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Tuesday, March 1, 2011

[ALOCHONA] She said, I am not unhappy when he took over power illegally



Govt lets Ershad off the hook
 
It now considers radar graft case against him politically motivated, decides to withdraw 75 more case
 
 
A government committee yesterday decided to withdraw 76 more "politically motivated" cases including the much-talked-about radar purchase graft case filed against Jatiya Party Chairman HM Ershad.
 
The High Court cleared the way for trial of the radar purchase case on August 8, 2006 after proceedings of the case had been stayed for a long time.Different quarters expressed concern over the decision saying the case should be settled in the court as the HC cleared the way for trial.
 
The decision was taken at the 26th meeting of the government committee on withdrawal of cases filed for "harassing" political leaders during the BNP-Jamaat and immediate past caretaker government rule.
 
The now-defunct Bureau of Anti-Corruption filed the case against Ershad and four others with Cantonment police on May 4, 1992.Trial of the case filed 18 years ago against former president Ershad and three others resurfaced on November 2 last year with deposition of the complainant.Abdus Sattar Sarkar, an official of the Bureau, pressed charges against Ershad and four others on October 27, 1994, showing 38 people as prosecution witnesses.
 
According to the prosecution, Ershad in collusion with others had allegedly caused a loss of Tk 64.04 crore to the state exchequer by purchasing radars from the US instead of France for the air force while he was in power.
 
The court framed charges against Ershad and three others on August 12, 1995.But the government had withdrawn charge against another accused Shahazad Ali, a director of United Traders Ltd.
 
Ershad was accused in 21 cases including several graft cases after he was ousted from power in 1990.He has so far been acquitted and discharged from 18 cases as the prosecution failed to prove the charges brought against him.
Three cases including the radar purchase graft case are under trial.
 
Contacted, Transparency International Bangladesh Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman told The Daily Star as the HC had cleared the way for trial of the radar purchase case, it should be settled in the court."Why should the government settle graft cases off the court? Can't the court detect which case was filed with political motivation?" Iftekharuzzaman asked.The government is dropping graft cases considering these politically motivated, he said, adding, such practice is encouraging impunity culture.
 
Briefing newspersons after the meeting at the home ministry, State Minister for Law Qamrul Islam, who heads the government committee, said "A total of 863 cases were placed before them yesterday. The committee has suggested withdrawal of 76 cases."
 
He added they rejected 29 cases after scrutiny of the case references, as they found those cases were not filed to harass anyone.He said 759 more cases, suggested by the district level committees, will be placed before the next meeting of the committee.Asked why the "sensational" radar graft case was suggested to be dropped, the state minister said the committee took the decision after analysing the case references meticulously.
 
The committee in the last meeting in January decided not to entertain any graft cases filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission, but the decision was changed later, meeting sources said.Qamrul said they would consider eight to ten more graft cases apart from the radar case.
 
Asked, the minister said they have so far recommended withdrawal of 6,853 out of over 10,000 cases and there might be a scope of making mistakes in the process thanks to the huge number.He said if they notice any such mistakes, they would reconsider the concerned case references. Citing an example, he mentioned the name of top-listed criminal Sahadat, whose case was recommended for withdrawal but later the decision was cancelled.
 
He said the BNP-led four-party alliance dropped 74,000 cases on grounds that those were filed with political motivation.
 


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[ALOCHONA] Terrorist links in Bangladesh



Terrorist links in Bangladesh
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] RE: [Diagnose] Share market manipulation and our concious



Some extent greed follows aspiration, but you are right 'greed' syndrome in todays BD engulfed the whole society beyond the natural instinct. In my understanding it is mainly due to the lawlessness and absence of regulatory control.
 
Share market created a false hope that attracted the millions but where is the regulatory body, can you deny their function? When the shares value due to artificial demand created by some unscrupulous traders or investors made it run to unusual high what did they do, didn't they have any regulations to control excessive manipulating like everywhere else?
 
How Bangladesh Bank allowed commercial banks to use depositors money, even commercial banks were borrowing from call money market to invest in shares. These are all illegal and this is the way (few among many reasons) the whole market were manipulated by the few not only by their greed factor but criminal intention to lynch the small investors.
Small investors were only attracted seeing the profit but only to be lynched infront of the whole government and regulatory machinery.
 
Mr. Hoque, you may blame the poor investors for their greed factors but I wonder how you omit or could not figure out the criminal machination of the regulators in connivance with very powerful and influential share manipulators. I wouldn't call you a AL supporter but please think had the regulatory body, legal and banking system were let work according to the law of the country I am confident that this disastar wouldn't have befall on the millions. You blame the poors who trusting government put all their assets, it is your humanity. 
Nothing personal.
 
Regards.

--- On Tue, 1/3/11, Akhtarul Hoque (ZADCO SUFEMS) <Akhtar@zadco.ae> wrote:

From: Akhtarul Hoque (ZADCO SUFEMS) <Akhtar@zadco.ae>
Subject: RE: [Diagnose] Share market manipulation and our concious
To:
Cc: "Mohd. Haque" <haquetm83@yahoo.com>
Date: Tuesday, 1 March, 2011, 3:36 AM

I am not a finance man, however I understand the basic of money making. Money alone cannot making money. Without hard labor ( physical or intellectual) value cannot be generated. Most o the people in our country like to make money over night without exerting any labor, this is against the law of nature.

The greed is the root cause of our sufferings. Those who has been trying to make money just based on speculation, let them suffer and realize how hard it is to make money.

I will just ask the investors in the share market to try one day to earn some money by pulling rickshaw in the street of Dhaka, I am sure all of your sensible friends will understand that the share market is place to cheat each other.

Share market in BD is a market of gamblers and all these gamblers should be punished either by govt or by the god.

Elites are always antipeople and work for the capitalists.

Sorry for some harsh words

Regards

 

From: Diagnose@yahoogroups.com [mailto:Diagnose@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of Mohd. Haque
Sent: 28 February 2011 05:05 PM
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com; diagnose@yahoogroups.com
Cc: bangla-vision@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [Diagnose] Share market manipulation and our concious

 

 

Today, when majority of the shares value lost its 35 to 60% value, what economic and investment fundamentals it folows or demonstrates? You and I will have different interpretation of it, that is natural but what is unnatural here is, if I am a current government supporter my interpretation will be something that will not follow any fundamentals and will blame the share traders - they should have understood the share market before they have sold their chicken and goat or pulling their last savings! If you ask Mr. Abul Barakt, Mashiur Rahman, Atiur Rahman, Ibrahim Khalid they will ecoh the same as if the Share market managers or policy makers have no responsibility!

 

Millions when lost their last assets Minister of Finance, DSE and Central Bank's executive macking mockery of the people and their own positions.

 

I called a friend last week, he started wipping and in a broken voice cried- bhalo nai, bhalo nai. Khub kharab din jachey .......

I had to cut short the conversation as I couldn't say much to consol him and become emotional.

Everyday Finance minister is macking mockery like the previous AL FM (may Allah bless his soul) at that time one of my just retired relative lost all his cash benefits.

 

During AL's time it repeats and AL keep pretend to cry for people, pro demcracy, pro shadhinota and all else, if you challenge their supporters will call you Rajakar, Paki or even anti liberation.

 

They let millions to go bankrupt and still proudly remain in power it is only possible because most of us sold our soul to the devil himself. Thus failing to show any sympathy to fellow countrymen. 

These politicians (AL+BNP) with all their machination putting us down and our poets, economists and writers making us believe how good they are for our country!

 

 




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[ALOCHONA] Old report:Horror and grief: a nation besieged



Horror and grief: a nation besieged

Text by Rahnuma Ahmed

Photos by DrikNews

One of the factors that is said to have contributed to the rebellion. The previous government (under emergency rule) had initiated a programme of providing subsidised food to tackle the unprecedented increase in food costs. The army is said to have whisked away huge amounts of money through the programme, while BDR staff complain of not even receiving legitimate payment for extra work. Dhaka, Bangladesh. December 03 2008. Muniruzzaman/DrikNews

One of the factors that is said to have contributed to the rebellion. The previous government (under emergency rule) had initiated a programme of providing subsidised food to tackle the unprecedented increase in food costs. The army is said to have whisked away huge amounts of money through the programme, while BDR staff complain of not even receiving legitimate payment for extra work. Dhaka, Bangladesh. December 03 2008. Muniruzzaman/DrikNews

The military cordoned off parts of Dhanmondi in an effort to quell the uprising. Soldiers in Satmasjid Road. Dhanmondi. 9:30 am. 25th February 2009. Dhaka. Bangladesh. Shafiqul Islam Kajol/DrikNews

The military cordoned off parts of Dhanmondi in an effort to quell the uprising. Soldiers in Satmasjid Road. Dhanmondi. 9:30 am. 25th February 2009. Dhaka. Bangladesh. Shafiqul Islam Kajol/DrikNews

BODIES of army officers had been found, they had been dumped in the sewage canals that lay underneath the BDR headquarters in Pilkhana. Two dead bodies had been the first ones to surface, far away, in Kamrangirchar.

Three civilians had died too, on the very first day. But as news of fifteen more dead bodies of army officers surfaced the next day, the civilian deaths seemed to pale away.

While the extent of the conflict was unclear bodies of slain police and civilians were found. Many lay unattended as sniper fire prevented medical help from reaching. 25th February. Dhanmondi. Dhaka. Bangladesh. Adnan/DrikNews

While the extent of the conflict was unclear bodies of slain police and civilians were found. Many lay unattended as sniper fire prevented medical help from reaching. Later bodies of soldiers were found, in water bodies near Dhanmondi as well as in mass graves. 25th February. Dhanmondi. Dhaka. Bangladesh. Adnan/DrikNews

And then a mass grave was discovered in the BDR grounds. Thirty-eight dead bodies were unearthed, including that of the director general Shakil Ahmed. A couple of other bodies were found, killed and dumped in ponds, drains, and sewage lines.

Many innocent civilians got caught up in the fight. Bus helper Muhammad Babu talks of his near escape. One of his compatriots died while two others were hit by bullets. 25th February 2009. Dhanmondi. Noor Alam/DrikNews

Many innocent civilians got caught up in the fight. Bus helper Muhammad Babu talks of his near escape. One of his compatriots died while two others were hit by bullets. 25th February 2009. Dhanmondi. Noor Alam/DrikNews

As the long hours passed, the whole nation seemed to be holding back its breath, aghast at the enormity of what had happened. At the carnage that had accompanied the rebellion. People gathered around to listen to the radio, watched breaking news spots on television, read aloud newspapers. News travelled through word of mouth. Collective sighs of relief were heaved when family members who had been held hostage were released. But the discovery of more mass graves, the news of family members also having been killed, of the many scores still missing, leave people speechless.

The conflict spread to other parts of Bangladesh. The BDR of Baitul Izzat BDR Training Centre, Satkania, rebelled on the 26th February. There was heavy gunfire inside the camp 9.30 am spreading panic in the area. After the shooting BDR took control of the training centre. BDR claimed that army started the gunfire. Trainee BDRs discarded their uniforms and ran away to nearby villages. Chittagong, Bangladesh. February 27 2009. Raj Aniket/DrikNews

The conflict spread to other parts of Bangladesh. The BDR of Baitul Izzat BDR Training Centre, Satkania, rebelled on the 26th February. There was heavy gunfire inside the camp 9.30 am spreading panic in the area. After the shooting BDR took control of the training centre. BDR claimed that army started the gunfire. Trainee BDRs discarded their uniforms and ran away to nearby villages. Chittagong, Bangladesh. February 27 2009. Raj Aniket/DrikNews

As the conflict spread, rebel BDR soldiers took position with heavy guns in Sylhet BDR camp. 26th February. Sylhet. Bangladesh. A H Arif/DrikNews

As the conflict spread, rebel BDR soldiers took position with heavy guns in Sylhet BDR camp. 26th February. Sylhet. Bangladesh. A H Arif/DrikNews

Horror, incredulity, and a sort of numbness have set in. Scores still remain missing, as the gagging stench of decomposing flesh hangs over Pilkhana grounds.

After the military was initially kept back, tanks were deployed. More than 10 tanks and one APC (armed personnel carrier) took position in front of Abahani sports ground, while soldiers took position inside the field. 26th February 2009. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

After the military was initially kept back, tanks were deployed. More than 10 tanks and one APC (armed personnel carrier) took position in front of Abahani sports ground, while soldiers took position inside the field. 26th February 2009. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

How could the jawans go on such a killing spree to right the wrongs done to them? What on earth could have possessed them? These are questions that are repeated endlessly by people in all parts of the country. Yes, they did have grievances (over not being given full rations, not being sent abroad on UN peacekeeping missions, over low pay, unpaid daily allowances promised for extra duties rendered, recruitment from the army to the higher, decision-making positions, etc, etc) but surely, their course of action was disproportionate by all accounts. Not to mention, suicidal (as I write, the idea of disbanding the BDR is being considered).

Is there more to it than meets the eye? In a crisis as grave as the one that faces the nation now, where does one seek answers to the truth? It is better to know some of the questions than all the answers. But what if some of the questions being raised are seen, especially by powerful sections, as blaming the victims of the tragedy? Do we have the resources, the intellectual capacity, the political will, and above all, the courage, to raise the right questions? Will these be tolerated, in moments of such deep grief, where passions rage high?

Were unseen forces at work? Wild conspiracy theories are doing the rounds. Do these not block off hard-headed attempts at understanding whether unseen forces were really at work? Surely we need to know the truth, in the interests of the nation-state, and in the interests of the survival of the many millions who live within its boundaries. It is a nation whose citizens are proud of their hard-earned and fought-for independence, and of their sovereignty, notwithstanding the deep fractures that cause long-standing divisions.

A girl just released from the BDR headquarters in Dhaka. Bangladesh. 26th February 2009. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

A girl just released from the BDR headquarters in Dhaka. Bangladesh. 26th February 2009. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

I see women and children seated on the pavement or standing outside the BDR gates, keeping long hours of vigil, for news of their loved ones. I see a few faces break down in tears as yet another body is identified. I see some women reach out to console, while others, who still have shreds of hope, lower their heads in shared grief. Hoping against hope that their husbands, or fathers, or brothers or sons will return. Alive.

Family members of the hostages were released in front of the BDR headquarters in Dhaka. Bangladesh. 26th February 2009. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

Family members of the hostages were released in front of the BDR headquarters in Dhaka. Bangladesh. 26th February 2009. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

Army tanks moved into the BDR headquarters in Pilkhana. After 33 hours the rebel BDR soldiers surrendered and went back to their barracks, and police and army took over the BDR headquarters. A woman waited outside the headquarters for news of missing relatives. 27th February 2009. Dhaka. Bangladesh. Shafiqul Islam Kajol/DrikNews

Army tanks moved into the BDR headquarters in Pilkhana. After 33 hours the rebel BDR soldiers surrendered and went back to their barracks, and police and army took over the BDR headquarters. A woman waited outside the headquarters for news of missing relatives. 27th February 2009. Dhaka. Bangladesh. Shafiqul Islam Kajol/DrikNews

I see a mother holding up a wedding photograph of her missing son and his newly-wed bride. I grieve for them, just as I grieve for much-respected inspector general of police Nur Mohammad's daughter, widowed, at two months. Scores remain missing, still.

I read of the Indian government's offer to send a peace mission to give security to the Calcutta-Dhaka-Calcutta Moitree Express that runs between the two cities on Saturdays and Sundays, to be manned by Indian paramilitary forces such as the Central Reserve Police Force, the Railway Protection Force, maybe, even the Border Security Force (The Telegraph, February 27).

I listen to balance in reporting being urged, particularly in the case of the electronic media, since the accusations of the BDR jawans had been highlighted on the first day of the rebellion in some of the private TV channels. It is being said, the other side's version, that of the army officers, had not been sought, that it had not been reported. But surely the lack of press briefings, either from the government or the Home Ministry, or from the ISPR, contributed to this situation? I listen to a discussant argue that command failure, intelligence failure and corruption should not be mentioned. I cannot help but wonder, how does one seek out the truth where such a besieged mentality operates, where collective grief, horror and condemnation can be offered and accepted but only on terms that are acceptable to the recipient? Where narratives of grief and pain and horror seem to be overlaid with other narratives, that of the right to rule.

A candlelight vigil to mourn the dead in a park opposite the BDR headquarters. People of all religions offered silent prayers for the victims. 1st March. Dhaka Bangladesh. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

A candlelight vigil to mourn the dead in a park opposite the BDR headquarters. People of all religions offered silent prayers for the victims. 1st March. Dhaka Bangladesh. Amdadul Huq/DrikNews

The dead cannot be brought back to life, nor can the brutal happenings be erased from the nation's history. We can only console the bereaved. We can only learn lessons from it, as a nation.

It is the nation – as a whole – that grieves for the army officers, and their family members. It is the nation that must stay united, since the crisis seems grave enough to threaten our existence. It is the nation that must come together to seek answers, and to discover the truth. A unity of interests must prevail, rather than that of any particular institution. Or else, I fear, we would be doing injustice to those who lost their lives at Pilkhana.

————————

Written 1 March 2009, published in New Age 6 March 2009
 


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[ALOCHONA] The Language Movement:An Outline



The Language Movement:An Outline

Rafiqul Islam

It has been suggested that the freedom struggle of Bangladesh originated from the Bengali language movement. In a way this is correct, as the basic inspiration for the freedom struggle of the Bengali-speaking people of Pakistan came mainly form linguistic nationalism.

Statistically speaking, the Bengalis were the majority community of Pakistan- about fifty-five per cent of the total population. The Urdu-speaking Pakistanis were mostly immigrants from India. They were mainly concentrated in the city of Karachi, the newly formed capital of Pakistan. The Urdu-speaking people of Pakistan were not more than three per cent of the total population, although Urdu was widely understood and used in West Pakistan. The West Pakistani languages such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Baluchi and Pashtu were written in Arabic script which Urdu and Persian languages both adopted. Bengali or Bangla as we call it, by contrast, had its own script different from that of Arabic or Devanagri script.

The language Controversy:

The language controversy of Pakistan started even before the creation of Pakistan. Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed, a former Vice Chancellor of the Aligarh University of India, had suggested that Urdu should be the state or official language of the future state of Pakistan. Dr. Md. Shahidullah, a noted Bengali linguist from the Dhaka University, opposed the suggestion and put forth arguments in favor of Bengali as the future state language of Pakistan. According to Dr. Shahidullah:

To surrender Bengali to Urdu or Hindi as the language of the court and the university will be a shameful surrender of Bengal.

Dr. Shahidullah's rejoinder was the beginning of the language controversy of Pakistan and the Bengali language movement. As soon as Pakistan came into being, a booklet came out in Dhaka, the capital city of the provinc6 of East Bengal, on 15 September 1947, entitled, Pakistaner Rashtra Bhasha Bangla na Urdu (Pakistan's state language Bengali of Urdu). In that publication it was proposed that


1. Bengali language shall be the following:

  • medium of instruction in East Pakistan
  • medium of court communication
  • medium of office communication
2. The language of the central government will be both Urdu
and Bengali. (Tamaddun Majlis 1947: 1-2).


In the above proposals one can see the manifestation of the sentiments of the Bengali-speaking people of Pakistan.

Unfortunately, the central government of Pakistan failed to appreciate the depth of feelings of the majority community of Pakistan and to allot the rightful place for the Bengali language in state affairs. As a consequence, the 'Rashtra Bhasa Sangram Parishad' (the State Language Action Committee) was formed by different students and cultural organizations of Dhaka in the month of October, 1947. The Committee strongly resented the exclusion of the Bengali language from the newly issued postal stamps, coins and office forms of the Government of Pakistan. On 5 December 1947 teachers and students of Dhaka University had their first street demonstration in favor of Bengali. On the following day, another protest meeting was held in Dhaka University against the government-sponsored Education Conference, held in Karachi, which recommended that Urdu should be the only state language of Pakistan.

The Language Movement (1948):

In the second session of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, held on 25 February 1948, Mr. Dhirendra Nath Dutta, a member from East Pakistan, moved an amendment on the rules of procedures of the Assembly. This amendment sought to give Bengali equal status along with Urdu and English as a state language of Pakistan. Speaking on the amendment, Mr. Dutta told the House

Bengali is a provincial language but so far as our state is concerned, it is the language of the majority of the people of the state. Out of sixty nine million people in Pakistan, forty-four million people speak the Bengali language.... The state language of the state should be the language, which is used by the majority of the people of the state and for that, I consider that Bengali language is a lingua franca of our state.... I am voicing the sentiments of the vast millions of our state, and therefore Bengali should not be treated as a provincial language of the state. (Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Proceedings 1948: 15-16).
Understandably enough, Mr. Dhirendra Nath Dutta's argument and amendment proposal were opposed by Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, on the following grounds

Pakistan has been created because of the demand of a hundred million Muslims in this sub-continent and the language of a hundred million Muslims is Undue.... Pakistan is a Muslim state and it must have as its lingua franca language of theMuslim nation. (Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Proceedings 1948: 17).
Prime Minster Liaqat Ali Khan's argument was emotional and fallacious in that the hundred million Muslims of undivided India were never a monolingual or Urdu-speaking community. Indian Muslims are historically multilingual and the Bengali -speaking Muslims have always outnumbered the Muslims of other language groups of united India.

As it happened, Mr. Dutta's arguments were rejected arbitrarily in the Constituent Assembly. The language policy of the Pakistan Government was resented by the people of East Pakistan. The student community of Dhaka reacted sharply and a protest strike was observed in Dhaka on 26 February 1948. An 'All Party State Language

Committee of Action' was formed. Under the auspices of this Committee a general strike was observed as a protest day throughout East Pakistan on 1 March ~ 1948. The party in power, the Muslim League, took recourse to force. As a result, hundreds of people were injured as the police used tear gas and lath-charged demonstrators, Nearly a thousand people were thrown into prison. In fact, the student community bore the main brunt of the police action. Defying all this the protests and demonstrations continued with unabated fury until Mr. Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Chief Minister of East Bengal, signed an eight-point agreement with the leaders of the Committee of Action on 15 March. Two most important clauses of the agreement were the following

In the April (1948) session of the East Bengal legislative Assembly a special resolution will be moved to propose to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan and to give Bengali the same status with Urdu in the competitive examinations of the Central Services of Pakistan.

In the month of April another resolution will be moved in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly to make Bengal the official language of the province of East Bengali in place of English. Further, Bengali will be the medium of instruction. (Omar 1970: 81),

Immediately after the signing of the agreement, Mr. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Governor General of Pakistan, came to visit Dhaka. While addressing a huge gathering on 21 March 1948, he pontifically declared:

Let me make it very clear to you that the state language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead you is really the enemy of Pakistan. Without one state language, no nation can remain tied up solidly together and function. Look at the history of other countries. Therefore, so far as the state language is concerned, Pakistan's shall be Urdu,(Jinnah 194&: 89).
Mr. Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan and father of that nation, reiterated the same while addressing the Dhaka University special convocation on 24 March 1948:

here can be only one state language. If the component parts of this state are to march forward in unison, that language in my opinion, can only be Urdu. (Jinnah 1948: 95).
Mr. Jinnah's categorical and emphatic support for Urdu was greeted with protests in Dhaka meetings. A deputation on behalf of the State Language Committee of Action waited upon Mr. Jinnah and submitted a memorandum demanding Bengali as one of' the state languages of' Pakistan, but to no avail.

Mr. Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Chief Minister of East Bengal, too, contrary to his earlier commitment to the eight-point plan he had signed with the Committee of Action, moved the following resolutions in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on April 1948

Bengali shall be adopted as the official language replacing English in the province of East Bengal and it will be implemented as soon as the practical difficulties are resolved and

The medium of instruction in educational institutions in East Bengal shall, as far as possible, be Bengali, or the mother tongue of the majority of scholars in the institutions. (East Bengal Legislative Assembly Proceedings 1948: 165).
The resolutions, adopted by the East Bengal Legislative Assembly, further aggravated the situation, as the watered down version fell much short of the normal expectations of the people of the eastern region. Dr. Md. Shahidullah sharply reacted to the resolution at the First Bengali Literary Conference of East Bengal held at Dhaka on 31 December 1948. His resentment of the manifestly communal approach of Karachi to this issue was expressed in the following statement:

If is true that there are Hindus and Muslims. But what transcends all differences is that they are in essence Bengali. This is a reality. Nature with her own hand has stamped the indelible mark of Bengali in such a manner on our appearance and language that it is no longer possible to conceal it. (Shahidullah, 1949).

In fact what Dr. Shahidullah metaphorically emphasized was the distinct ethnic and cultural identity of the Bengali -speaking people of Pakistan. But the rulers of Pakistan did not accept the reality that Pakistan was a multilingual and multi-national state.

Language Planning:1949-50:

On 27 December 1948 Mr. Fazlur Rahman, the Education Minister of Pakistan, suggested to the All Pakistan Conference that for the sake of Islamic ideology, the old and traditional scripts or writing systems should be changed in favor of Arabic or Urdu script which should be adopted by all. As a result, the Central Pakistan Education Advisory Board too, at its meeting of 7 February 1949, strongly recommended the Arabic script as the only script for all Pakistani languages. It should be noted that had, this recommendation been put into effect Bengali language and literature would have been adversely affected. Arabic was already the common script of the different languages of West Pakistan. The proposed change would affect only one language-Bengali. Such a move again prompted sharp reaction among the students of the Dhaka University. A protest memorandum to the Education Advisory Board was immediately sent in the following vein:

The attempt of introducing Arabic script for the Bengali language, which has a rich heritage and tradition, is an attack on our language literature and culture. This attempt has created a fear of new colonial design and of slavery in the minds of Bengalis. (Omar 1970: 263).
Despite the protest, the Pakistan government started twenty adult education centers in different parts of East Pakistan to teach primary Bengali through Arabic script. A huge sum of money was spent on such an experiment. Over and above, the government of East Bengal, in keeping with the spirit of the central government, set up a committee on 9 March 1949 to bring about reforms in the Bengali language. The East Bengal Language Committee submitted its report to the Government on 7 December 1950. The Committee had this to say in regard to the style and diction of modem Bengali writing

that the Sanskritisation of the language be avoided as far as possible by the use of simple phraseology and easy construction in vogue in the speech of East Bengal

that the expressions and sentiments of Muslim writers should strictly conform to the Islamic ideology. (East Bengal Language CommitteeReport 1949: 102-03).
What the report meant to say by "Sanskritisation of the language be avoided" was to exclude Sanskrit words from Bengali and replace them by Urdu, Arabic or Persian words to "conform to the Islamic ideology." But Bengali, like other Indo-Aryan languages including Urdu, had assimilated large numbers of Sanskrit or old Indo-Aryan words in course of its thousand years of evolution and it would be impossible now to undo this historical process.

The Language Committee also dealt with Bengali grammar and again showed its accession to Sanskrit influence

that all the Sanskritic principles having no direct and important role to play in the principles of Bengali grammar be omitted and only genuine Bengali principles existing in the language and envisaged in this report be found out and established as the principles of Bengali grammar;

that the unintelligible technical terms of Sanskrit grammar imported to Bengali grammar which made the confusion worse, be substituted by the simple nontechnical terms of the Bengali language. (East Bengal Language Committee Report 1949: 102-03).
The grammar of the Indo-Aryan language had been analyzed after Panini's classical Sanskrit grammar, and all these grammars made all of Panini's terms for grammatical descriptions. The Committee also suggested drastic modifications of the Bengali writing system and issued a model chart as a guide. The most important part of the Committee's recommendation was, however, the following:

that Urdu be studied as a second language in the secondary and higher stages of our education in order that we may make the linguistic, social, political and cultural bonds between the two wings of Pakistan closer and deeper. (East Bengal Language Committee Report 1949: 102-03)
The recommendations of the Committee were highly tendentious and at once politically motivated, in that they were meant to 'create' a new fangled Bengali different from that of West Bengal. Needless to add, the report was rejected by the linguistic scholars and Bengali intelligentsia.

The Language Movement: 1952

Pakistan, almost from the moment of its birth, was overtaken by a host of problems-political, economic and ideological. These problems and the attendant controversies turned the two wings of Pakistan into warring partners. As the year 1951 wore on, the problems multiplied further. Against this background as the New Year 1952 rang in, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Khwaja Nazimuddin, again declared at the Dhaka session of the ruling Muslim League Party on 26 January 1952 that "Urdu will be the state language of Pakistan."

This announcement triggered off the language controversy and a new phase of the Bengali language movement began. A new all7party (excepting the ruling Muslim League) State Language Committee of Action was formed, and the 21st February1952 was declared the State Language Day. The government promulgated prohibitory orders banning all sorts of meetings, processions, and demonstrations. Dhaka University students defied government bans, held protest meetings, and brought out massive demonstrations. This brought them into direct clash with the government. The police and paramilitary forces resorted to widespread tear gas shelling, clubbing and finally shooting. As a result, several students were killed, hundreds were injured and thousands were arrested. A reign of terror was let loose by the government but the language movement did not stop. The students killed were declared martyrs as they had laid down their lives for their beloved mother tongue.

On 23 February a martyr's column was raised near the Medical College where the first student fell to police firing. 'Ekushe February' or '21st February' became a red-letter day to the Bengalis. From 1952 onwards the Bengalis of East Pakistan drew their inspiration from the sacrifices of the 21st February in all their subsequent struggles. As a matter of fact, the 21st of February has shaped the destiny of the Bengalis of Pakistan and it is now considered that the language movement is the beginning of that much larger movement, culminating in the emergence of Bangladesh.

TheGeneral Election of 1954 and the language Issue:

That the magic figure of 21 became a symbol of struggle, national unity, and emancipation, became clear when the major opposition political parties of East Pakistan formed a united front on the basis of a 21 -point program to fight the ruling Muslim League Party in the first general election of East Pakistan held in March 1954, The United Front pledged that in the event it won the election and formed a government the following steps would be taken:

Bengali will be made one of the state languages of Pakistan.

Arrangements will be made to impart education through the mother tongue only.

The United Front will change the residence (Burdwan House) of the Chief Minister (as the then Chief Minister of the Province Mr. Nurul Amin was responsible for the 21st February killings) and that the residence would be converted into a center of research for Bengali language and literature.

In memory of those killed on the 21st February, a befitting martyrs column-will be raised at the spot of the killing and the families of the dead would receive compensation.

The 21st of February will be declared the 'Saheed' or Martyrs' day and will be made a government holiday (Musa 1974: 402-05). (The day is now observed as a national day of mourning).

The United Front fought the general election of 1954 on the basis of the 21-point program, registered an overwhelming victory and formed a government in East Pakistan.

The Pakistan Constitution of 1956 and Bengali:

As a result of the victory of the United Front in East Pakistan the voice of Bengal could now be heard in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in Bengali. What is more, the first Constitution of Pakistan of 1956 stipulates the following:

The state languages of Pakistan shall be Urdu and Bengali. Provided that for the period of twenty years from the Constitution Day, English shall continue to be used for all official purposes for which it was used in Pakistan immediately before the Constitution Day, and Parliament may by Act provide for the use of English after the expiration of the said period of twenty years, for such purposes as may be specified in that Act

On the expiration of ten years from the Constitution Day, the President shall appoint a committee to make recommendations for the replacement of English (Constitution of Pakistan 1956: 14).

The constitutional stipulation was interesting in that the implementation clause was kept in abeyance for twenty years. The Bengalis were not particularly happy about this. However, the United Front Government in East Pakistan took the necessary initiative to set up a 'Bengali Academy' at Burdwan House (the former Chief Minister's residence). The Bengali Academy was set up on 3 December 1955 with the Departments of Research (with Folklore as a section), Compilation, Translation, Publication and Sales, Culture, and Library.

The Military Rule in Pakistan:

The military coup of 1958 witnessed the abrogation of the 1956 Constitution-a blow to the constitutional guarantees that were allotted to the Bengali language. The new ruler, General Ayub Khan, proposed to introduce Roman script for all Pakistani languages and set up an Education Commission. The National Educational Commission of Pakistan submitted its report to the government in August 1959. The Commission suggested the setting up of two Boards - one for Urdu and the other for Bengali-immediately for the development of the national languages. The main concern of this Commission was, however, to bring Urdu and Bengali nearer and to create a 'common language'- an idea cherished by the Pakistani rulers of West Pakistan 1br a long time. Thus, the Commission maintained:

The supreme need should be recognized of bringing Urdu and Bengali nearer to each other by increasing the common elements in their vocabularies and by putting such common elements to extensive use. This task should be entrusted to a committee comprising members drawn from the two national Boards suggested by us for the development of Urdu and Bengali. (Pakistan National Educational Commission Report 1959, 1968:293)
But the Urdu or Bengali scholars were not enthusiastic about bringing Urdu and Bengali nearer in such an artificial manner. Thus, the dreams of a common Pakistani language like 'Bhasha Indonesia' were never realized.

General Ayub Khan promulgated a new constitution for Pakistan in 1963. In this constitution, the provisions for languages were as follows

The national languages of Pakistan are Bengali and Urdu, but this article shall not be construed as preventing the use of any other language and in particular, the English language may be used for official and other purposes until arrangements for its replacement am made.

In the year one thousand nine hundred and seventy-two, the President shall constitute a commission to report on the question of the replacement of the English language for official purposes. (Constitution of Pakistan 1965: 119).

If the relevant language clauses of 1956 and 1963 Constitutions are compared it can be seen that they are basically similar differing only in minor details. What is more is-that both the Constitutions had similar tactics of delaying the practical implementation of policies as formulated therein. However, a 'Central Board for the Development of Bengali' as suggested by the National Education Commission of 1959 was set up in 1963. The primary function of the Board was to .1 promote national values and develop Bengali to the level at which it can become the effective media of the instruction at the higher stage of education." The aims and objectives of the Central Board for the Development of Bengali were:

to develop Bengali language and literature;

to remove the existing difficulties in Bengali particularly in the field on Natural and Social Sciences as well as in technologies in order that it becomes the medium of instruction at the higher educational level; and

to co-ordinate the work of other organizations engaged in promoting literary and scientific effort in Bengali. (Central Board for Bengali 1967: 1).

The Bengali Development Board during its four-year existence had some useful work to its credit. The most important one was the evolution of a modem keyboard for a Bengali typewriter (Munir Optima) and the manufacture of the machine with foreign collaboration.

Language Planning in East Pakistan: 1963-69:

The Bengali Academy in Dhaka appointed a committee in April 1963 to reform Bengali grammar and the writing system. The recommendations made by this committee, if implemented, would have drastically changed the nature of the language that would not only have severed ties with the past traditions of the Bengali literature, but also with that of the Bengali literature of West Bengal. Responsibility for implementation of the Bengali Academy's recommendations was entrusted to the Dhaka University. Despite opposition from the Bengali experts and linguists, the Academic Council of the Dhaka University in its meeting of August 3, 1968 decided to implement it with minor modifications. In the meantime, Field Marshal Ayub Khan, the President of Pakistan, in a meeting at Dhaka on September 25, 1968, suggested the creation of a 'Common' or 'National' language from Bengali and Urdu for Pakistan. But all these moves of reform and creation of a Pakistani language ended in a fiasco, due to the anti-Ayub mass upsurge in 1969, which brought the downfall of the dictator.

Mass Upsurge of 1969 and the Bengali Language:

The vanguard of the anti-Ayub Mass Movement was the 'All Party Students Committee of Action' which, on the basis of an 11 -point program, successfully directed the mass upsurge and brought about Ayub's fall. One of the points of the program was "Education at all levels must be given through the mother tongue: Bengali language must be introduced in the law courts and government offices."

It was during the mass movement of 1969 that Bengali nationalism reached its highest point. In the first All-Pakistan General Election of December 1970, the Bengali nationalists contested the election. The Awami League, champion of the cause of Bengali nationalism, fought the election on the basis of a 'Six-Point Program' which envisaged full provincial autonomy for East Pakistan in administrative, economic and cultural affairs. The Awami League won all but two East Pakistan seats of the National Assembly. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League leader, became the majority party leader of the Pakistan National Assembly. The legal and logical thing would have been to invite the Awami League Party to form the Central Pakistan government and transfer power to civilian rule. But the military rulers of Pakistan totally disregarded the verdict of the people and instead of transferring power to the elected representatives of the people, handed the province over to the military for one of the most savage repressive actions of modem times.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared East Pakistan as the Independent state of Bangladesh and the. People fought back. A bloody war of

liberation continued until 16 December 1971 when the Pakistan Army conceded total defeat and surrendered, and The People's Republic of Bangladesh came into being.

The Constitution of Bangladesh and the Bengali Language:

In the 'Preamble' of The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh' adopted on the 4th of November 1972 it was declared that;

We, the people of Bangladesh, having proclaimed our Independence on the 26th day of March 1971, and through a historic struggle for national liberation, established the independent sovereign People's Republic of Bangladesh; pledging that the high ideals of nationalism, socialism, democracy and secularism, which inspired our heroic people to dedicate themselves to and our brave martyrs to sacrifice their lives in the national liberation struggle, shall be the fundamental principles of the Constitution. (Constitution of Bangladesh 1972: 1-4).
Among the fundamental principles of state policy laid down in the Bangladesh Constitution, nationalism has been defined as

The unity and solidarity of the Bengali nation, which deriving its identity from its language and culture, attained a sovereign and independent Bangladesh through a united and determined struggle in the war of independence, shall be the basis of Bengali nationalism. (Constitution of Bangladesh 1972: 1-4).
About the state language of Bangladesh the provision is precise and simple:

"The state language of the Republic is Bengali."

Since liberation, the stress has been on the introduction of Bangla Language at all levels of national life, in Bangladesh. Bangla is now widely used in all spheres of national life administration and education. However, the language planners of Bangladesh find themselves not adequately prepared for this situation. In the process of changeover, numerous problems are cropping up everywhere and these problems are being solved by the actual users and not by the planners. It has been discovered that in an office the officers and clerks are the best language planners, as in a classroom the teachers and the students are the best translators. No manual, no dictionary of standard technical terms, has yet been compiled to everybody's satisfaction though the process has been set in motion.

In Bangladesh the language problems are being solved through a variety of public and private initiatives rather than through an administrative framework. While planners have their ideas, it is the actual users and practitioners who are doing the real work.



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[ALOCHONA] Cameron backtracks on Libya no-fly zone plan



Cameron backtracks on Libya no-fly zone plan as US distances itself
 
David Cameron's suggestion of establishing no-fly zone over Libya and arming rebels rejected by US and France
 
cameron backtracks libya no-fly zone

Britain has backtracked from its belligerent military stance over Libya after the Obama administration publicly distanced itself from David Cameron's suggestion that Nato should establish a no-fly zone over the country and that rebel forces should be armed.

As senior British military sources expressed concern that Downing Street appeared to be overlooking the dangers of being sucked into a long and potentially dangerous operation, the prime minister said Britain would go no further than contacting the rebel forces at this stage.

The marked change of tone by the prime minister, who told MPs on Monday that Britain did not "in any way rule out the use of military assets", came as the British-educated son of Muammar Gaddafi mocked Cameron for trying to act as a hero. Saif al-Islam told Sky News: "Everybody wants to be a hero, to be important in history."

In Libya, Gaddafi appeared to settling into a deeper stalemate as attacks by his forces failed to dislodge the opposition from areas of several cities that they hold. A convoy of government aid, which Gaddafi's government said was bound for the eastern city of the rebel-held eastern city of Benghazi, set out from Tripoli . The 20 trucks were carrying food and medicine.

Aid agencies have expressed concerns over how long food will last inside Libya, as the UN high commissioner for refugees said 140,000 people have now fled the country. Tunisian border guards are struggling to cope with the swelling flood of foreign workers trying to get out.

The change in rhetoric from Britain came as the US made clear it would adopt a more cautious approach and European diplomats expressed surprise at Cameron's rhetoric. Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state, giving evidence to the House foreign affairs committee , suggested military intervention by the US and other countries might be counter-productive.

She said the administration was aware that the Libyan opposition was anxious to be seen "as doing this by themselves on behalf of the Libyan people – that there not be outside intervention by any external force. We respect that."

General James Mattis, the commander of US Central Command, told a Senate hearing: "It would be a military operation. It wouldn't be just telling people not to fly airplanes."

The French prime minister, François Fillon, pointedly remarked that no country could "carry out this operation alone". In a further sign of Cameron's isolation, the White House was dismissive of his suggestion that rebels could be armed. Tommy Vietor, a national security spokesman for Barack Obama, told Reuters: "We believe it's premature to make any decisions of that kind."

Britain made clear it was keeping alive the option of a no-fly zone. William Hague, the foreign secretary, said it could be implemented without the authorisation of the UN security council. "It depends on the situation on the ground," he told the BBC in a reference to the precedent of citing humanitarian need. British military commanders were pressing ahead with detailed contingency plans for a no-fly zone over Libya at Britain's Permanent Joint Headquarters (PJHQ) in Northwood, northwest London. But on the day 170 trainee RAF pilots were made redundant, one official reflected wide concern in British military circles about the risk of another dangerous operation at a time UK forces are stretched in Afghanistan, and against the background of a serious budget crisis to the forces.

In the event of an international agreement to impose a no-fly zone, the UK would deploy Typhoon jets to RAF Akrotiri, in one of the British base areas on Cyprus, officials said. An RAF Awacs aircraft is already deployed in Malta.

But Cameron did back away from the suggestion that rebel forces could be armed. "We should be making contact with and getting a greater understanding of the opposition forces which are now in Benghazi and in control of quite a lot of the country," he said in Downing Street. "We are trying to step up our contact with them so we can get to know them better and know what their intentions are. I don't think we should go beyond that for now."

The US is deploying four naval vessels close to Libya to be available to help with humanitarian aid and any military objectives. The initial focus is on aid and limited military objectives such as disrupting the communications of the Libyan leader.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2011/mar/01/cameron-backtracks-libya-zone-us



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RE: [ALOCHONA] Prayer practice of majority Bangladeshis



are you really getting any allownce from RAW, or you think...just saying this type of OVER_SMART words, you will have some social elevation?


1. what is the religion of majority of Bangladeshis?

2. In western countries, which religion has direct effects on official proceedings/ceremonies?

3. The poster in Q....is very appropriate in Bangladesh?

4. Which country is a secular country?

If you are influenced by Indian policies, go and live in India...for some time. 
Then you will re-discover that IT IS just a hindu country, with slogans of seculairism.


khoda hafez.


dr m o
australia









To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: akbar_50@hotmail.com
Date: Sun, 27 Feb 2011 00:47:48 +0000
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Prayer practice of majority Bangladeshis



'What is this MAJORITY - MINORITY game all about?  Who taught us to play this cruel game?'
Very well said.
This is an unnecessary issue raised by a very mean person. I don't know if there is any official way to pray in Bangladesh.

Akbar Hussain  


To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: maqsudo@hotmail.com
Date: Thu, 24 Feb 2011 00:53:48 +0000
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Prayer practice of majority Bangladeshis

 
majority-minority is the core factor of democracy/

Majority- is the focus of a " need assessment "....for million dollar projects/

Majority- is the simplest method to take decisions in parliament/

majority- is the biggest force to decide about local park, school, playground/


khoda hafez







To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: farida_majid@hotmail.com
Date: Mon, 21 Feb 2011 15:15:39 -0500
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Prayer practice of majority Bangladeshis



      What is this MAJORITY - MINORITY game all about?  Who taught us to play this cruel game?
 
 It is this evil thing called "religious identity" -- not Religion itself -- that is the founding stone of COMMUNALISM.

  The British colonial Administration started counting the people of this land by their religous identities.  Our society, politics or economy before the advent of the British did not function around religious identities of the populace.  God knows that there are many other ways of classifying people.  Language and culture are better and bigger identifiers, each religion being a contributor to our overall culture.
 
                  Ekushey amader porichoy. Let us celebrate Amor Ekushey!
 
                          Farida Majid 


 

To:
From: bd_mailer@yahoo.com
Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2011 18:50:15 -0800
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Prayer practice of majority Bangladeshis

 
Prayer practice of majority Bangladeshis
 
 
 









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