 (6)2010 at the Kotwali Police Station. He was charged for obstructing government officials in their function, while he was already in custody. The prosecution prayed for seven days remand. On top of this, according to newspaper reports, the government is preparing a sedation case against him. The chain of events is very alarming. It is to be noted that Mahmudur Rahman has been physically attacked a couple of times. Heavy stones and bricks have been thrown at his car in Bangladesh and he was also attacked with a sharp object during his visit to London, which could have fatally injured him. Given this history the repeated attempts by the government to take him to remand is of grave concern to us.
Odhikar has always fought against custodial torture and death. Despite the fact that the government has made repeated promises to the international community regarding upholding human rights, gross violations of human rights have not abated in the country. In this context, Odhikar is deeply concerned about the life and safety of Mahmudur Rahman. We therefore, appeal to all the human rights defenders to write to the Prime Minister of Bangladesh to ensure the safety of Mahmudur Rahman and to stop all attempts to take him into remand, against the fundamental principles of human rights and international norms.
Ms. Sheikh Hasina
Honorable Prime Minister
Prime Minister's Office
Old Sangsad Bhaban
Tejgaon, Dhaka-1215, Bangladesh
Tel: +880 2 8151157 (PS-I to PM)
Fax: +880 2 8153846
Email: info@pmo.gov. bd
According to the reports published in today's newspapers, another case has been filed against Mahmudur Rahman in Uttara police station, and the petitioner asked to take him to remand for 10 days. The repeated attempts to take Mahmudur Rahman to 'remand' is a very bad sign Unless human rights defenders mobilise opinion and protests we might be guilty of allowing a repressive government to indulge in grave human rights violation.
We have below recall the chronology of events that led to the arrest of Mahmudur Rahman to dispel government's claim that Amardesh has violated existing law regarding press and publications.
Chronology of Events

26 April, 2009: Amar Desh Publications Ltd informed the District Commissioner of Dhaka by a written letter stating that according to the decision of the Board of Directors the chairman of the Company Mahmudur Rahman is appointed as the Acting Editor of Amar Desh. It may be mentioned here that according to the Printing Press and Publication Act, 1973 the Ditrict Commissioner must be informed about appointing – withdrawal of Editor of Newspaper.
16 June, 2009: The Special Police- Super of Dhaka on behalf of District Commissioner informed Amar Desh Publications Ltd. that the District Commissioner has No Objection to the appointment of the Acting Editor.
3 September, 2009: The Amar Desh Publications Ltd applied to the District Commissioner to change of the name of Publisher, as per the Printing Press and Publication Act, 1973 and declared that in the court. At the same time, the replacement of the old publisher with the name of Mahmudur Rahman as the new publisher was formally notified to the District Commissioner in accordance with the law.
11 October, 2009: The Publisher Hasmat Ali Hashu went to the District Commissioner' s office and signed the appropriate form stating his resignation as the publisher. This information was given by the District Commissioner in BBC interview.
5 November, 2009: The Film and Publications Directorate gave a No Objection Certificate for the change of publisher. The letter signed by Deputy Director Masuda Khatun stated, "The name of Alhaj. Hashmat Ali, publisher of Daily Amar Desh can be replaced with the name of Mahmudur Rahman".
15 March, 2010: The District Commissioner of Dhaka enquired to Amar Desh Publications Limited why the name of Hashmat Ali Hashu is still on the printer's line of the newspaper? In reply, Amar Desh informed that they were still waiting for the reply from the District Commissioner' s office for their letter of notification to the District Commissioner. So they were compelled to continue the name of the earlier publisher according to the Printing Press and Publication Act, 1973. Accordingly, the company requested the DC office to expedite their decision.
1 June, 2010: The Tejgaon Thana Officer-in-Charge (OC) raided the press of the daily Amar Desh with armed forces and declared its closure by sealing the Press. They reported to the news media that since there was no legal publisher of the newspaper the declaration has been cancelled by the District Commissioner. However, they could not produce any paper in this regard. The papers were not even received by Amar Desh authorities from 1 June to 2nd June.
BBC (Bangla) Radio interview of the District Commissioner Mr. Muhibul Haque on 2nd June, 2010 is the only government version on the government action regarding the cancellation of the Declaration of Amar Desh.
The english translation of the transcript of the BBC interview
DC: Actually there is no publisher of Amar Desh at present. It means, there is no legal publisher. According to the Article 5 of the Press and Publication Act, 1973, any news paper must have a publisher and according to article 7, he must sign a declaration in our office. The publisher of this newspaper has signed a paper about his resignation as the publisher.
BBC: when did he do that?
DC: He signed on 11 October, 2009. The publisher was Alhaj Md. Hashmat Ali.
BBC: 11 October, 2009 ... and now it is 2010. So what happened all these days. Did you ask the Amar Desh the reason ......
DC: Yes, we wanted to know; we have given an official letter. They responded to us. They informed that there was no publisher; so this newspaper cannot be allowed ...... So I cancelled the declaration. I have done that.
BBC: So when you sent a letter to Amar Desh, did they agree in writing that that they did not have any publisher?
DC: yes, they did not have any publisher; they told us that they did not have a publisher.
BBC: And when did they inform you?
DC: They have informed us few days before
BBC: But who responded to your letter on behalf of Amar Desh. If they did not have a publisher?
DC: The Acting Editor
BBC: Amar Desh has told us that they sent a letter to you for your approval of the change of the publisher's name. Then what happened?
DC: Not for the change of publisher. The earlier publisher signed a form of resignation. Then another person wanted to become the publisher, but it did not fit into our criteria, therefore was refused. So now there is no publisher of Amar Desh.
BBC: What does it mean that it did not fit into your criteria? If you could explain the process of your refusal of the request for change of publisher's name...
DC: The process is that according to the Act, they have applied for approval, then we gave it for investigation. There was a negative response from the investigation. So we could not give approval to the publisher who has applied. Mahmudur Rahman has applied, but we could not appoint him...
BBC: Why was his application rejected? Can you please tell us, what was the problem found against him in the investigation. ..
DC: We have given an official letter regarding this. There are many issues here. This cannot be explained in such a short time....
BBC: When did you let him know about it?
DC: Today, we informed him....
............ ......... ......... ......... ...
Amar Desh's communication with DC
We have the letters that Amar Desh provided to the district administration to go by the existing Press and Publication Act. Till today, 7 June 2010, the interview given by the District Commissioner to BBC Bangla is the only position one could guess as government's position, that could hardly stand the court of law. This is the reason why government is desperate to fabricate various other cases against him.
In response to BBC's 1st question the DC admitted that in 11th October 2009 the ex-publisher resigned formally. But what he hided is, 3 months before the resignation of ex-publisher, in 3rd September 2009 the authority of the Amar Desh Publications Ltd. formally informed district administration by written letter that, the company has changed the publisher and it is applying for the no-objection letter from the administration in this regard. The Deputy Commissioner is conspicuously silent on this matter in order to justify fabricated charge against Mahmudur Rahman. The claim that Amar Desh dos not have a publisher implies that through administrative inaction the District Commissioner intended to efface the existence of an editor as well as the on going administrative and legal process to regularise the change of ownership and appoinment of editoror other matters. The DC should either have clearly notified to the authorities of Amar Desh that Mahmudur Rahman is not acceptable. In that case the Amar Desh could come up with different name.
The DC said, "They informed that they (Amar Desh) have no publisher". Nevertheless, in response of administrations 15th march's letter there is no such word in Amar Desh's letter. Furthermore, the newspaper authority reminded the administration that as they did not say anything at all about Amar Desh's 3rd September 2009 letter regarding the alteration of publisher, they are writing the name of their old publisher. According to the Press and Publication Acts this was the only option available to Amar Desh.
The farce of the whole drama reaches the apex when DC told that, "we informed today (1st June)". What it implies? It means by sending riot police into newspapers office to shut down the press and illegally breaking and entering into newspapers office without any warrant, beating journalists and later snatching the editor, the govt. indeed brutally communicated to Amar Desh authority that, "we could not approve Mahmudur Rahman to be the publisher".
Reporters from Chintaa were present throughout the night along with other reporters from various media to witness the midnight raid and the brutality with which a dissent voice has been silenced. There was no official letter sent to Amar Desh's office. It was blatantly an operation to demonstrate that government does not care about the rule of law, and have absolutely no hesitation to violate human rights, particularly the violation of the constitutional guarantee of freedom of thought, conscious and expression.
Prime Minister took charge of District Deputy Commissioner!
The information minister told parliament in 2 June, "It is the duty of DC to postpone newspapers declaration". According to 1973 Printing Press and Publications act it is the duty of DC indeed. But, after the application of Amar Desh to the Film and Publication office of the government, although the intelligence agency gave clearance, the DC office was not giving clearance on the ground that Prime Ministers office did not give clearance. Off the record, the DC office officials admitted the fact that this issue was under judgment in prime ministers office. Our question is that when did the Prime Minister take the charge of Deputy Commissioner?
The fact might be that exclusively in the case of Mahmudur Rahman the prime minister has degraded her to the office of District Commissioner, a shame for both the government and the country. As if that was not enough she had to finally send police, disconnect satellite TV connection and escalator, create blockade, refuse food and water to be supplied to the people in the Amar Desh office, beat the journalists by batons, and vilently snatch the editor Mahmudur Rahman without any papers or warrant. Defiance of all constitutional rights, law and international norms of human rights the act of the government is hardly different from any armed criminals or terrorists. Proving again, that the state terrorism is the first and foremost evil people must confront if they are determined to create a democratic polity.
Whereas the police was supposed to be tried because of breaking and entering into a private establishment of newspaper illegally, the police filed new case against Mahmudur Rahman on the ground, what they call preventing police from their duties.
The closure of Amadesh and arresting Mahmudur Rahman signals the rapidly deteriorating political scenario of Bangladesh. It is urgent that the grievous threat to democracy and freedom of speech and media is condemned globally. It happened in a row of the closure of 2 TV channels and Facebook for so called sensitive reasons. This govt. did ban YouTube in the February 2009 as well.
Arresting the editor of Amar Desh by Riot Police and trying to take him to remand for the so called 'interrogation' at any cost demonstrate elements of virulence within certain section of the government and it is urgent that government is warned of this move. The remand system is notorious for inhuman torture and sometimes it makes lifetime trauma. The journalists and other democratic activists fear that the repeated remand application by a section of the people in the government is only to brutally assault Mr. Mahmudur Rahman, rsponsibility of which consequently will have to be shoulderd by the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her government as a whole.
Government should come to its senses.


http://www.chintaa. com/index. php/campaigndeta ils/index/ 5/english





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