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Wednesday, September 23, 2009

[mukto-mona] An article [1 Attachment]

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Dear Editor. This is the first time I sent an "ARTICLE" would you please have a look...!

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[ALOCHONA] BANGLADESH: Glimmers of Hope Amid an Elusive Peace



 

Human RIGHTS-BANGLADESH: Glimmers of Hope Amid an Elusive Peace

Catherine Makino interviews leading Bangladeshi human rights activist SULTANA KAMAL

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=48534

 

TOKYO, Sep 22 (IPS) - Sultana Kamal dreams of a country "where every single citizen will live in democracy, in equality" and where everyone has "equal share to resources and opportunities." Fulfilling this dream has been her lifelong advocacy as a human rights advocate.

 

The former adviser to the caretaker government of Bangladesh has served as a United Nations legal consultant for Vietnamese boat people in Hong Kong. As a legal practitioner, she is committed to providing legal services to the poor and underprivileged.

 

Kamal joined the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, which pitted the West Pakistan (now Pakistan) against East Pakistan, resulting in the latter's secession as an independent state, now called Bangladesh. Among others, she helped collect information for the guerilla forces, Mukti Bahini (Liberation Army), and gave shelter to people displaced by the conflict.

 

Kamal completed her law degree at Dhaka University in 1978, and later a master's degree in Women and Development Studies in the Netherlands.

 

She has played a key role in bringing to international attention the long drawn-out conflict involving the indigenous people living in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the south-eastern region of Bangladesh. Even after a peace accord was signed in 1997, violations of human rights in the region persisted and peace remains elusive.

 

Some critics warned that Bangladesh could become the next Sri Lanka, which only recently emerged from a decades-long civil war.

 

Kamal, who was in Japan in mid-September, shared with IPS her aspirations for her country and what she hoped a developed country like Japan could do.

 

IPS: What did you hope to achieve for your people by coming to Japan?

 

SULTANA KAMAL: (My) main objective was to share information regarding the implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Accord, which was signed in 1997 between the government of Bangladesh and Shanti Bahin (the United People's Party of the CHT).

 

The Accord was to end the armed conflict, which has been going on since 1976 in the region, and to settle questions regarding the rights of the indigenous people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. These included land rights, natural and environmental practices, rights to their culture and, most importantly, the constitutional recognition of their rights and identity.

 

I wanted to see greater awareness of the problems of indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, their struggles and demands, which should lead to more support for them by the Japanese.

 

IPS: Why Japan in particular?

 

SK: Some Japanese groups are concerned with the rights of the disempowered and disadvantaged, especially indigenous people, who have been engaged in working towards the realization of (those) rights.

 

IPS: Is your government sincere in its support for the CHT?

 

SK: The present government of Bangladesh is committed to implementing the Accord, but it is facing challenges from the anti-Accord forces. There is a need to strengthen the people and government's support of the CHT.

 

This trip to Japan will help us reach the international community and get stronger opinions favorable to the Accord.

 

IPS: What do you expect from the new government of Japan?

 

SK: This government is liberal, so we can expect the benefits of a liberal and progressive outlook on (its) international policies. More importantly, we hear that the government will put more emphasis on strengthening relationships with its Asian neighbors, which means more support to the people of Asia who need it most.

 

IPS: What do you envision Japan will do now that it is under new leadership?

 

SK: New leadership means new hopes…. not (only) for its own people, but for the (rest of the) world, because Japan is among the league of world leaders.

 

This time the hope is even greater for Asia as the (Japanese) government is likely to be more forward-looking and has already committed itself to closer ties with (its) Asian neighbors.

 

IPS: Please tell us about your organization, the Law and Mediation Center or Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK)?

 

SK: (ASK) started in 1986 as a legal aid centre to provide free legal aid to the disempowered. Since most of the disempowered happen to be women, it had a special focus on them, especially poor women.

 

It provides legal aid to victims of state or social violence, arbitrary arrest, preventive detention, and community and class violence.

 

It started in a garage of a well-wisher of the organisation and has since grown into a 17-unit composite programme known as a human rights and legal aid center, or Ain o Salish Kendra.

 

ASK cooperates with many national, international and regional networks on human rights issues. With the UNECOSOC (United Nations Economic and Social Council) (consultative) status, ASK works closely with the U.N. special rapporteurs and on some government committees as civil society members to give advice. In short, ASK is considered to be one of the most active human rights groups (in the world).

 

IPS: What is the situation of women in your country?

 

SK: I am very proud to say that the women have made a lot of progress. But because of the existing patriarchal systems… in both private and public life, women have to face a lot of challenges in realising their rights.

 

The Constitution of Bangladesh commits to equality in public life for women. It goes further to say that special measures will be taken to bring the disadvantaged groups, including women, at par with everyone, and everyone will be equal before the law.

 

IPS: Is that happening in reality?

 

SK: Since in private life, laws based on religions govern people, women are discriminated against in marriage, divorce, guardianship and custody of children and in inheritance.

 

The discrimination is not only between women and men of the same religion; it is between women of different religions, too. For example, the Muslim women have limited rights to divorce and inheritance, which the women of other religions don't have.

 

The situation of minority women is even worse, particularly in a conflict situation where their interests and rights are considered secondary to the larger interests of the community which, as we all know, are defined by (traditional) patriarchy.

 

IPS: What is being done about it?

 

SK: The women's movement is very vibrant in Bangladesh. The present government also has promised to declare policies for women's development. We can hope for the best, but we know very well that there is no respite from hard work for us to gain what we aspire for.

 

IPS: What urgently needs to be done in your country?

 

SK: The most important duty we have now is supporting the democratic processes and be firm on not allowing any anti-democratic, anti-human rights, fundamentalist or corrupt measures, to foil it. Seeing that democracy gets a ground in this country is a job of the people as well as the government. Establishment of justice, rule of law, human rights and security and peace are the priorities now.

 

IPS: You have given so much energy and time for causes. How has this affected you personally, and have you had to sacrifice a lot?

 

SK: If I have been able to give my energy and time to causes in my life, I will consider that to be my good fortune. What better use could I put my energy and time to?

 

The main impact it has had on me personally is that it has taught me to understand and love my country better and to feel a part of the whole of humanity. I don't feel that I have sacrificed a lot. I think I have done nothing more than my duty. (END/2009)



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[ALOCHONA] Rater Zonaki: Bangladesh's chain of corruption



 

Bangladesh's chain of corruption

By Rater Zonaki

September 22, 2009

UPIASIA

http://www.upiasia.com/Human_Rights/2009/09/22/bangladeshs_chain_of_corruption/2430/

 

Hong Kong, ChinaBangladesh's law-enforcement agencies claim that they have a strong chain of command to maintain law and order in the country. Likewise policymakers and politicians, who are close to the center of power, claim that they are dedicated to the great cause of upholding the rule of law in the country.

 

However, the opposition – regardless who they arealways criticize the rulers for destroying the concept of the rule of law. And "chain of command" in the law-enforcement agencies exists only in the imaginations of its officers, along with the illusion of rule of law.

 

A girl we will call Chobi – not her real name – was raped by a man named Sohel in Chhetra village in Kishorganj district on June 13. The rape victim reportedly went to the Nikli police station to register a complaint against the rapist.

 

The police refused to record the case, as the alleged accused was the son of an influential person in the locality, and had already bribed the police before the victim approached them.

 

Chobi had to go to the Special Tribunal on Women and Children Repression Prevention of Kishorganj district in order to register her case. The tribunal judge ordered the same police station to record the complaint as a first information report. Then the complaint was recorded with the police.

 

Police Sub-Inspector Shashank Kumar Sarkar was assigned to investigate the case. A medical report from public hospital doctors who had examined her asserted that Chobi had been raped – a strong starting point for the prosecution.

 

Chobi's family was hopeful that the legal process would lead to justice – but they were about to experience a different reality.

 

The investigating officer demanded 30,000 takas (US$436) as a bribe in order to submit a rape charge against the accused – despite the fact that all evidence, including witness statements and the medical examination report, supported the complaint of rape.

 

Chobi's poor family, which had already spent a sum beyond their capacity to bring the case this far, was unable to pay the demanded bribe. The family managed to pay 6,000 takas (US$87) and give fish worth 1,000 takas to Shashank. This means that the investigating officer received bribes in cash and in kind for investigating a rape case.

 

The police officer insisted that the family pay the remainder of the bribe. When they could not do so, Shashank took his revenge by accepting a bribe from the accused instead. He then submitted a report to the court stating that the claim of rape was false.

 

Chobi, a victim of rape, now has no hope of justice unless the court orders another agency or a judicial officer to reinvestigate the complaint. Yet no one can predict the outcome of another investigation.

 

Chobi told her story on Sept. 15 at a press conference, where she handed out a written statement to reporters. She also applied to the district superintendent of police, seeking his intervention. The assistant superintendent of police at another police station was asked to inquire into the matter.

 

However, it is hardly believable that the authorities will take action against the Nikli police or Sub-Inspector Shashank. This is because Bangladesh's whole law-enforcement system follows a chain of corruption rather than a chain of command.

 

For example, Police Inspector Hashem Ali Khan, who detained human rights defenders in a fabricated kidnapping case at the Paikgachha police station in Khulna, a southwestern district, told the detainees that he had to pay his superior officers when he brought in detainees for a five-day stay. He said he needed money for fuel and other things. He also warned them that they would be tortured if they didn't pay the bribe he demanded.

 

A number of police departments and the Ministry of Home Affairs inquired into this matter, which took place in November, 2008. Yet it yielded nothing – inspector Hashem Ali Khan has been enjoying his policing elsewhere.

 

Due to intervention by the Asian Human Rights Commission, a Hong Kong-based rights watchdog, the Khulna district police authority inquired into a complaint against Sub-Inspector Ayub Ali of the Paikgachha police station.

 

On June 13 Ayub Ali visited the house of Shahidul Islam, who had been held on fabricated charges and tortured while in detention for four days without any official record or lawful grounds.

 

The police officer told Shahidul's mother, "Do you know what will happen to me and you now? I will have to pay to settle the matter and I might be transferred. But the police will be here forever, and I will arrange for your son and his advisers to languish in jail for years."

 

These threatening words carry the truth that any police officer who is accused of violating the law of the land can walk free by bribing his superior authorities. In reality, Ayub was transferred to Kustia district without facing criminal prosecution or departmental action after an inquiry was conducted.

 

It is an open secret in Bangladesh that police officers consider a particular jurisdiction a good place to work if more crimes take place there. More crimes bring more bribes. Officers must pay bribes in order to be posted to those "good places," the amount determined by the rank of the job-seeker and the possibilities of income from the targeted posting.

 

The recipients of bribes also include bureaucrats in the ministries, parliamentarians of the concerned constituencies and influential local politicians. Thus a chain of corruption is established from the top to the bottom of society.

 

The ordinary poor are compelled to pay bribes far beyond their capacity, up to all their assets, while those in power enjoy the taste of corruption and make the country a heaven of bribery.

 

The Bangladeshi policymakers should accept this article as an open challenge to prove these stories untrue. There are thousands of similar stories across the country. The authorities can win this challenge only if they acknowledge this deep national problem and reform this system and chain of corruption.

 

--

 

(Rater Zonaki is the pseudonym of a human rights defender based in Hong Kong, working at the Asian Human Rights Commission. He is a Bangladeshi national who has worked as a journalist and human rights activist in his country for more than a decade, and as editor of publications on human rights and socio-cultural issues.)



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[ALOCHONA] CHT Peace Accord Written vs. unwritten



CHT Peace Accord Written vs. unwritten

 

Recent development in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are giving rise to questions about the sensitive region and concern for the very sovereignty of Bangladesh as an independent nation

 

A PROBE report

 

Peace had long been a far cry in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Insurgency, clashes between the hill people and Bengalis and other acts of violence and lawlessness have continuously disrupted peace in the lush green hills. However, the peace accord signed in December 1997, brought a beam of hope to the region. Even the hardest of cynics had hoped that this accord, despite its shortcomings and flaws, would perhaps change the scenario to some extent and sow the seeds for future peace and harmony in the region.

Now, however, things look different. Moves are on for an implementation of the CHT peace accord in a manner that could well change the demographic makeup of the region. Various local and international forums are using the accord as leverage to remove the Bengali population from the hill districts and relocate them elsewhere in the country. CHT, which makes up 10% of the country's total land mass, would then be populated only by certain ethnic groups, including elements long involved in separationist movement. The Bengalis would be pushed into the already overpopulated districts of the plains.

In the latest developments, the withdrawal of military from the region had been stepped up and accelerated in an unprecedented manner. Previously military camps had been sporadically withdrawn from the area, but now with the withdrawal of an entire brigade, questions of security are looming large in the national psyche. For the first time the withdrawal of the army is so visible and the area is thus more vulnerable from a security perspective.

Indications that all is not well have already surfaced. Recently a huge arms haul was recovered in the region. Similar incidence of a breakdown in law and order are appearing on the scene at regular intervals. The tension is tangible.

Under the circumstances, say security experts, it would not be unlikely for vested quarters to swoop down and take full advantage of this sensitive area's vulnerability.

The region, sans military presence could well become playing fields (or killing fields?) for terrorists – Islamic or otherwise. "Anything can develop there," says a political analyst on a somewhat ominous note.

Security analysts also take into cognizance the presence of India's volatile "seven-sister" states, brewing with insurgency and rebellion. Instability in CHT can pose the area as tempting camping grounds for these insurgents and the same applies to the Rohingya rebels of Arakan in Myanmar.

Experts on the area see distinct possibilities of the area emerging on lines parallel to that of FATA on Pakistan's troubled northwest border. This terrain has little or no administrative control. Just as Talibans of Afghanistan seep thorough the porous border of Pakistan, Bangladesh too could see osmosis of insurgents into CHT with lessened military presence. As it is, BDR has been weakened considerably, leaving the borders lacking in adequate security. Such a scenario would be suicidal where Bangladesh's sovereignty is concerned.

In addition to the overt and official peace accord signed between the government and the hill organisation PCJSS, there is acknowledged presence of an "unwritten" peace accord. This is even mentioned by Raja Devasish Roy in his paper "The Discordant Accord: Challenges Towards Implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997". Here he speaks of an unwritten agreement for the repatriation of the Bengali settlers, often referred to by the hill organisations as "Muslim settlers". This is endorsed by the western quarters such as the European Union and UNDP as well as others, who are even willing to dish out funds to relocate the Bengalis from the hill to plain lands around the country.

Sources say that the government and PCJSS reached an unwritten agreement that "Muslim settlers" would be transferred to other districts and would be rehabilitated there. In this connection, on the day of the accord in December 1997, PCJSS Chairman Jyotindra Bodhipriya Larma and other PCJSS leaders met with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at her office. It is reported that a certain government official at the meeting spoke of tranferring the "Muslim settlers" to other plain districts of the country and pressure would be created on them to move by dismantling the cluster villages and stopping their ration supply.

The Bengalis who have long set up home and hearth in CHT are bound to find themselves defenceless, at the mercy of the hill people who have a propensity to view them as settlers, intruders even. There is a long history of resentment and simmering hatred in the area and once the national security forces are removed, the hill people will naturally take security into their own hands. This evokes a sense of apprehension where the security of the Bengali populace is concerned and an inevitable backlash could spell massacre.

So far a balance has been maintained in the area, with the civil and military administration undertaking programmes to promote ethnic harmony. There are cluster villages, rations, security installations and so on to ensure peace is maintained. Once that goes, the Bengali settles will be open to vengeance. In that scenario, the government won't even have to bother about measures to relocate and rehabilitate the Bengalis. They will be driven out forcibly.

Law and order is also a matter of concern. It is no secret that PCJSS and UPDF have been carrying out unabated extortion in the region. This will only multiply if they gain full control of running the region as they aspire.

The area is already a sort of free-for-all with Christian and Muslim missionaries running conversion operations in full force. NGOs have their brand of development schemes in the hills and foreign missions too have their own agendas for the region. UNDP's development programmes blatantly address the needs of the hill people, turning a cold shoulder to the poverty-stricken Bengali people there.

Analysts even see shades of East Timor emerging. Raja Devasish Roy and other leaders of CHT are calling for international intervention in the issue, to oversee the implementation of the peace accord. Similar foreign intervention by foreign quarters led to the independence of East Timor. This is brought home all the more strongly by the recent visit of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission, which was reconstituted in May last year in Copenhagen, led by Lord Avenbury. During a press conference of the CHTC in Dhaka recently, it was said that one of the main tenets of the peace accord was that lands would be returned to owners once their land titles were confirmed through a survey.

However, solving the land issue is easier said than done. While the hill people call for their land rights, there are no legal documents to ascertain their claims. Settling this issue is bound to be tedious and long-winded, not to mention contentious too.

Even the Regional Council of the area is under question. Leader Shantu Larma in actuality is unelected. The Constitution has to be changed to accommodate this. This was stated in no uncertain terms by the Chief Election Commissioner himself.

Coming to the matter of the "unwritten" accord, while the government denies the existence of such an accord, PCJSS and UPDF point out that while in the official peace accord there is no specific mention of removing Bengali settlers from the area, this has very clearly stated in the unwritten accord. This was been mentioned again by Raja Devasish Roy. The European Union and other western missions also uphold ousting Bengalis from the region, the 13,000 sq km area rich with resources and having a sensitive geo-political positioning.

All eyes are riveted on CHT now. No one intends to deny the rights of the hill people. They are citizens of Bangladesh and have all the rights designated to them by the Constitution. But the same applies to the Bengalis there. What right has anyone to drive them from there homes in their own homeland? CHT is a part of Bangladesh. Live and let live can be the only acceptable mantra, says a political analyst, commenting on the issue.

http://www.probenewsmagazine.com/index.php?index=2&contentId=5480




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[ALOCHONA] Shifting paradigms of foreign policy



Shifting paradigms of foreign policy

With a visible move towards the Indo-US axis, Bangladesh may find itself walking on a precarious tightrope

A PROBE report

Bangladesh is walking the tightrope, as far as its foreign policy is concerned. In recent years there has been a distinct shifting in the paradigms of the country's foreign policy and the shift has become sharper since the installation of the present Awami League government. The country has distinctly veered towards the Indo-US axis, the question remaining – will Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her motley crew be able to pull of this precarious balancing act? Are they that skillful in the art of juggling? Hasina may be an old hand in the game, but what of her nouveau cabinet colleagues?

 

East to West

The increase of US influence at the governance level in Bangladesh was visible from the time of the pre-caretaker BNP government. While Begum Khaleda Zia and her team had ostensibly adopted a 'Look East' policy favouring China in its, economic, defence and diplomatic dealings, it had started to drift away from China. This was illustrated in the setting up of a Taiwan office in the capital city of Dhaka, in clear defiance to China. Though it was closed down, the incident had generated enough heat and the matter probably still rankles in the Chinese mind.

In a more recent development, it was reported that a certain senior official of Bangladesh's Foreign Office had told reporters that the country would not be procuring military hardware from China. Why this break in the long-standing norm of purchasing arms and ammunition from China? The explanation was that, in the event of a war between Bangladesh and Myanmar, which is growing in likelihood, China would inevitably put a cap on its sales of military hardware to Bangladesh and Bangladesh would find itself without the vital backup support.

 

America appears

The US, in the meantime, is entering the scene in a relatively big way. In fact, from the time of the caretaker government, its presence has been tangible. There have been a series of US-Bangladesh joint military exercises, high level visits and so on.

As part of his heightened interest of US in Bangladesh, the Commander of the US Seventh Fleet is due to visit in October this year. This Pacific Commander has scheduled a visit round about the same time. Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI) is also organising a high profile seminar on civil-military relations, with US participation.

In another significant step, US Ambassador in Bangladesh, James F Moriaty, issued statement recently, to the effect that the US had been mistaken in opposing Bangladesh's independence struggle in 1971. This statement came at a time when Senator Edward Kennedy had passed away, his death bringing back memories of the support he had generated among the American public of Bangladesh fight for freedom..

In turn, Bangladesh has been taking some important foreign policy decisions which to all appearances are heavily swayed by US influence. For example, the souring of relations with Myanmar is certainly a plus point for the US lobby. Over the years, the heavy influx of Rohingya refugees across the border from Myanmar into Bangladesh territory, along with the inevitable baggage of illegal arms, drugs and crime, never evoked more than the expected level of tension between the two countries. Now, however, the border is taut with tension and troops are being amassed on both sides of the border. Some political observers even report of the Bangladesh administration, with US prompting, getting Rohingya splinter groups organised under one umbrella. This, they say, is just another an American attempt of putting pressure on Myanmar's military junta.

The US, of course, understands full well that all is not hunky-dory. Ground reality shows that in the past the Bangladesh government has gone all out to please and placate the superpower, but when it comes to delivering the goods, popular policy prevails.

Sheikh Hasina, after all, is a nationalist. She won't go against national interests. She has displayed adroit footwork in the past where international diplomacy is concerned. The deep-sea port is a point in hand. Much to the US satisfaction, she had given the go ahead to the Stevedoring Services of America (SSA) for the port. However, fierce demonstrations and protest organised by Chittagong's influential Mayor Mohiuddin, soon put paid to the SSA deal, this time much to US frustration. Was Mohiuddin then more powerful than Hasina? Of course not, say analysts, this was all a clever manipulation on Hasina's part. He himself has claimed that he did nothing without directives from the high command. So Hasina is quite adept at veering away from commitments when it comes to delivery time. "She may be labelled pro-this or pro-that," says an observer, "but at the end of the day, it is Bangladesh that matters. That is what her track record seems to say so far."

 

The India factor

India has always loomed large in Bangladesh's foreign policy. This is only natural as being such a large and powerful nation, it envelopes Bangladesh almost from all sides. However, there is also a general belief that a strong nexus exists between India and the Awami League government and the belief is not unfounded. Historical ties are hard to sever.

The rapid shift in foreign policy towards India has also been palpable since the take-over by the military-backed caretaker government and followed up by the present government. India's influence has steadily gained ground. It has always been there, but now perhaps it is more open. It was more covert than overt in the past.

This proximity with India throws open a Pandora's Box of unresolved issues, both contentious and otherwise. The issues being laid on the table now include transit, extradition treaty, power and more. Irritants are now being termed as "areas of mutual interest". How far the "mutual" part of the term stands is yet to be seen. Bangladesh may be the smaller neighbour, but its generosity is large. It is granting "temporary" use of Ashuganj river port to India. How is "temporary" measured is again t be seen. There are many more matters being sorted out. During her recent India visit, Foreign Minister Dipu Moni's smile said it all.

This strengthening of ties with India spells weakening of relations with China. And here again the Myanmar factor enters the picture. Bangladesh and India are simultaneously preparing for conflict with Myanmar and China respectively. The two countries are adopting very similar preparations -- Bangladesh has been renovating its long-abandoned airfields in Lalmonirhat and Shamshenagar and India its long forgotten airfields In Arunachal. While Bangladesh is deploying troops along the border with Myanmar, India amasses its troops at Arunachal, on the border with China. And China is also making its own moves.

 

Clash of interests?

Bangladesh seems to be playing a clever, and dangerous, game of keeping both the US and India happy. But how long can it remain in the good books of both? After all, as long as US and India's interests converge, things are fine. But if they conflict, Bangladesh can find itself in a fix. When the time to choose does eventually arrive, what will Bangladesh do? Past records, particularly of the Awami League government, show that when it comes to India-Us interests, India invariably gains the upper hand.

 

The energy factor

Oil and gas will become a glaring issue in the near future. In fact, it already has. The recent hartal (strike) called by the Committee for the Protection of Oil, Gas and Port, and the assault on Anu Mohammed, seem deliberate moves to highlight the issue and magnify the sector. The US is none to pleased that the Bangladesh government is still dragging its feet on awarding the gas blocks to US companies. However, all was relatively quiet on this front when, out of the blue, Anu Mohammed was attacked and then the hartal was called. The hartal was totally unsuccessful, but the media spared no pains to play it up and give it undue coverage. It all seems to be very well orchestrated.

Many leftist/socialists/Marxists organisations and individuals are active to prevent the USA from making a foothold in the Bay of Bengal. Some of them are known to be anti-US (anti imperialists) and friendly towards India. However, they are doing it for overtly patriotic reasons - not for the satisfaction of the Indians who had claimed a large part of offshore area in Bay which Bangladesh considers as the legitimate owner. But it is also a fact that India objected formally to Bangladesh on its offshore exploration before the maritime boundary between the countries is demarcated. However, India disregards any such objection from Bangladesh and already awarded exploration rights to SANTOS in Bay bordering Bangladesh. Interestingly even India is allowing export of gas when they could not buy it from the IOC.

The government is probably playing a cat and mouse game with USA. It has ''conditionally'' approved two IOCs to explore in Bay while fomenting a popular case against it. There is no other explanation for the recent police excess against the peaceful demonstration and the unusual brutality on Prof. Anu Muhammad. Mr. Rashed Khan Menon, MP,a former Marxist and now a member of the ruling government from the Workers' Party, delivered a spirited speech on the issue in the Parliament, demanding cancellation of the deal with the two IOCs. It is quite possible that soon the two IOCs would be hesitating to come to a troubled turf. The case of Fulbari coal mine and the Asia Energy (now Global Coal Management) is not going to happen with the IOCs.  Asia Energy is trapped with its investment and hoping that government can not ask them to leave without proper compensation as per contractual obligation.

Nevertheless, it is quite possible that a section, not the whole administration, is trying to please the Indians. The question is - where does the PM stand? A kind of déjà vu - remember AL government giving SSA for construction of a private terminal in Chittagong and the fierce resistance by Chittagong Mayor which made SSA leave the country.

Energy experts scoff moves by Anu Mohammed and the other quarters involved in opposing the handing over of gas blocks. They say that the issue is not whether to hand over the gas blocks or not, the actual issue is ownership of the territory where the blocks lie. The very territory remains disputed. Metaphorically speaking, an analyst points out, "When a plot of land is disputed, how can I even start planning on whether to construct a high-rise building and rent it out or build a bungalow to live in myself?"

So Bangladesh first needs to establish its hold on the land, an area where people like Anu Mohammed prefer to remain silent, and then decide whether to hand over the blocks or not. Even Blacks 10 and 11 which are dead centre of the map are reportedly "disputed". All this needs to be sorted out fast. So rather than calling hartals and spewing out rhetoric, attention needs to be drawn to these issues.

In the past too, the BNP government failed to take any concrete decision regarding oil and gas. This is a vital sector where Indian and US interests clash and Bangladesh finds itself wedged between a rock and a hard place.

 

Diplomatic dealings

So how is Awami League going to extract itself from this diplomatic dilemma?

On the home front, it really has no worries. With BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami both politically weak at the moment, the government has no concerns of opposition from within the country. In fact, with the opposition effectively cuffed and gagged, this is prime time to strike while the iron is hot. Enjoying an overwhelming majority in parliament, it will be relatively easy for the government to take bold decisions on several sensitive issues.

Upon returning from her Indian trip, Dr. Dipu Moni has packed her bags once again and is off to the States, spouse and offspring in tow. She is likely to brief the US State Department about her Indian trip and get their nod on various matters undertaken.

After Eid, Sheikh Hasina will be visiting the US at the invitation of President Obama. She will be attending a gathering of leaders from countries participating in the UN peacekeeping force. On that platform, Hasina will hardly get a chance to speak on the sensitive issues involving the trilateral interests of India, Bangladesh and the US, so Dipu Moni is a sort of advanced party to voice her views.

 

Waters run deep

Back to US interests, the deep sea port comes back into focus. In his recent low-key visit from the US to Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina's foreign affairs advisor US Gauhar Rizvi is said to have dealt with this issue. He left as silently as he came, refusing any sort of protocol and special state facilities. However, on an unofficial front, reports have it that his brother and businessman Aziz Khan have formed a company for setting up the container port. This remains a rumour, albeit a very strong one.

 

Balancing act

As Bangladesh goes ahead with this balancing act, India seems to be quite smug in its confidence of getting an upper hand. Regional experts, though, insist that US and China must be taken into cognizance. Despite all said and done, China is getting a significant amount of business in Bangladesh at present, pocketing several major construction projects.

These are critical times. Hasina may be an accomplished player when it comes to regional and international relations, but does she have adequate back up in her cabinet? Can the political set-up of her government, void of wily old veterans, stand up to the challenge?

Security remains another sector of concern. This is not just the security of Bangladesh alone, as a sovereign nation. There are security concerns for the Prime Minister as well as for other high profile political leaders.

The shifting paradigm of Bangladesh's foreign policy is a critical issue. The nation can either make it or break it. All depends on the adroitness of the leadership.

http://www.probenewsmagazine.com/index.php?index=2&contentId=5510




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[ALOCHONA] AABEA presents Technical Seminars & Job Fair on October 10, 2009 at AABEA's 25th Anniversary celebration [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from Mahfuzur Rahman included below]


American Association of Bangladeshi Engineers & Architects (AABEA) 
Presents
 
 ~ TECHNICAL SEMINARS ~
&
~ JOB FAIR ~ 
 
in
 AABEA's 25th Anniversary Celebration
 
Saturday October 10, 2009 from 2:00 pm to 6:00 pm
 
University of Maryland at Shady Grove

9630 Gudelsky Drive, Rockville, MD 20850

 
(snacks, drinks, tea, etc. are available from the food stall with nominal price)
 

The attendance in Seminars is NOT limited to engineers and architects only.  Everyone is requested and highly encouraged to attend.

On-spot recruitment job fair will be held for the engineer & scientist positions.

 

Seminar Schedule:
2:00 pm to 3:00 pm:  Seminar on IT (Information Technology); 
                                      presented by Dr. Mahbub Haque
3:00 pm to 4:00 pm:  Seminar on LEED;
                                presented by Anwar Iqbal Kochi
4:00 pm to 5:00 pm:  Seminar on Energy Sector;
              presented by Dr. Saifur Rahman & Dr. Ahmed Badruzzaman
5:00 pm to 6:00 pm:  Seminar on Tipaimookh Dam;
                           presented by Enam Haque & Dr. Sufian Khandokar
 
 
Seminar Chairperson & Moderator: 
Nasreen ChowdhuryPresident-Elect,  AABEA - Washington DC Chapter
 
Seminar Coordinator:
Hares Sayeed,  President,  AABEA - Central Executive Committee
 
______________________________ _______________________________________________
 
Directions: From I-495 take I-270 North towards Frederick.  Take Exit 8 to Shady Grove Rd.,  At exit ramp keep left and turn left at signal on Shady Grove Road – West towards Hospital.  Pass the Hospital.  Next signal is Rte 28 (Darnestown Road).  Pass Rte 28, then turn immediate first right at Gudelsky Drive.  After entering to Gudelsky Drive, turn left and continue, you will see the Auditorium Building at your right.  Parking is on your left.
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
 
Also, REGISTER NOW for evening program!  Tickets are selling very fast! 
www.aabeadc.org/Events

 

Evening Highlights:
7:00 pm to 8:00 pm:  Courtesy DINNER for ticket holders only
{Serving of dinner shall close at 8:00 pm.  Sorry, no exceptions!}
8:00 pm to 9:00 pm:  Welcome, Recognition, & Award Ceremony
                (please show your wrist band before entering in auditorium)
9:00 pm to 11:30 pm:  Entertainment program featuring local
                                       performers and Bangladeshi celebrities
                 (please show your wrist band before entering in auditorium)
 
Please see the attached colorful flier with the wonderful photographs of the Bangladeshi celebrities.  Please bring your family, relatives, & friends on October 10, 2009 (Saturday) and stay with us from 2:00 pm to 11:30 pm to enjoy AABEA's 25th anniversary celebration with lots of fun & entertainment.  Thank you very much for your outstanding help & support and remember, we can achieve great things, if only you are with us.
 

Best Regards,

 

AABEA CEC and AABEA DC Executive Board

 

For further information please contact us at "contact@aabeadc.org".

or any of the executive board members:

 
Faisal Quader, President, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 301-990-7363; 301-526-7888 (cell)
Nasreen Chowdhury, President-Elect, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 703-493-9219; 703-944-4604 (cell)
Ajhar Nakib, Secretary, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 703-760-9616; 703-953-4788 (cell)
Mahfuzur Rahman, Treasurer, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 410-796-0577; 301-646-3475 (cell); 703-875-4054 (work) 
Shah "Raja" Ahmed, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 301-873-1440 (cell)
Zia Karim, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 352-383-1582; 410-807-6160 (cell)
Imran Feroz, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 443-756-9858
Nancy Hoque, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 202-558-6756
Misu Tasnim, Executive Member, AABEA Washington DC Chapter: 240-462-4000 (cell)
Hares Sayeed, President, AABEA Central Committee: 202-841-6269
Ahmed Ali, Executive Member of AABEA Central Committee and Liaison to Washington DC Chapter: 301-404-5567
 
American Association of Bangladeshi Engineers & Architects (AABEA)


Attachment(s) from Mahfuzur Rahman

1 of 1 Photo(s)


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