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Thursday, February 18, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Madam Prime Minister, where are you taking us?



Madam Prime Minister, where are you taking us?

Zahid Zamir

After a long wait the army-backed caretaker government held election on 29 December 2008. The Awami League and its allies (17-party Grand Alliance) won 259 (two weeks ago parliament declared vola-3 seat vacant and now awaiting reelection) seats in the 300-seat parliament. Of 259 seats, Awami League alone secured 230 seats. The unprecedented margin of this victory surprised many political observers, including Awami League (AL) leadership itself. As the Current Finance Minister and AL's presidium member Abul Mal Abdul Muhit quoted to have told BBC: "We were certainly expecting victory, but perhaps not as big as this. This is clearly a major Challenge for us; we have to deliver."

Surely, winning is one thing but delivery is different. Having won a landslide victory, the Awami League led grand alliance now faces high expectations from voters. A year has passed since this new administration came to power. We know that during the campaign, the Awami League and its allies made a series of populist appeals, pledging to reduce poverty and unemployment, lower prices for commodities specially those are essentials and uplift the lots of the rural poor and above all establishing the rule of law. Recognizing the high proportion of young voters, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina promised to build a "digital Bangladesh" and to improve training, education and job opportunities.

All these promises came in the name of "A Charter for Change".

Can the prime Minister claim that she has brought changes? What people want from any government is the Security of their life and property above everything else. That was the leading reason that people voted AL led grand alliance and brought them to the power with such a majority. People won't accept a regime that fails to provide the security they want, no matter how rosy and fancy promises government makes. How funny and ridiculous it sound When Bangladesh get praised for her active role in the UN peace keeping mission, securing the law and order in other countries under the auspices of UN but fails to provide security to its own people in her own land. What is more ridiculous is when we hear from our home minister that? Since the inception of your Government, Law and order situation in Bangladesh has been deteriorating.

Recent statistics shows that on average thirteen people are getting murdered daily all over the country and of course many more go unnoticed. So we can take no comfort about the law and order situation of Bangladesh. The remarks made by home minister as the daily star editorial on February 11 writes " not only belies the reality on the ground ,they also send wrong signal to the public and business community in particular, who take their decision on investment or its further expansion depending on the trend in law and order. The home minister's recent claim that law and order situation is better than before seems not be borne out by the latest facts and figures on the ground." According to the data published by Odhikar, the year of 2009 saw the death of 251 persons and injury of 15,559 persons through political violence.

In the past 13 months since the Awami League-led government assumed office, the Chhatra League has consistently hogged the headlines, needless to say, for the wrong reasons. Its leaders and activists have run amok in different universities and colleges across the country. In the first couple of months or so, they went after their political opponents in a bid to establish territorial control over the campuses. Later, once their dominance over their political rivals was complete, they turned against each other. The violence perpetrated by BCL elements is, again, needless to say, mostly related to tussle for control over rent-seeking, tender manipulation, 'admission business', etc. Madmam Prime Minister we have seen you, on many occasions in the past warned of disciplinary and legal actions if any BCL leaders and activists were found to be involved in violence or violation of law and order. But unfortunately such warnings, like most campaign promises, have hardly translated into decisive and demonstrative actions.

Worse s till, the government, of late, seems to have softened even its public posture against violence and vandalism on campus by unruly BCL elements. In the wake of the recent intra-BCL clash at Dhaka University, the home minister sought to play it down as a 'stray incident'. The sustained inaction of the government and the ruling party, and the apparent change in their public posture tend to indicate that government is either unable or unwilling to rein in the unruly elements in the Chhatra League. Since the AL-led grand alliance won the December 29, 2008 parliamentary election with a historic landslide victory, it has been reported on many occasions in different dailies in Bangladesh how BCL activists got themselves busy with having violent intra and inter organizational clashes; killing, beating, maiming and chasing out of dorms campuses its rival leaders and activists over establishing hegemony on educational institutions. The recent remark by the Secretary General of Awami League and the LGRD minister Syed Ashraful Islam that shibir men have infiltrated into BCL is to cover up the crimes committed by the BCL. Once does not have to be a rocket scientist to understand that by revealing this fact government is trying to divert public wrath caused by BCL through their continuous unruly activities throughout Bangladesh.

Every time there is a violence, killings, skirmishes in a college/university campus, we see reports and news in every electronic and print media. Very often we also see a high powered inquiry committee is formed to bring the perpetrator(s) in justice. After sometime every one stops talking about that and the report submitted by the committee gets evaporated. Yellow journalism is not new in Bangladesh. Many reporters of both the electronic and print media write or make report in their own way to cover up the real story in the Goebbels's style. Goebbles was Hitler's Minister of Propaganda and one of the most important and influential people in Nazi Germany once said "If you tell a lie, tell a big one."

Any conscientious person who has been observing the recent political development and law and order situation in Bangladesh will acknowledge this fact that how some media through their concocted and fabricated reports divert the attention and pave the way for the real perpetrator to escape. People of Bangladesh wants all the killers and their god fathers specially those who are involved in the violent death of Abu Bakr, Faruque, Shahin, Mohiuddin and others to be brought to justice. Violence will never stop if government punishes those who are involved in the violent death of anyone who belongs to BCL. Death of every student is a great loss for the entire nation. Parents do not send their children to College or University just to be killed or injured by the opponent forces be it inter party clash or intra party clash. Education institution is to be treated as a sacred place where students come to build up themselves so that they can help the nation move forward.

To stop violence, commotion and infighting once and for all, this is the time for the government to ferret it out the root cause of that and it has to be done in way that does not raise any question in the mind of the people. We have to treat each and every murder victim equally; all steps must be taken in this regard. Just because one student from government backed student wing died and student who have different viewpoints and believe in different philosophies must be put to jail indiscriminately, this mentality will lead the country into chaos and anarchy. If we look at only the University of Dhaka, then the statistics tells that since independence 74 students have been murdered and the real culprits were never brought to justice.

Every time there is a clash between government backed student organizations with its arch rival, it is always the opposition that gets harassed and tortured as a result.

The present combing operations in the name of uprooting or obliterating one opposition party and its student wings will destroy the democratic process in a country. We have seen in Bangladesh those who use state machineries to stop opposition movement or to oppress opposition political parties in the past has not been successful at all. Now is the time for a complete paradigm shift in our political landscape. Now is the time for the political parties to analyze and assess the costs and benefits of having student wings. If costs outweigh benefits then it is the time to ban political parties having student wings. Although According to Bangladesh Election Commission, political parties must not have any student wings, it has not been materializes as yet. If the Political parties in Bangladesh do not show any regard or interest in disbanding student wings, then the violence will never stop on college/university campuses.

Major political parties in Bangladesh use their student wings as weapon to fight and meet their demands. Violence takes place not only because of student politics but mainly because of teacher's politics. Political parties not only patronize student politics but teacher politics as well. Teachers at out public universities do not have time and resources for research because they are busy with teachers' politics all the time. One does not have to be a rocket scientist to understand the reason why the quality of education in our public universities and colleges is on the ebb and. It is so upsetting that those who should set a model for their students to follow in every aspect in life, bring that political vendetta in the faculty lounge also. Unless we stop teacher politics on campuses and appointing administrators in all the public universities based on political affiliation rather than merit, there is no way we can contain student violence on college/university campuses.

Political bickering and vendetta is nothing new in Bangladesh. But it has reached a new height in the recent time. No government in the past took any initiative to stop this political madness and introduce and instill a culture of civic discourse among all political parties. Whether the criminals belong to BCL, Chattra Dal, Shibbir or any other parties, they must be brought to justice. Justice should fall on the high and the low, the noble and the poor, the ruler and the ruled. To materialize the dream of Digital Bangladesh, we need knowledge workers and educational institution is the place where Knowledge worker can be produced. Unless government provides conducive environment for our students in all the educational institutions that are free from violence, commotion, and infighting to prepare themselves to face all the challenges of the world, Digital Bangladesh will remain a dream in true sense. Let me end this with a quote from the 42nd president of the United States of America William Jefferson Clinton (popularly known as Bill Clinton) who once said " There is nothing wrong with America that can not be cured by what is right with America" by echoing his words… I would like to say " There is nothing wrong with Bangladesh that can not be cured by what is right with Bangladesh".

----------------------------
•Zahid Zamir teaches in the School of Business and Information Systems at York College of the City University of New York. He can be reached at E Mail : zzamir@york.cuny.edu

http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=305945


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[ALOCHONA] Violent campus in Bangladesh



Violent campus in Bangladesh

by Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury

Since Awami League led 'Grand Alliance' government came in power in January 2009, most of the campuses in the country turned terribly violent, mostly by the ruling party student wing.

But, the latest episode of such anarchism took place at Rajshahi University [situated at southern part of Bangladesh], where student wings of the ruling party and Jamaat-e-Islami entered into severe clash, where police mostly remained silent. During this incident, a ruling party student activist named Faruk Husain was brutally murdered on February 8, 2010.

According to reports, the clash between the student's wings started when ruling party activists tried to grab most of the residential seats in the dormitories at Rajshahi University. Earlier, when Awami League formed government in 2009, Bangladesh Chhatra League [name of the ruling party's student front] activists went into massive rampage and terror in almost all the educational institutions with the goal of grabbing majority of the dormitories as well driving out opposition student activists from the campus.

Such violence by the ruling party student activists continued for months despite repeated warnings by the Prime Minister, who chairs the student wing of her party.

At Rajshahi University, since 1982, twenty-four students belonging to various political groups were killed in campus violence. Out of this figure, 16 students were from Jamaat-e-Islami's student wing named Chhatra Shibir [Student's Camp], 5 were from Bangladesh Chhatra League and rest were from Bangladesh Nationalist Party's student wing named Chhatra Dal and other small left wing student fronts.

Commenting on the latest violence at Rajshahi University, minister of local government and general secretary of the ruling party, Syed Ashraful Islam told reporters that, a large number of Chhatra Shibir [student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami] activists have already infiltrated in ruling party's student front and several important posts in ruling party's student front are held by these elements.

He said, these infiltrated Chhatra Shibir activists are behind campus violence in the country under the banner of the ruling party's student wing.

When reporters asked, why the government or ruling party did not take any action, when they were sure of such infiltration of Jamaat-e-Islami student activists inside the ruling party's Chhatra League, the general secretary of Bangladesh Awami League said, they came to know this matter just recently and proper action would be taken soon.

Syed Ashraf said terrorism and hooliganism in the name of student politics shall not be tolerated. When he was reminded that, similar warnings were uttered by him, his cabinet colleagues, party seniors as well the Prime Minister during past one year and their student wing activists did not pay nominal heed to it, the general secretary of the ruling party in an embarrassed voice said, "we shall do our best to bring this matter under control."

When the ruling party's general secretary was speaking to reporters regarding violence at Rajshahi University on Monday [February 8, 2010], members of his own party's student wing were engaged in serious violence at Dhaka College where more than 20 students were injured.

The clash took place between four factions of the ruling party's student wing inside Dhaka College. Members of law enforcing agencies did not take any initiative in bringing the situation under control, as the clash was within the ruling party men.

It is alleged that, most of the student leaders and activists of any ruling party in Dhaka College campus, always gets into various forms of crime, including massive extortion. Students compel the business establishments and traders in the locality of paying extortion on a regular basis. Every month, a few million Takas is collected from extortion by students of Dhaka College.

Student politics unfortunately has gone into grips of hooligans, thugs and professional criminals. In Bangladesh, the top-rated culprit in student politics can only attain a better position in any party's student wing. Some of the leaders of the political partyies consider such elements as a kind of 'might' in facing political opponents. There are even allegations that, leaders of large political parties in the country regularly use such 'mighty forces' within their student wings in various forms of political violence, especially during anti government movements.

In the history of Bangladesh, records of campus violence mostly by the ruling party activists crossed all previous records. The government has completely failed to address this issue. It became very clear, when the general secretary of the ruling party and local government minister Syed Ashraful Islam while endorsing such limitless violence, finally came up with the theory that such misdoings were by infiltrated Islamist students inside the student wing of the ruling party. If the minister's statement is taken as authentic and prolific, then we can surely assume that, Islamists are already at the control of the ruling party's student wing. In this case, should we rise eyebrows to question Syed Ashraful Islam to let us know, how many Islamists have also infiltrated inside Awami League? Are you gradually going inside the tight grips of Islamists?

http://www.weeklyblitz.net/504/violent-campus-in-bangladesh

 


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[ALOCHONA] Dhaka- Silchar direct rail link



Muhith assures Assam traders of Dhaka- Silchar direct rail link

Bangladesh Finance Minister AM Abdul Muhit has assured the businessmen from Assam of restoring the Karimganj-Mahisashan-Sahajpur railway line soon for improving border trade between Assam and Bangladesh.
   
The assurance was given when a group of representatives from the Karimganj Exporters-Importers Union met the Bangladesh finance minister at Sylhet recently, Assam's major English-language daily the Assam Tribune reported.
   
The chairman of Karimganj Development Authority and general secretary of the Karimganj Exporters-Importers Union urged the Bangladesh minister to consider a direct railway service between Silchar and Dhaka. Improved communication would increase the export-import opportunities between the northeastern states of India and Bangladesh.
   
The Bangladesh government has decided to restore train links with Tripura first and then expand the service to Karimganj, the finance minister disclosed. He also informed that the Bangladesh government is all set to start dredging of the Kushiara river which flows through Karimganj and then enters Bangladesh.
   
To boost international trade with Bangladesh, a trade centre at Sutarkandi along Karimganj-Bangladesh border has started functioning. The minister has been requested to set up an international trade centre on the Bangladesh side of the Karimganj border so that new avenues of export and import could be created.
He assured the delegation that his government would consider the requests.
 


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[ALOCHONA] Blame game, unresolved mystery of BDR massacre



Blame game, unresolved mystery of BDR massacre

 
Sadeq Khan
 
An article in the tabloid weekly Blitz dated February 16 reminded us in its online edition: "On 25th February 2010, Bangladesh will observe the first year of the massacre inside the headquarters of Bangladesh Rifles [border security personnel]. More than 56 army officers were brutally murdered, many of the family members of those officers humiliated and raped. Awami League-led grand alliance government has decided to observe this day as 'Pilkhana Killing Day'. But there is no sign of progress in the investigation into this heinous crime.
   
...... The government assigned senior police officer Abdul Kahhar Akhand as the chief investigation officer to investigate the massacre. Being appointed, Mr. Akhand told reporters on numerous occasions that his entire process of investigation would be completed in 'three months'. But, there is no sign of submitting the investigation report, nor there is any hope of early trying the killers and their masterminds of this notorious crime.
   
Initially after the incident, several senior members of the ruling party as well the government continued making series of statements accusing various parties to be involved behind February 25 Pilkhana massacre. Commerce minister Lt. Col. Faruk Khan championed all by making self-contradictory statements on this issue, flinging accusations severally at 'foreign forces', at 'Taliban', and at 'Anti liberation forces'.
 
.... Brigadier-General Mahmud Hossain, Director of Military Intelligence told reporters that, Bangladesh Army was ready to storm the headquarters of the BDR soon after the mutiny erupted, but obeyed Premier Sheikh Hasina's advice at the last minute to resolve the issue politically. Terming it 'possibly the worst massacre of Army officers in Bangladesh's history', Brig Hossain said that anger among the armed forces was very natural. "Exemplary punishment of the culprits will cool our resentment. Our demand is that the investigation into the killings should be quickened and maximum punishment should be given to persons responsible," Brig. Hossain said.
   
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has repeatedly said that no killing shall go unaddressed in Bangladesh. Surely she was pointing to the tragic murder of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Jail killing and attempt on her life. No one will disagree. But, what makes one feel sad is that, the government is perceived to be tactfully trying to put a shroud on the February Massacre case and causing the process to be delayed. Justice delayed is justice denied."
   
On the same day, in a full-page advertisement in the low-cost daily 'Amader Shomoy', the youth wing of the ruling party Awami League squarely accused "militant Jamat-Shibir and their principal patron BNP" of complicity in the massacre of army officers "in the name of Peelkhana BDR revolt on February 25, 2009." The advertisement laid out the pictures in a row, presumably on the dock, of late Field Marshal Ayub Khan and late General Yahya Khan, both former Presidents of Pakistan, (the latter's crackdown on and massacre of unarmed Bangladeshi people led to the liberation war) with the pictures of retired Jamaat-e-Islami chief Golam Azam, present Jamaat Amir Maulana Matiur Rahman Nizami, Jamaat leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, Jamaat Secretary General Ali Ahsan Md. Mujahid, late President Ziaur Rahman, Leader of the Opposition Begum Khaleda Zia, and of her son, BNP senior Vice President Tariq Rahman. The advertisement by its contents in effect declared a war of attrition against the above-named "killers and their politics."
   
The grand alliance in the Treasury Benches and the four-party alliance in the Opposition are now engaged in furiously confronting each other in the House, often in un-parliamentary and vengeful exchanges of vilification. Outside, the government is speedily carrying out a cabinet decision to remove the name of "illegitimate President" Ziaur Rahman from all institutions and installations of the state, in pursuit of the High Court observation declaring the fifth Amendment and late president Zia's assumption of power void and illegal. To begin with, Zia International Airport has been renamed Shah Jalal (R) Airport. All books and publications (other than the Constitution which records Zia's broadcast on 27th March in Kalurghat radio about the liberation war having started and Bangladesh declared independent as a factual document) carrying the name of Ziaur Rahman as the proclaimer of independence have been proscribed by another High Court verdict.
   
Simultaneously, a combing operation of police hunt is going on implicating Jamat-Shibir leaders and activists in the murder of two students in Rajshahi and Chittagong and for suspected acts of "destabilisation after the hanging of the killers of Bangabandhu (i.e. freedom fighters of 1971 and convicted coup-leaders of 1975 who ended the BAKSAL regime)." Jamat-Shibir men brought out a protest demonstration on the streets to be beaten back by the police in no time. BNP has also launched an action programme of public protests in the form of countrywide campaigning and roadside rallies. All these things, portents of deep trouble are happening in quick succession. One wonders, in this month of tragic memories and tense feelings, the festivities of the language movement and its achievements may not be marred again by some sinister turn of events by accident or by design.
 



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[ALOCHONA] Hasina’s Zia Phobia



Hasina's Zia Phobia

By A Obaid Chowdhury

In a cabinet meeting on February 15, 2010, the 'mohajote' government led by Awami League decided that anything bearing the name of the late president Ziaur Rahman would be eliminated, be that Zia International Airport or the name Ziaur Rahman in school textbooks. The decision was said to be in compliance with the Supreme Court verdict to void the 5the amendment of the constitution. Earlier, Zia's announcement of independence in March 1971 was nullified by another court order. Yet earlier, Zia's murals and pictures had been destroyed or erased from public places. The people in general did not seem to approve these vindictive partisan behaviors. It was a manifestation of immaturity and politics of hatred, they remarked. One may not be surprised if the Zia Mazaar is destroyed, renamed or reassigned to someone else!

There is an old saying that British Parliament can do anything except making a man a woman and vice versa. Looks like the current mohajote parliament can do even that. If it declares Prime Minister Hasina is a man, the decision will be ram-rolled irrespective of public acceptance. It seems to the parliament, to the government as well as to the judiciary of today, logic or relevance does not matter! If it says Zia did not exist, so be it. If there was no Zia, there should be no Zia Mazaar either. Hasina had already made insinuating remarks to the effect that Zia Mazaar was a fake one; it did not contain Zia's body. Who dares challenge one who has almost 90% ownership of the parliament and who virtually thinks 'I am the law'! However, 70 million voters---majority of whom rejected Awami League in the last elections--will keep counting for their time to come again, nonetheless.

The Zia phobia in Sheikh Hasina and her cohorts can perhaps be explained by a few factors, within and outside.

Zia outdid Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by declaring the independence of Bangladesh on March 27, 1971. Mujib himself never disputed that historic reality, although his grudge against Zia was displayed by appointing Zia's junior K M Safiullah as the army chief. Mujib followers, however, could never digest the fact that an unknown 'Major Zia' stole the show by making that announcement which they thought ought to have come from their supreme leader. Let us revisit our recent past history.

Nobody denies Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's contribution to the independence of Bangladesh. He ascended the position of an undisputed leader in East Pakistan in the late 1960s through his 6-Point program that was primarily crafted for the autonomy of East Pakistan. Never did he say a word about an independent East Pakistan or Bangladesh. Even his famous March 7, 1971 speech fell short of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). That the March 7 speech could not be considered an UDI was borne by the fact that Sheikh Mujib went on to negotiate with the Pakistani military junta from March 15 to 24, 1971 in Dhaka favoring an unified Pakistan. In fact, it was Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani who first hinted of an independent East Pakistan as early as in 1957 and spoke it finally in December 1970.

On March 1, 1971, President Yahya Khan postponed the inaugural session of the new parliament, to be held in Dhaka in two days. The student leaders and a section of Awami League had since been pressurizing Mujib to make the UDI. Mujib refused to do any such thing, not even on March 7, despite generation of much public hype on that day. He finished his 17- minute speech with Joy Bangla and Joy Pakistan, because he still believed in an united Pakistan and wanted to form the next government in Islamabad.

It was, however, strange that being a seasoned politician, Mujib failed to visualize the game plan of the junta that was amassing military power in East Pakistan, ostensibly in preparation for a showdown. A representative from Lt Col M R Chowdhury, Major Ziaur Rahman and others in Chittagong conveyed to him on March 17 about the ominous military built up there and sought immediate advice, further hinting that Bengali elements were ready to strike before they were attacked. As always, Mujib never took military advice seriously and reportedly balked at the representative not to take any preemptive action at a time when he was engaged in 'fruitful' talks with the West Pakistani leaders. A visionary, strategic and timely direction at that crucial time could have saved lives of hundreds of thousand innocent Bengalis.

On March 25, President Yahya quietly left Dhaka, leaving instructions to 'butcher' Lt General Tikka Khan to start Operation Searchlight the same night aimed at 'teaching the Bengalis a lesson' or in other words, annihilating them. Yet on the same day, Mujib retorted at the inquisitive journalists that he was making progress in 'talks' and he had a meeting scheduled with Yahya soon (Please see Ittefaq, Observer, Dawn and many other newspapers of March 26, 27, 1971). Meanwhile, the rumor of Operation Searchlight spread outside the Dhaka cantonment and people started fleeing the city or preparing for resistance. Top political and student leaders were on the run knowing that they would be the immediate targets of the military. Many of them requested Sheikh Mujib to move to a safe location but Mujib did not care. According to a source, a few student leaders led by A S M Abdur Rob went to Mujib around 10 pm with a written declaration of independence. Sheikh Mujib was coerced to sign it. Rob can explain if it was a fact and what happened to that declaration, if any.

There were reports that Mujib talked with the US ambassador Joseph Farland in Islamabad that night. Shortly after midnight on March 25, Sheikh Mujib was taken into custody from his residence and flown to West Pakistan. His family was allowed to stay at his residence under Pakistan military protection and with a fat allowance. Young Sheikh Hasina seemed to have been enjoying the life pretty well then; she conceived Joy during that period.

It is thus not clear when and how did Sheikh Mujibur Rahman make the declaration of independence, other than what we heard of the Rob-version.

Even in the absence of any political direction, the patriotic Bengali elements of the army, Bangladesh Rifles, Police and Ansars gave gallant fights against the Pakistani murderers. Students, teachers, bureaucrats and others also organized their own fights. In such a chaotic and disjointed activities of resistance to the Pak army's wholesale genocide, came an announcement from Chittagong Radio Station on March 27, 1971 declaring Bangladesh an independent country and asking the people to fight the occupation forces. It was Major Ziaur Rahman of 8 East Bengal Regiment. I understand the first announcement was made in his own name, later it was changed in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. That was the first such announcement people heard and the message spread from mouth to mouth like wild fire, locally and internationally. Even if there was a declaration from Sheikh Mujib, nobody knew of it. Was it an offence on the part of Zia to make that announcement at that critical juncture to give a direction to the people, and more particularly to the fighting forces of Bangladesh? Perhaps, it was 'an unpardonable offence' in the eyes of the Awami League and its sycophants, thus Zia should be punished for his 'audacity'. Ironically, the Supreme Court had to come to the rescue of the Awami League on this controversial issue!

It was President Ziaur Rahman who allowed Sheikh Hasina to return to Bangladesh in 1980 from her self-exile. Well tutored by her mentors during asylum in India, the first thing she worked on was to get rid of Zia, because Zia always reminded her of her father's failures and he was too assertive to the liking of India (Please see "Amar Phansi Chai" by Matiur Rahman Rentu, onetime Hasina's aide). Indeed the fall of Zia came soon; he was killed on May 30, 1981. According to reports, Hasina was caught near Kasba while trying to flee to India at that time. In death, Zia became much larger than life; people understood what the man he was and what a leader Bangladeshis lost!

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the most loved person in Bangladesh on January 10, 1972 when he came to independent Bangladesh after release from Pakistani custody. By the time he died on August 15, 1975, few shed tears, no Innalillah heard. To contrast, hardly anybody knew Major Ziaur Rahman before March 27, 1971, but some 3 million people gathered at his Janaza in 1981 in Dhaka.

Zia was no angel, he might have flaws and perhaps made mistakes, but his mistakes of 6 years, if any, fade before the blunders Mujib committed in 3 and half years' from 1972 to 1975.

Thus, Zia fear in the Awami circle is understandable. However, can it erase Zia from history? In addition, what pains me to note in my limited legal comprehension that the citadel of our judiciary seems to have become part of this partisan political game.

A Obaid Chowdhury
New York, USA
February 16, 2010
E Mail:alaldulal@aol.com
http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=305937


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[ALOCHONA] A tale of neglect



A tale of neglect

Musfequr Rahman talks with the families of the five people who lost their lives on the fateful day of February 21, 1952, and uncovers the indifference they have received from concerned authorities over the past six decades

The five language martyrs, who sacrificed their lives for Bengali language, posthumously received the Ekushey Padak of 2000 on February 20, 2001. The state-level recognition was given to them half a century after their great sacrifice and nearly thirty years after the nation's independence.

   Despite their immortal contribution to Bengali language and culture, it is rather surprising that the family members of the five language martyrs: Rafiq, Barkat, Jabbar, Shafiur and Salam are never invited by the Bangla Academy during the inauguration of the Ekushey Boi mela every year. They are also never provided much privilege in terms of placing bouquets at the Central Shaheed Minar premises on the dawn of February 21, each year.

   While most Bangladeshis are unaware of the negligence of these families, from where hailed the noblest sons of the soil, it is rather shocking that only two of these families received plots for housing. They are mostly thankful that the allowances are flowing steadily every month since 2006.

   In order to remember these martyrs, the past interim government completed the construction of the three memorial-cum-library under the names of Rafiq, Salam and Jabbar respectively. The memorial on Barkat is currently undergoing construction at the Palashi crossing, while nothing has been done yet to remember Shaheed Shafiur.

   While visiting each of these families, the daily hardships that these families have faced over the past sixty years come to the fore. The trend is unbefitting for these families who gave the nation such brave souls; through whose sacrifices we are now living each day of our lives while speaking Bangla freely in an independent country.

   


The portrait of language martyr
Rafiq Uddin is held by Korshed
Alam, youngest brother
of Rafiq at Rafiq Memorial.
photo by Musfequr Rahman
Rafiq Uddin Ahmed

   Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, a student of Jagannath College, took part in the procession of students on February 21, 1952 at the University of Dhaka who broke the Section 144 of the code of criminal procedure, imposed by the Pakistani government, which prohibits assembly of five or more persons as well as holding of public meetings.

   When the police opened fire at students inside what was then the Dhaka Medical College premises, Rafiq was shot in the head and died immediately. Rafiq is probably the first martyr of the language movement and was later buried at the Azimpur Graveyard, by the Pakistani authorities. His grave, though, was lost and could not be identified later.

   Rafiq was born at Paril village, in Singair upazila of Manikganj district, and was the eldest son of Abdul Latif and Rafiza Khatun. Rafiq passed his matriculation from the Baira School in 1949. Later, he completed his Intermediate from the Devendra College.

   'Rafiq was slim, tall and very athletic,' remembered Kutubuddin Khan (80), a retired agriculture officer of Boldarhat, Manikganj.

   'He loved to read and also initiated a library in the village during his student life. The library is still operational under his name,' he informed Xtra.

   Rafiq's parents passed away in 1962 and 1989 respectively. 'Both of them retreated from life ever since the loss of their very first child,' said Khorshed Alam, Rafiq's youngest brother. 'After losing Rafiq, our father transferred the ownership of our family-owned printing press, based in Dhaka, to his younger brothers and returned to Manikganj,' remembered Khorshed. The press still operates in the Fakirapool area of Dhaka, now renamed Rafiq-er Bornomala.

   During the last three months of her life, when President Ershad was in power, Rafiq's mother received takas five thousand every month. However, the allowance was stopped soon after Rafiza passed away on January 17, 1989.

   The house, where Rafiq was born, is still fenced and has mud floors. 'Proshika, the non-government organisation (NGO), had built an L-shaped building with tin roof two years back, where a memorial for Rafiq is now open,' said Gulenur Begum, wife of late Abdul Khaleq, younger brother of Rafiq.

   'The name of a bridge at the Savar-Singrail area was last year named after Rafiq. I heard that a navy gun-boat was also named after him,' added Abdur Rouf, Rafiq's nephew.

   'Both my parents did not have the good fortune to witness the national recognition their son had received,' lamented Khorshed.

   On February 4 this year, a meeting was called at the Rafiq Memorial at Singair to discuss an upcoming week-long fair from February 18 till 24, to be arranged by Rafiq's relatives and the local elites. The locals have been arranging this fair for the last seven years at Rafiq Nagar of Singair Upazila.

   'While organising this fair, we hardly received any financial assistance from the government,' said Rouf. 'However, the interest of adjoining localities and areas toward the fair has increased immensely over the years,' he added.

   Despite all the neglect, all of Rafiq's family members are nevertheless proud of his magnificent contribution to the nation. They do have some recommendations though.

   'It would be great if at least a residential hall of the Dhaka University or Jagannath College could be named after Rafiq,' suggested Rouf. 'The same can probably be done by renaming any road from TSC to Dhaka Medical College at DU,' he added.

   Rouf shared with Xtra a shocking story. 'Two years back, during the first hour of February 21 we were near the Central Shaheed Minar to place bouquets,' he described.

   However, the Special Security Force (SSF) barred us from entering the cordoned area at around 8:00pm. 'We finally received our chance around 4:00am, all this while waiting in that particular area,' he said.



The two nephews of Shaheed
Abul Barkat, Alauddin Barkat and
Ainuddin Barkat
photo by Prito Reza
Abul Barkat

   Barkat was studying MA in the department of political sciences of DU. He had secured the fourth position at the Honours final examinations from the same department.

   On February 21, 1952, he gave his life for his mother language at the age of 26 and still single. Barkat was the eldest son of Shamsuzzhoha, alias Bhulu Mia and Hasina Bibi. Both of them spent the rest of their lives shedding tears for Barkat.

   'Our grandfather passed away in 1963 and our grandmother died in 1982,' remembered Alauddin Barkat, Barkat's nephew. Hasina Bibi was laid to rest at Chandona village in Gazipur.

   Fortunately, Barkat's family received a plot during President Ershad's tenure at Gazipur.

   The memorial-cum-library dedicated to Shaheed Barkat is still undergoing construction at Palashi.

   'We do not have much to demand from Bangladesh but just that the nation always remembers him for his contribution and they raise awareness amongst the coming generations as well,' said Ainuddin Barkat, another nephew of Barkat.

   'At least a residential hall of Dhaka University should be named after Shaheed Barkat,' he urged.

   Ainuddin shared a story how he had approached the Dhaka City corporation (DCC) authorities five years back to name a road after Barkat. 'But the proposal is still hanging,' he informed Xtra.

   Finally, he reasoned that the families of the five martyrs are in different locations of Bangladesh and therefore, it is tough for the nation to know about the martyrs through them. 'If the present government takes an initiative to home the five martyr families at a particular building in Dhaka, then this problem certainly will be solved,' he suggested.



The Ekushey Padak 2001
posthumously conferred on Shaheed
Abdus Salam is held by his
youngest brother Abdul Karim
at Rafiq Nagor, Feni
photo by Musfequr Rahman
Abdus Salam

   The wounded Abdus Salam succumbed to his injuries on April 7, 1952 after suffering for around 45 days at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH). Abdus Salam worked as a peon at the department of industries of the government of Bangladesh.

   His father, Fajil Mia, and mother, Dauluter Nessa, passed away before witnessing their son's national honour in independent Bangladesh. From the four brothers and two sisters, only Abdul Karim, the youngest of Salam's siblings, is currently alive.

   Abdul Karim retired as a senior warrant officer from the Bangladesh Army in 1999. He is currently living at Salam Nagar of Dagonbhuiya upazila in Feni.

   'While my father was still alive, I visited the office of the deputy commissioner on the eve of every Ekushey February with my brother's blood-stained shirt,' he recalled.

   'He returned only with anywhere between Tk 200 to Tk 500 as a grant,' added Hasina Begum, Salam's niece. 'My uncle and aunt never received any commendable allowance from the authorities,' she added.

   Through the late Abdul Sobhan's initiatives, Hasina's father, a signboard was informally erected on the road calling the village Salam Nagar. The village was earlier named Lakkhonpur.

   Even for the processing of this initiative, Abdus Sobhan travelled to the DC office at his own expenditure. During one such trip, around four years back, he was severely injured through a road accident.

   'The accident left him paralysed and after suffering for two years, he finally passed away,' shared his daughter while wiping her tears. She is currently working as an agriculture labour.

   A memorial-cum-library was set up dedicated to Shaheed Salam in the area. However, it is poorly maintained with just one caretaker working, named Jamaluddin.

   'I have to do all the work as no one else is there,' said Jamaluddin to Xtra. Some low quality books were sent to the library on January 30.

   A 990-metre-long road, starting from the Dhaka-Chittagong highway, near Bekerbazar, leading up to Salam's house, was built two years back. But due to poor maintenance and engineering, the road is currently too deteriorated to even be plied upon by rickshaws.

   'The naming of Salam Nagar is yet to be approved through a government gazette,' informed the locals.



The portrait of language martyr
Abdul Jabbar is held-up by his
son Nurul Islam Badal
photo by Al-Emrun Garjon
Abdul Jabbar

   The valiant language martyr Abdul Jabbar left behind a son, who was just 15-months-old at the time, his wife, Amina Khatun, aging father and mother, who used to live in Gaffargaon of Mymensingh, at the time.

   After independence, a few alleged AL activists went to the then president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and managed a plot at Tejkunipara in Farmgate, for an old woman who claimed to be Jabbar's mother. The whole thing turned out to be a scam later and some unscrupulous individuals actually received the plot at Jabbar's family's expense.

   And that was not the end of misery for Jabbar's only son, Badal. 'After my father passed away, my mother Amina was married off to my uncle, Abdul Kadir,' recalled Nurul Islam Badal, who is currently a retired army officer.

   'After completing my intermediate in 1973, I joined the Bangladesh Army through the freedom fighter quota,' he shared. Badal heard about the plot that was allotted in his father's name.

   'I had to move around from one government office to the other, when I had a few days leave, to retrieve the plot,' he remembered. 'While I began my initiatives from 1978, I finally received registration for the land in 1992,' he informed.

   'Through the cash I have received as pension, I have constructed a building with tin-roof there, in 2000,' he said.




Aquila Khatoon, widow of language martyr
Shafiur Rahman looks at the photo of Shafiur
holding his da ughter Shanaz
photo by Prito Reza
Shafiur Rahman

   The memory is still clear in the mind of Aquila Khatoon, who was only 19 when her husband, Shafiur Rahman, was martyred on February 22, 1952.

   'It was about 10:30 am on February 21, 1952 when he rushed out for office after which he was supposed to attend the Jumma prayers,' she recalled. 'After an hour, a crowd gathered before our house inquiring whether it is the house of Shafiur Rahman,' she went on.

   'They informed us that he had been wounded and took us to the hospital to visit him. One of his brothers was there and Shafiur had already handed over his diamond ring, wallet and wristwatch to him,' she shared.

   He succumbed to his injuries at around 8:00pm the next day. 'Before his last breath, he called out for our daughter Shanaz,' Aquila went down memory lane.

   Within minutes, six years of married life went into shambles. The responsibility of Asfia Khatoon Shanaz, their daughter and Shafiqur Rahman, their son who was born three months later after Shafiur's death, fell on Aquila.

   Aquila completed the task that fell on her, after the unexpected martyrdom of Shafiur. Both Shafiur's family and Aquila's parents were well-off and so it was not very difficult for her to raise the two children.

   'After the airing of a particular episode of the hit television show "Ain O Adalat" that documented the situation of the language martyrs' families, the then President Ershad became interested about the families of the language martyrs,' said Shafiqur Rahman, son of Shaheed Shafiur, who then was an automobiles' engineer for Rangs.

   'He invited us all to the Bangabhahan and later initiated an allowance for my mother,' added Shafiqur, who now run his own business.

   Aquila is currently busy with Samreen Adiba Rahman, her granddaughter. She lives with her son, Shafiqur, in a flat in Uttara.

   The family does not have any demand from the government and are proud of Shafiur's contributions to the nation. 'Although we have not received any plots in the past 55 to 56 years, we are very embarrassed to ask the concerned authorities about it after so long,' added Shafiqur.

   'We are just seeking the recognition and proper evaluation of Shafiur's sacrifice from the government,' said Aquila.

   'Most people think that the martyrs' families are poor and looking to receive aid from the government. However, such is not always the case and instead, we want proper recognition of their contribution,' said the family members.

   'There is no library here in Uttara and for a long time, we have been trying to set a library in Shafiur's name, in association with the other families of Sector 13 welfare committee,' said the Shaheed family members. 'But the LGRD officials are yet to cooperate with us,' informed Shafiqur.

   Although the BAR Council Auditorium is named after Shafiur Rahman, Shafiqur grieved that he was not mentioned as a language martyr. 'They just dedicated the auditorium in the name of "Shaheed Shafiur Rahman",' he concluded.

Who they were…


Aquila Khatoon, widow of language martyr
Shafiur Rahman looks at the photo of Shafiur
holding his da ughter Shanaz
photo by Prito Reza

On February 21, 1952, when the budget session of East Bengal Provincial Assembly had commenced, the students of Dhaka University, Dhaka Medical College and Engineering College alongside others, who had been holding processions from earlier in the day demanding Bangla be made one of the state languages of Pakistan, decided to take their agitation towards the Jagannath Hall, which was then the Assembly Building. When a large procession came out of Amtala towards the passage between the Dhaka Medical College and the Arts faculty, the police, on instruction of Zilla Magistrate Koreyshi started to open fire on an unarmed crowd. Rafiq received a bullet injury to his head and died immediately. The police and parliamentary forces resorted to wide-spread tear gas shelling and clubbing and students ran for shelter towards the students' barracks of the Dhaka Medical College. The gun fires chased the students, and Salam, Barkat and Jabbar received bullet wounds. They succumbed to their injuries later as did Shafiur who was shot the following day.

   Rafiq Uddin Ahmed

   Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, a student of Jagannath College, took part in the procession of students on February 21, 1952 at the University of Dhaka who broke the Section 144 of the code of criminal procedure, imposed by the Pakistani government, which prohibits assembly of five or more persons as well as holding of public meetings.

   When the police opened fire at students inside what was then the Dhaka Medical College premises, Rafiq was shot in the head and died immediately. Rafiq is probably the first martyr of the language movement and was later buried at the Azimpur Graveyard, by the Pakistani authorities. His grave, though, was lost and could not be identified later.

   Rafiq was born at Paril village, in Singair upazila of Manikganj district, and was the eldest son of Abdul Latif and Rafiza Khatun. Rafiq passed his matriculation from the Baira School in 1949. Later, he completed his Intermediate from the Devendra College.

   Abdus Salam

   Government employee Abdus Salam is another martyr of the language movement who was killed in the police firing near the Dhaka Medical College on February 21, 1952. The students broke the Section 144 and brought out processions demanding that Bangla be made one of the state languages of Pakistan. He was taken to the DMCH and was treated for over a month. But he failed to recover and breathed his last on April 7, 1952. Salam was born in Lokkhonpur village, Daganbhuiyan Upazila of Feni District. He served as a peon in the department of industries. His residence was at a living quarter of the Nilkhet Barrack in Dhaka 36-B.

   Shafiur Rahman

   On February 22, 1952 while going to his workplace, Shafiur entered the Nawabpur Street, which was full of protesters protesting police shootings the previous day, at a language movement rally. Shafiur was struck in the back by a police bullet, and died after being taken to the Dhaka Medical College. He was buried by the authorities in the middle of the night at the Azimpur Graveyard beside the grave of Abul Barkat, who was also killed by police the previous day.

   Shafiur Rahman was born in Konnagar, in Hoogli, West Bengal. Shafiur took his I Com from the Government Commercial College of Kolkata. After the partition of India he came to East Bengal with members of his family, taking a job in the accounts section of the Dhaka High Court.

   Shafiur left behind a daughter Asfia Khatoon Shanaz and a son Shafiqur Rahman.

   Abul Barkat

   Abul Barkat was a politically active student. On February 21, 1952 he went to Amtala to join the meeting. When police opened fire, Barkat was seriously injured and later died at the Dhaka Medical College at about 8:00pm that day. Later, he was buried at the Azimpur Graveyard.

   Abul Barkat was born in Babla village of Bharatpur Thana in Murshidabad, Bengal (now in India) and migrated to Bangladesh (the then East Pakistan) in 1948. Barkat was the son of Shamsuzzhoha. He passed his matriculation from Talibpur High School in 1945 and passed his Intermediate from the Bahrampur Krishnanath College in 1947. He came to East Bengal after the partition of India in 1948, and resided at his uncle's house. In the same year he got admitted to Dhaka University to study political science. He received his honours in 1951 where he stood fourth in the second class. He was a Masters' student of the University of Dhaka.

   Abdul Jabbar

   A night before the historical incident on February 21, Abdul Jabbar came to Dhaka to get his mother-in-law, a cancer patient, admitted to the Dhaka Medical College. On February 21, when the police opened fire at the rally, Jabbar was severely injured by a stray bullet and as the incident took place near the Dhaka Medical College, he was also admitted there. He fought with death for a day and died the following night.

   Jabbar was born in 1919 at the village of Panchua under the Gaffargaon upazila of Mymensingh district. He was the son of Hasan Ali and Safatun Nesa. Although he received his primary education at Dhopaghat Krishibazar Primary School, he failed to continue his education owing to poverty.

   He went to Narayanganj and met an Englishman who helped him get a job in Myanmar. He returned home after twelve years of service in Burma. On his return from Myanmar, Jabbar organised a village defence group with boys from the neighborhood and led the group as its commander.
 



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[ALOCHONA] FW: Fwd. Morality and atheism By Irfan Husain [A must read]




 


 
A few select excerpts:
 
"A man's ethical behaviour should be based on sympathy, education and social ties and needs; no religious basis is necessary.
 
Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."
-Albert Einstein
 
[Here is an addendum about: Rabia Al Basri (717-801), from her writings and poems:
 
I carry a torch in one hand
And a bucket of water in the other:
With these things I am going to set fire to Heaven
And put out the flames of Hell
So that voyagers to God can rip the veils
And see the real goal.
 
If I worship You for fear of Hell, burn me in Hell,
and if I worship You in hope of Paradise, exclude me from Paradise.

...she held to a higher ideal, worshipping God neither from fear of Hell nor from hope of Paradise, for she saw such self-interest as unworthy of God's servants; emotions like fear and hope were like veils -- i.e. hindrances to the vision of God Himself.
 
-Kalim ]

<<...Morality, as we have seen, is not the monopoly of any faith: an atheist can be more ethical than a religious person... what matters is that humans behave with consideration and decency, and avoid imposing their beliefs on others...

 

...the firm belief in religion and an afterlife in our part of the world do not necessarily translate into better societies...

 

... the poor obtain solace for their wretched condition with the promise of compensation in the afterlife. And the rich in our part of the world try and assuage their guilt by giving alms generously, thereby hoping to buy a place in heaven...

 

...In religiously inclined societies like Pakistan, we are fond of criticising Western materialism, while holding up our supposed spirituality as being superior.

 

Even... Muslims who have chosen to migrate to the West make the same assertion. However, I have not noticed any of these people denying themselves the conveniences and the advantages of these same 'materialistic' societies.

And frankly, I do not see too much evidence of our vaunted 'spirituality' in our behaviour or attitudes...>>

 
 

Morality and atheism

 

Irfan Husain

Consider this demographic projection for the UK, and ponder its implications for a moment: within five years, the majority of babies will be born to unmarried parents.

 

However, before you put this down to yet another example of Western immorality, just remember that all these babies will have the same legal rights as those born to married couples.

This trend is part of the wider decline of marriage as an institution. According to a recent study, the figures for people getting married in Britain is at its lowest ever since these statistics began to be compiled nearly 150 years ago.

 

In 2008, only 21.8 per thousand adult men of marriageable age actually took the vow. At 19.6, the figure for women was even lower. And the average age for men getting married for the first time was 32, and for women it was nearly 30.

These figures reveal not so much disillusionment with the institution of marriage, as much as they do a widespread rejection of religion.

 

Church marriages are still favoured by the middle classes, but more for the pomp and glamour of the wedding dress worn by the bride, and the finery sported by the guests. Indeed, attendance for church services has fallen steadily, and most Brits only go to church for weddings and funerals.

A glance at the European table reveals that the belief in a god is generally quite low in all the major countries.

 

Sweden, with only 23 per cent of the population believing in a deity, is the least observant, with the UK at 38 per cent. Germany and France are similarly atheistic or agnostic. Interestingly, Catholic countries seem to be more staunchly Christian, with Poles, Spaniards and Italians being among the most fervent of believers.

Indeed, a lack of belief in a supreme being has long been the hallmark of Western intellectual thought since the Enlightenment of the 18th century.

 

Hence, lawmakers have tried to separate religion form politics, few more so than the Founding Fathers of the United States. Both Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin were fiercely agnostic in their views.

 

Scientists, too, have tended to question the belief system they were born into, as revealed by this quotation from Albert Einstein: "Science has been charged with undermining morality, but the charge is unjust. A man's ethical behaviour should be based on sympathy, education and social ties and needs; no religious basis is necessary. Man would indeed be in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward after death."

Many have condemned modern Western civilization for its 'godless' ways, pointing to widespread cohabitation between men and women, men and men, and women and women. Alcoholism, nudity and drug-abuse are also frequently cited.

 

All these lifestyle choices are mentioned in arguments over the superiority of Eastern religions and societies. Yet the firm belief in religion and an afterlife in our part of the world do not necessarily translate into better societies.

 

In the Transparency International table for global perceptions of corruption for 2009, there is not a single Muslim country in the twenty most honest states. However, seven Muslim countries figure among the ten most corrupt states.

 

Interestingly, Sweden, the most godless state in Europe, comes in at joint third with Singapore as the least corrupt country in the world.

There is an argument that corruption is a function of poverty, and once societies have acquired a measure of economic well-being, they tend to become more honest and accountable. While there is some truth to this assertion, how to explain the fact that Saudi Arabia, one of the richest countries in the world, is listed as 63rd by TI?

 

And Kuwait comes in at 68. Clearly, then, there is little direct linkage between religion and morality.

Nevertheless, billions around the world continue to believe deeply in the faith they have grown up in. They derive comfort from following the belief system of their forefathers, and most of them have never felt the need to question it.

 

Indeed, the poor obtain solace for their wretched condition with the promise of compensation in the afterlife. And the rich in our part of the world try and assuage their guilt by giving alms generously, thereby hoping to buy a place in heaven. If only they would pay their taxes with the same zeal, we might be able to make a better world in this life.

In religiously inclined societies like Pakistan, we are fond of criticising Western materialism, while holding up our supposed spirituality as being superior.

 

Even the millions of Muslims who have chosen to migrate to the West make the same assertion. However, I have not noticed any of these people denying themselves the conveniences and the advantages of these same 'materialistic' societies. And frankly, I do not see too much evidence of our vaunted 'spirituality' in our behaviour or attitudes.

These differences have been sharpened after 9/11, with more and more people in the West now seeing Islam and Muslims as being behind the rise in extremist violence in much of the world. Muslims, for their part, see themselves as victims of a rising Islamophobia.

Interestingly, the trend towards atheism and agnosticism is far less marked in the United States than in Europe. Well below five per cent of Americans assert they do not believe in any god.

 

Indeed, some Evangelical Christians in America think they have more in common with Muslims than the 'godless Europeans'.

One reason it is so difficult for many Muslims to become assimilated into the societies they have chosen to live in is the huge cultural differences they encounter.

 

Generally coming from deeply conservative backgrounds, they are shocked with the free and easy lifestyle they encounter.

 

Rather than encouraging their children to integrate, they seek to insulate them from Western values, thus causing a state of mild schizophrenia in second- generation immigrants.

 

Some of these young people become quickly radicalised, and seek clarity in the black-and-white world of religious extremism.

Unfortunately, too many of them lack the education to realise that ultimately, no set of beliefs or values is inherently inferior or superior to another.

 

Morality, as we have seen, is not the monopoly of any faith: an atheist can be more ethical than a religious person. At the end of the day, what matters is that humans behave with consideration and decency, and avoid imposing their beliefs on others.

 

----------------------------



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