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Monday, November 23, 2009

[ALOCHONA] Traffic plunges into chaos



Traffic plunges into chaos
DCC, traffic police trade blames over failure of automated signals

Shawkat Ali Khan New Age 23/11/09 

The Dhaka City Corporation and the Dhaka Metropolitan Police traffic wing traded blames as the automated traffic signalling system, put to a dry run, failed to manage the chaotic traffic in the capital on the first day of the week-long trial on Sunday.
   Chaos on the roads began as soon as office hours started and it continued all day long, causing immense sufferings to the people. City roads from end to end were filled with vehicles, none of them moving.
   The traffic policemen shut down the automated signals at about 11:00am and controlled the vehicles manually, traffic wing officials said.
   A senior police official of the traffic wing said they were compelled to shut the system as the flow of vehicles grew unmanageable.
   The corporation has digital signals at 59 points, installed under the World Bank-funded Dhaka Urban Transport Project in 2004. The automated signalling system had been in use for a few days after its installation, but it soon dropped out of use as the system started malfunctioning at many points.
   The traffic wing of the police said the city corporation had set the timing for the signals which caused long queues of vehicles in every road crossing.
   City corporation officials, however, said they were responsible for the monitoring of the signal light switches and the traffic wing of the police had set the timing.
   The acting deputy commissioner of traffic (north) Bidhan Tripura said, 'The city corporation has a traffic department for signal light maintenance, but it hardly looks after the system.'
   'At least 10 signals in my area have for long been out of order. I have informed the authorities concerned of the matter, but they are yet to do anything,' he said.
   'If the city corporation does not want to take the responsibility, the corporation should let us run the system,' he said.
   A city corporation official said they were responsible only to monitor whether the lights were functional and the traffic department set the timing.
   Asked about signals in many points being out of order, the city corporation official said, 'It is our failure that we could not ensure the smooth functioning of the machine.'
   Bidhan Tripura said the city corporation had set green light for 120 seconds in major crossings which could not control vehicle traffic during office hours. 'We allow vehicles to pass by against red signals to minimise the sufferings of the people.'
   An assistant commissioner of police (traffic wing) said the corporation had installed the system and it maintained everything. 'If the entire system is left with us, we can set the timing based on traffic movement.'
   The traffic police on Sunday monitored traffic flow in 12 major crossings: Sonargaon Hotel, Sheraton Hotel, Shahbagh, Mohakhali, Kakoli, Kakrail, Farmgate, Manik Mia Avenue, Gulshan, Baridhara, Gulistan and Jatrabari.
   A city corporation engineer, however, blamed lack of coordination between the corporation and the traffic wing of the police for the failure.
   Before the introduction of the system, both the groups should first have discussed the matter as a number of digital signals are out of order, he said.
   People said they had suffered a lot as the vehicles got stuck at many points. 'I had been stuck in the Farmgate crossing for 45 minutes,' said Parvez Ahmed, who caught the bus from Khamar Bari to Gulistan at 1:41pm by his watch. The bus crossed the signal at 2:23pm.
   Vehicles got stranded from end to end on thoroughfares such as Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue, Minto Road, Tajuddin Ahmed Sarani, Shaheed Sangbadik Selina Parveen Road, Airport Road, Mirpur Road and Elephant Road.
   The Dhaka Metropolitan Police at a briefing on Saturday announced to put in operation the automated traffic signalling system to ease congestion. It said it would also run awareness campaign among drivers and pedestrians till December 7.
   The DMP commissioner, Shahidul Hoque, at the briefing said traffic policemen would start fining vehicles for traffic rules from December 8.
   The police chief said most of the main roads in the capital city would have three lanes: cars, jeeps and vehicles carrying VIPs would use the lane by the road divider, buses, mini-buses, covered vans and pick-ups would use middle lane, and motorbikes, CNG-run auto-rickshaws and human haulers would use the lane by the footpath.
   According to the Dhaka City Corporation, the total city road network spans about 2,290 kilometres - including roads, lanes and by-lanes. The main road network spans only 210km.
   More than 4.7 lakh motorised vehicles such as cars, jeeps, microbuses, taxicabs, CNG-run auto-rickshaws, buses, minibuses, trucks and human haulers are registered with the Bangladesh Road Transport Authority in Dhaka till 2008, according to BRTA statistics.
   Of the vehicles, more than two lakh are cars, jeeps, microbuses and station wagons and more than 15,000 are public buses and minibuses.
   The statistics also show about two lakh motorcycles, 27,000 trucks and 25,000 human haulers ply city roads.
   More than five lakh illegal rickshaws are also on the roads, which add to traffic congestion, Dhaka City Corporation officials said.




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[ALOCHONA] Govt continues to be in denial vis-à-vis extrajudicial killing



Editorial New Age 19/11/09
Govt continues to be in denial vis-à-vis extrajudicial killing

 

THE claim that the home minister, Sahara Khatun, made on Tuesday, that 'there has been no crossfire since our government took office', is not a bit surprising; after all, unlike some of her cabinet colleagues, e.g. the foreign minister and the local government, rural development and cooperatives minister, she has hardly ever taken a public stance against extrajudicial killing by members of the Rapid Action Battalion and other law enforcement agencies of the state. In fact, back in May, when there was a furore over the steep rise in extrajudicial killing, she along with her previous deputy, Tanjim Ahmed Sohel Taj, came to the defence of the trigger-happy members of the law enforcement agencies, claiming that such killings had taken place when law enforcers opened fire in self-defence. Soon, the 'self-defence' theory, so to speak, caught on. Even the prime minister told a news briefing in New York on September 27 that she was not for extrajudicial killing but if a criminal opened fire law enforcers could not sit idle. Ever since, the government has oscillated between justification and denial while extrajudicial killing by members of law enforcement agencies surged.
   Ironically, the home minister's insistence that no crossfire has taken place in the past ten months or so came on the same day that the High Court issued a rule suo moto on the government to explain within 48 hours why the killing of two brothers in custody of the Rapid Action Battalion early Monday would not be declared illegal. Ironically still, she made the statement on the same day that a suspected ultra-left operative was killed in 'crossfire' during a gunfight between his 'associates' and the police in Jhenaidah. By failing to rein in some trigger-happy members of the law enforcement agencies and, most importantly, initiate any comprehensive inquiry into any of the 126 extrajudicial killings that have taken thus far, the government has not only defaulted on its pre-election promise to put an end to such killings but also put its self-professed commitment to the rule of law in the dock.
   What is perhaps even more worrying is the fact that the home minister's remark smacks of defiance of the apex court. Sadly, defiance has seemingly marked the government's attitude towards the ruling of the apex court with regard to extrajudicial killing thus far. On June 29, the High Court issued a rule asking the government to explain within four weeks why extrajudicial killing by law enforcers in the name of 'crossfire' and 'encounter' would not be declared illegal. However, almost five months on, the government is yet to respond to the rule. On Tuesday, the deputy attorney general designated for the bench that had made the rule said 'we are yet to get comments from the government offices concerned needed to respond to the rule.'
   In such circumstances, it would not be far-fetched perhaps to presume that the government may be either unable or unwilling to put an end to the pernicious practice of extrajudicial killing by law enforcers, and may not even hesitate to defy the apex court in this regard. Yet, it is imperative that such killings should stop because these not only undermine the rule of law but also weaken the state from within. Hence, as we have argued in these columns time again, it is left up to the politically conscious and democratically oriented sections of society and the media to raise their voice against extrajudicial killing by members of the law enforcement agencies and mobilise public opinion against such blatant violation of human rights. It is only by maintaining sustained social pressure that the government can be made to act decisively towards bringing an end to extrajudicial killings.

 




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[ALOCHONA] India uproar over Ayodhya report



India uproar over Ayodhya report

India's main opposition BJP has reacted angrily to reports that its leaders are implicated in an inquiry into the 1992 demolition of the Babri Masjid mosque.


Parliament was in uproar on Monday over the leaked inquiry report which is said to blame senior BJP figures including Atal Behari Vajpayee and LK Advani.

The Liberhan commission report was submitted to the government in June but its contents have not been made public.


Some 2,000 people died in riots across India after the mosque was demolished.

The commission was set up to investigate events that led to a Hindu mob tearing down the disputed mosque in the northern town of Ayodhya.

Led by former high court judge MS Liberhan, the inquiry took 17 years to complete its work, at a cost of more than 65m rupees ($1.3m). Details about the commission's findings appeared in the Indian media on Monday.


'Political motive'

ANALYSIS
Geeta Pandey BBC News, Delhi It was a day of angry exchanges in parliament. Shouting "shame, shame", opposition lawmakers twice forced the lower house (Lok Sabha) to adjourn.

BJP leader LK Advani waved copies of an Indian newspaper and demanded to know who was behind the leaked report. "I'm surprised, the report is not even before parliament, so how did it get leaked to this newspaper?"

Mr Advani has long denied accusations that he encouraged the rioters - but he was charged in a special court in July 2005 with inciting a mob to attack the mosque.


Once the Liberhan report is published it will be used as evidence, legal experts say.But the case is far from over - any order passed by the special court will be challenged in the high court and then in the Supreme Court.


"I am stunned. I was shocked to see that the report has been leaked. I want to know who has leaked the report," senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader LK Advani said in parliament.


"If what is written is correct, the conclusions are false. There was no conspiracy, no planning. I was distressed by the demolition of the mosque."

BJP leaders accused the Congress party-led government of "selective leaks" to distract attention from the economy and corruption - and demanded parliament see the report immediately.Home Minister P Chidambaram denied his ministry was behind the "unfortunate" leak.


The angry opposition shouted: "No, it's not just unfortunate, it's shameful."

Mr Chidambaram said Justice Liberhan's 900-page report was being translated into Hindi. The report is due to be put before parliament on 22 December, along with an "action taken report" by the government.


The Indian Express newspaper reported the build-up to the demolition of the mosque had been meticulously planned, and said the commission of inquiry had described BJP leaders as "pseudo-moderates".


The report apparently exonerates the Congress prime minister at the time, PV Narasimha Rao, of any responsibility - saying the federal government could not act in the absence of any recommendation from the state governor.


Controversial mosque

The site of the 16th Century Babri Masjid had been a focus for Hindu-Muslim hostility for decades. On 6 December 1992 a mob of Hindu militants tore the mosque down.


LIBERHAN COMMISSION
  • Set up in December 1992 days after Ayodhya mosque demolition
  • Led by Justice MS Liberhan, a sitting high court judge
  • Had about 400 sittings, 48 extensions and lasted almost 17 years
  • Questioned powerful figures including former prime ministers
  • Submitted its report to the government in June 2009
  • Rioters claimed the site had been a temple marking the birthplace of the Hindu God Ram.


    The destruction of the mosque was one of the most divisive events in Indian history and led to Hindu-Muslim riots across the country in which more than 2,000 people were killed.


    The Liberhan commission was set up within days of the incident.

    Mr Advani has long denied accusations that he encouraged the rioters - but he was charged in July 2005 with inciting a mob to attack the mosque.

    The special court in the town of Rae Bareilly charged him with "giving provocative speeches leading to demolition of the mosque, creating enmity between Hindus and Muslims and inciting people for riots and public mischief".

    Legal experts say once the Liberhan report and the government's "action taken report" are made public, they will be sent to the court to be used as evidence in the case.




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    [ALOCHONA] Can an Execution Help Heal Bangladesh?



    Can an Execution Help Heal Bangladesh?




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    [ALOCHONA] Bangladesh ­ a nation or a dynasty?



    Bangladesh ­ a nation or a dynasty?

    Shabbir A. Bashar, USA

    Judging by some of the recent postings on NFB, it seems the age old spats between die hard Awami Leaguers and the rest of the Bangladeshi community have come to a head once again.

    This reminds me of a brief conversation I had with an old friend couple of days ago. Both of us were too young to remember the vivid details of the 1971 war of independence but old enough to recall the turmoil that plagued the country through most of the seventies. We are of a generation whose parents and family members had lived through the 1947 separation of India, the 1952 uprising against west Pakistani hegemony and the events leading up to the creation of what we now call Bangladesh. Our families, disenchanted with the slow but sure degeneration of the Bangladeshi institutions and the values of the society, ended up raising their families in other parts of the world. As first generation expatriate children, my friend and I grew up thinking of Bangladesh with great reverence: the very mention of the word made our heart skip a beat no matter where we were or whose mouth it came from. It was the land of an Utopian dream that generations before us always talked about – much likee the character Chanu Miah in Monica Ali's Brick Lane.

    The demographics of today's Bangladesh will show that majority of the population was not even born before the mid-seventies – as such thhis newer generation is naturally more concerned about what the future beholds for them than events that happened before their birth. Unlike my friend and I or the people from a generation or two before us, they have no first-hand knowledge of a war. When I talk with my post-seventies generation cousins born and brought up in sovereign Bangladesh, I start to understand something that baffled me for a very long time: the apparent nonchalance of my non-Bangladeshi friends (with whom I went to school and university in various parts of the world) about their country of origin. I simply could not understand why someone would not know the exact words and the tune of their national anthem, the exact exchange rate of their national currency to the US dollar on any given day, the history of their language or how many people spoke it, the names of all their famous scientists, writers, generals etc. Now I am starting to appreciate that the unique struggles and experiences one goes through when growing up make a difference to what is important to them.

    The laws of statistics and universality dictate the attributes of a good human being versus a bad or an unfortunate one regardless of their specific experiences. A person who cherishes positive values will always seek the truth through research and understanding whereas one who does not will be satisfied with all kinds of lies and continue to propagate them and live by them. It is not a crime not to know the exact words of the national anthem or the names of famous people of their nation. It is sheer ignorance – often giving way to bigotry and ulltimately degeneracy – not to value the meanings of collective aspirrations and personal achievements signified by these symbols of human identity.

    Bangladeshis love to discuss politics. Everyone starting from the bottom of the social ranks right up to the very top has an opinion on everything and they have their own theories and ideas about how to solve every problem that plagues the country, the world and the universe. Alas, most of them are shy of reading – wait – a great number of them can't read or wriwrite! So where does all their information and interest in politics come from? We all know the old saying, an empty vessel sounds much. I would rather society focused on empowering people with rights and being held responsible for civic duties as ordinary citizens; once these basic concepts are put in practice, people will naturally feel more confident about coming to their own decisions instead of being held hostage to the opinions of the few. The way things are now, it is as though most of the country is a huge cavity of a laser device that starts to resonate uncontrollably at the slightest stimulation.

    In a laser, when the cavity is pumped up sufficiently, it starts to emit radiation with enough energy to burn through anything and everything in its path. Without some kind of feedback to control the pumping, it eventually burns out causing irreparable damage to itself and all in its vicinity – it becomes unsttable and degenerate. Ignorant talk thus is the perfect ingredient for instability – and I believe at the core that is what Bangladesh suffers from. Until individuals start questioning their own knowledge and subsequent actions, the divide between opposing quarters will not heal – they will keep burning themselves through hook or crook. My hope against hope is that my younger cousins, the new generation of Bangladeshis, will be more self questioning and more self-guided.

    During the last elections, people chose to vote in a large number of corrupt deputies despite having the option for a no vote. Why? The parties themselves fielded candidates who turned out to be tax dodgers if not out-right convicted criminals. Again, why did this happen? After the elections, despite public directives against tender snatching from the Prime Minister herself, every day we read about Awami League activists continuing to commit these crimes; this is after a full term of corruption ridden rule of the BNP. Some Awami League ministers announced that their workers have a right to get government contracts for services rendered to the party when it was in opposition. Members of Parliament are too busy giving themselves one perk after another and grabbing more and more power and control over government. It is as though they were all (regardless of party affiliation) elected to get a license to loot the nation.

    Then there’s the obsession with family ties. This runs up and down every facet of Bangladeshi society. People are always seeking ways to bypass procedures and overturn rules through nepotism. Accustomed to this mode of cheating the system, most Bangladeshis will proudly voice their opinion against anyone who in their eyes challenges to their knowledge, actions or ideas. Their reaction more often than not is juvenile in nature and tends to be personal attacks and schemes to put down their opponent in any which way they can – forgetting all the while that the latter is an equal stakeholder and a fellow nation builder of the same country. The saddest thing is, they are mighty proud of this degenerative and intolerant behavior despite being part of a nation of 160 million people. There are blind Awami supporters and there are the blind BNP supporters and there are the turn coats – followers of people like Moudud Ahmmed for example – who go with the flow and have no vengeance of thheir own.

    Even though countries like the US and the UK have had ruling by essentially two parties, these parties are easier to distinguish in terms of their guiding principles – namely conservatism vs liberalism. In Bangladesh, both the Awami and the BNP claim to be distinctly different in their political ideology; in the latter day context it comes down to each of the leaders claiming their respective family relations with former presidents of the country. People of Bangladesh notionally hate one party rule yet they put up with the party in power with resignation – as though they accept it iis the turn of another family o rule the country. Unlike in the UK or the US, Bangladesh seems to have a winner takes all approach to politics: theres constant public acrimony over the slightest matter and the incumbent always blames its predecessor for all the woes; the incumbent always accuses the latter of corruption and unleashes all state machineries to sabotage their political existence and sometimes personal existence. The culture of partisan hegemony is so rampant that a change of government is swiftly followed by a change of all middle and senior managers in healthcare, administration, law enforcement and wherever possible the judiciary. When the government changes in the US or the UK, policies are seldom reversed overnight as there exist a well established chain of command which is deliberately and consciously protected from partisan influence; there are several independent tiers of government to ensure efficacy, distributed empowerment, accountability and right of choice. When the same happens in Bangladesh, a truth becomes a lie and a lie becomes a truth quite effortlessly.

    So is Bangladesh a nation or a dynasty? If it is a dynasty, then it is dishonest to claim it is a nation. On the other hand, if it is a nation, then it is inappropriate to use state machinery for glorifying a family. In a nation, the leaders are accountable to the citizens; in a dynasty, the rulers are there to simply rule their serfs. People in Bangladesh brag about national fathers and national announcers based on their chosen ruling family; people in the US refer to founding fathers and framers of constitution – note the plurals. Botth in the UK and the US, the slightest hint of corruption by people in power and authority leads to impartial investigation and resignation of the official; in a dynasty, it is difficult to punish one's own because personal ties and loyalties supersede the rules that would otherwise be applied to someone who not one's own.

    Territorially, Bangladesh is a very small country. It is more closed to criticism and mechanism for self-correction than would be otherwise expect in a nation of 160 million people. It is almost as though the physical boundaries of the state have bounded the creative emotions of the people; they are trapped in a mindset that has no capacity to expand to taking control over their destiny. Thus there is a parasitic relationship between the ruled and the latter day rulers.

    Sadly some of the reactions in NFB concerning the Supreme Court judgment on the violent events of 1975 reflect that too. I am disgusted by writers who are trying to put down the dissenters who’ve backed up their well-articulated thoughts with tangible references. I would have liked to see rebuttals based on historical documents rather than hearsay and emotion-laden arguments based on dynasty style loyalty. In a nation, there is room for difference of view - in a dynasty, there is not. A system that allows it-self to be truly challenged is far stronger and healthier than the one that shuts off any room for change through brute force. The latter always succumbs to pent-up natural forces due to its oppressiveness. It never prospers in the long run.

    Shabbir A. Bashar, PhD
    Vancouver, USA

    E Mail : shabbir_bashar@yahoo.com

    http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=294704



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    [ALOCHONA] Understanding Bangabandu and his BKSAL Strategies



    Understanding Bangabandu and his BKSAL Strategies

    BY Abid Bahar , Canada

    (Adapted from a book in progress: The BKSAL Legacy of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Part 1:Is President Sheikh Mujib's Death a Murder or a Mutiny? A Tragedy for the Daughter Indeed! Part 11: President Sheikh Mujib's Death: Tajuddin's Prophecy already published, Now part 111:Understanding Bangabandu and the BKSAL rule of "My Way or no Way"and Hasina's Logi boitha)

    I have been a believer of the "rule of law" in politics as a sure way to development but surely not the "my way or no way.". In Bangladesh after the independence, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned from Pakistan, he was honored with the title " Father of the nation." In understanding Bangladesh politics, I have been researching on the life and time of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In response, in addition to receiving many vulgar criticisms and personal attacks, I was being threatened numerous times. I tried to understand why. I believe readers also must be curious to know that despite the disadvantages, why I have been pursuing my search on this sensitive topic in minute details.

    The answer is not because I am a member of any particular political party. In fact I was a Mujib devotee and meet him several times; once in a one to one encounter but many more times on the pages of history books. At the time I was a Mujib supporter, like many Mujib hero worshippers, in my slumber I also found it difficult to accept the criticisms by people against Mujibur Rahman. It was as if like a fan fever. That was in the past. Now I have been consciously trying to understand this irrational phenomenon. The present query is for a personal and a professional reason; it is primarily because I myself as a Bangladeshi by birth and in the role of a researcher, in this journey I am curious to know Bangabandu Mujib to understand some of the core Bangladeshi national issues that persist till today related to the Bangabandu phenomenon. I am certain, there are many like me who would like to know who the real Mujib was. Here we will be dealing mostly with his use of techniques in politics.

    1.Who was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman?

    Mujib was a prominent student leader worked with Shohrodurdy during both British period and in the Pakistan period became the leader of the AL and in Bangladesh period founded the BKSAL. Many consider Mujib as a violent figure in politics. Infect records show that he preached violence and propaganda to be effective (1) At the outset, the question to ponder, is it a good idea to select a violent person as a model father of the nation? President Mujib could be chosen as one of the founding the fathers of the AL or the BKSAL but not the father of the entire nation. On record for his despotic rule and continued extra judicial killings, ruining the economy, some of his democracy loving AL followers and some Bangladeshi freedom fighters even killed him along with his family and associates. One can say indirectly though his despotic actions against the nation must have caused the death of others. Tajuddin, was one of the victims, a Socialist in Mujib's AL even predicted BKSAL and the making of the massacre.

    It bothers me and many other nonviolent people I talked to that it is difficult for them to accept Mujib as the father of the entire nation. Personally, many people are against the use of violence all through their lives. If I consider myself as one of them, I don't want a violent person to be chosen as a fatherly symbol of my country that for its liberation I was about to be killed by the razakars. Tofozal Hossain Manik Mia who knew Mujib personally and very well in his book documents things in specific details about Mujib.(2) It says about him during the Jukto Front years that young and ambitious Mujib was even using fistfights with his rival constituents to win in the election. Records shows Mujib was also using widespread lies to blackmail the opposition, which means he was not honest or shall I say a bit too dishonest in politics? If Bangladesh cherishes the ideal of nonviolence in politics, why should we accept Mujib as the father of the nation considering that Mujib was not the Gandhi and Mujib had been using violence in politics all along? The question remains, if we have to consider him as the symbolic father of the nation to promote the ideal of peace and progress, does he fit into the ideal category?

    2. Mujib didn't also have any strong ideological foundation.

    Mujib was not an intellectual. He didn't have an ideology. Tajuddin was a Socialist and was the key person behind the formulation of the 6 points demand. Under the circumstances what was it that inspired Mujib? It appears that it was his personal ambition. He was not even in favor of breaking Pakistan. What was it that he had which could inspire others? He was a very powerful demagogue. He was a "charismatic and forceful orator." He also realized the importance of propaganda to win his agenda. It is repeatedly observed that in times of trouble however, he preferred to surrender and to stay in jail.

    3. Against the Opposition

    I also wondered why he had problem to tolerate opposition. In opposing the BKSAL one party system, Tajuddin said to him, it would be the breaking of the promise Mujib and him gave to his countryman all through the Pakistan period. Tajuddin prophesized that it will kill many of "us." But still why Mujib did it? He was an autocrat by nature. He pushed out Tajuddin removed Tajuddin to remove his guilt feeling of being an absentee leader. He secretly opposed the name Bhasani to be the candidate for being the father of the nation.(3)

    4. Mujib was an ambitious and clever politician

    My research findings show that although Mujib was not an intellectual, but he was a clever politician. He was not at all foolish to do the things he did. From early on his career shows he had developed a patron -client relationship with his followers. In exchange for loyalty to him he rewarded them with favor in matters of tender distribution, the promise of nomination in the election, sending an unfair request for a job that a person doesn't deserve, asking to release a criminal from jail even in some cases a murder suspect. Joinal Hazari, as an example was not a Hasina recruit, he was a Mujib recruit. This type of technique made Mujib powerful and made his party powerful but concomitantly it weakened the state. In this rising trend, bureaucracy as state machinery and a rational system was always an obstacle in Mujib's path. Thus on record Mujib always hated bureaucracy. As we know in the long process Mujib was slowly building his latent fascist (autocratic) power base which only became manifest in the post liberation BKSAL period. Kamruddin Ahamed wrote, that from early on the young Mujib had learned from Shere-Bangla to be cordial to the party workers, to remember their names, to project himself as the most patriotic person, but he lacked the educational qualification of the latter. Sohowarthy spent half a decade in London studied Benthum and Dewey and had learned about human rights and principles of liberal democracy. From Shohorwardy Mujib had learned the organizational expertise but couldn't clearly comprehend the constitutional process of government in the National Assembly that in the end requires to compromise through liberalism. During Sohowardhy's time he realized that to have the flow of financial support from the business community he would need Sohowardhy. Mujib made good use of all these techniques from great leaders except in his use of their intellectuality. (4)

    5. Mujib was a Powerful South Asian Fascist.

    Clearly, Mujib's hard work and mastering the organizational techniques minus intellectuality prepared him to be a Fascist in the making. One would find with Mujib startling similarities with other famous fascist leaders. "The features of Fascism found in Mussolini and in other similar leaders in history were their brand of ultra nationalism, use of Socialism to justify authoritarianism, the deployment of many paramilitary forces to put down opposition, the leader's charismatic leadership, favoritism as a tool of demanding party loyalty, the demagogy, introduction of party uniform imitating the leader, the Fascist followers intolerance to the criticism of the leader, and the leader's extreme personal devotion to his party interest over his country."(5)

    In his fascist devotion to his party, he was really kind to his cadres but always remained oppressive to the opposition. In his formal speech however he showed his immense kindness to the masses as well. But as he was an actor, in politics, his short rule showed he was a tyrant and very much represented his party but not the state even when he knew he was elected by his countrymen. As an intelligent person when he confidently figured out his source of power he carefully nurtured it through his "bhai culture" of favoritism, which in the end was against the state machinery, development, and the rule of law.

    6. Ibsen's Drama the "Enemy of the people"

    It appears that from the time Mujib became the leader of the AL party, politics was no more to serve people but personally for Mujib to grab power and for his followers to make profit. It seems Hasina's politics of favoritism, tender distribution, the favoritism in politics and the Logi Boitha revolution is a dangerous continuation of Mujib's politics of violence. Imagine! Hasina being the ex Prime Minister calling for a logi boitha revolution, setting fire on a busload of people during a democratically elected government in power and in the presence of police. The AL workers rampage with logi boitha in open day light killing people further confirmed the continuation of violence in politics. If it were in Europe or even in India (herself as if Ibsen's drama "The Enemy of the people" basing the protagonist's success through propaganda) in this worst scenario she would be in jail on murder charges.(6)

    7. AMI RAJNITI POCHONDO KHRINA, KORI KINTU PITRI HOTYAR PROTISHODDH NABR JONYOI (I hate politics; but just only for taking revenge of my father's killing,)

    The recent SC judgment is a welcome thing from most Bangladeshis, for the court helped to uphold the rule of law. But details show it was all staged to remove the negative stigma on Sheikh Mujib's BKSAL rule and aimed at reestablishing Mujib as the father of the nation. Not long ago Hasina said 'AMI RAJNITI POCHONDO KHRINA, KORI KINTU PITRI HOTYAR PROTISHODDH NAER JONYOI RAJNITITE ESHECHI' (I hate politics; but just only for taking revenge of my father's killing, I have taken up to do politics). It seems that was primarily Hasina's wishes fulfilled through her appointed judges. But the point is, if the same court that was set on fire by the AL workers in the pre 1/11 days will serve justice to those who in the similar way as Hasina's, lost their dear ones to Hasina's logi boitha violence in an open day light on 28th October in 2006. It was not even a wartime event.

    8. The 28th October in 2006 Logi boitha Massacre

    If those victims of logi boitha of the 28th October in 2006 were Bangladeshis, which they were they should have similar access to law to send Hasina to the court of justice. I am sure they will not have the power to appoint judges but one cannot deny that they were Bangladeshis.

    9. Hasina's Bangladesh

    Now if justice for the victims of 28th October were not served, what Bangladesh will have to say to the world? Is it that justice has double meaning? It brings to mind what Martin Luther King once said: "You suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six-year old daughter why she cannot go the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Fun town is closed to colored people." So it is as if Hasina is happy it was advertised on TV about hanging of her father's killers. But what about justice for the other little children's fathers killers?

    10. Case against Hasina

    If justice is not served for the open day light killing, people will question, are there two types of Bangladeshi people, one who are AL's, rich and powerful and the others who are poor and the SC wouldn't care? Surprisingly, "Logi-boitha (pole-oar) is closely associated with AL and boat, its election symbol" It is not an accident, it was invented by Tofail who turned Dhaka University (once the Oxford of the East into a Black Dwarf among universities, students robbing even citizens) Now a central place for Hasina's Logi boitha street control. See the youtube: AL's logi boitha attacks and the blackmailing and deceptions that followed: http://www.youtube. com/watch? v=hjWhLD1- JLk&feature= player_embedded(7)

    Due to Hasina's use of violence, violence followed her. No doubt, logi boitha murders are Hasina's slippery slope to her authoritarian rule. But the cracks are on the wall now. When we see justice is served to hang the 1971 freedom fighters like Faroque and the others who killed President Mujib is a matter of murder not a mutiny, we question why not justice be served for the others, the dead and the parents/ wives and children of the 28th October massacre? What harm did these people do to the AL's for them to get a lesson through a show of terror? Joy Wazed says, These charges are too flimsy to hold up in court … They have underestimated my mother.(8) Using the same logic of the SC that served justice, can we now demand "Justice For the Victims of Logi Boitha?" Will the SC repeat a similar precedence of the boitha killing and set an example to bring Hasina to face the court? We will wait to see justice served for all.

    THE LINGERING TRADITION OF FASCISM

    The question is how long will we continue our Bangabandu BKSAL tradition – we have his "either my way or no way?" In my search I found the use of force as a strategy very much present in every fascist traditions. We know fascism is a human problem in leaderships across the globe. My endeavor is to not celebrate but to educate people against this national malice. In the past such forces captured state power in Europe, and it is now in Africa and in the Middle East. In Europe they identified and condemned in textbooks. To me Bangabandu was a very powerful fascist leader of South Asia killed by not by the anti liberation forces. Unfortunately he was removed violently similar to fascism in Italy, Germany and Spain.

    One doesn't have to be a rocket scientist to understand that the use of violence in politics is a dangerous game. But can we afford such a trend to continue to kill our leaders, our ordinary people without trial? Can we allow it to continue by Hasina, the supreme leader of a great political party as the AL that was first founded by Maulana Bhasani and continues to lead the nation till today? For the sake of saving our beloved nation, is it time to come to our senses and make changes from politics as a trade into politics as a service to the people? For such changes as Abraham Lincoln did, Gandhi, Carter, Trudue did in the independent Bangladesh can also make things shine for the AL, Bangabandu, Hasina and others and mostly for our Bangladesh nation! Because it says, "rule of law" is a sure way to development but surely not the "My way or no way" to grab power.

    References:

    (1) Kamruddin Ahamed, Banglar Ak Modhubetter Atho Kahini (Bengali), Dhaka, p. 1-4, 15, 1979; also quoted in Syed Abul Maksud, Bhasani, First edition, 1986, 122, 126-127, p. 146-147.

    (2) Toffozal Hossain Manik Mia, Pakistani Rajnitir Bish Botshor, pp. 68-69, 86-87, 90-91 talks about Mujib's widespread use of blackmailing intimidation and force to push through his agenda. Also see in Syed Abul Maksud, Bhasani, First edition, 1986, pp.146-147.

    (3) The director in charge of the Radio station recorded that Mujib personally warned him for giving Bhasani a grand coverage as a hero as at Bhasani's return from India. But openly he showed great respect for Bhasani.

    (4) Kamruddin Ahamed, Banglar Ak Modhubetter Atho Kahini (Bengali), Dhaka, p. 1-4, 15, 1979;

    (5) Abid Bahar, Bangabandu Mujib and Benito Mussolini: Striking Similarities, http://bangladesh- web.com/view. php?hidRecord= 218125

    (6) ) Henrik Ibsen, The Enemy of the People, "An Enemy of the People addresses the irrational tendencies of the masses, and the hypocritical and corrupt nature of the political system that they support. It is the story of one brave man's struggle to do the right thing and speak the truth in the face of extreme social intolerance.

    (7) Logi Boitha Viloence youtube video link http://www.youtube. com/watch? v=hjWhLD1- JLk&feature= player_embedded

    (8) Sheikh Hasina

    http://sajeeb. blogspot. com/2007/ 04/charges- against-sheikh- hasina.html

    Abid Bahar , Canada
    E Mail : abid.bahar@gmail.com

    http://newsfrombangladesh.net/view.php?hidRecord=294613



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    [ALOCHONA] In defence of Bangladeshi nationalism

    Tamina M Chowdhury wrote: "Globalism is still a myth ..."
    .
    TURKMAN: Right, right. Chew Bangladeshi Beetle Leaves or Raj Shahi Pan in Los Angles on the other side of the world, Bangladeshi products sold everywhere on this Globe. Everything manufactured anwyere can be found everywhere on this Globe. Internet hooks us all up globally. Bangladeshi can be found in almost all countries of this Globe. News travels globally faster than I can reach from work to home. ... But please do not believe in all this. Believe what Mrs. Chowdhury says, "Globalization is a Myth", not a Fact.
    =--------------------

    --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Isha Khan <bd_mailer@...> wrote:
    >
    > In defence of Bangladeshi nationalism
    >
    > Political progression of nationalism in Bangladesh has outlived, and will continue to do so, Bengali nationalism that only caters to the Bengali-speaking Bangladeshis. This is because Bengali nationalism leaves no space for the minority non-Bengali speaking Bangladeshis in political participation,
    > writes Tamina M Chowdhury
    >
    > NATIONALISM is dead. Or so it is argued by many in this globalised ‘post-territorial’ world. The forces of globalisation, it is said, have managed to create a phenomenon called post-nationalism in which nation-states and their national identities are slowly losing sway within their respective national borders and making way for globalism. So nationalism is often perceived as a dying ideology under globalisation where the idea of ‘global citizen’ is managing to override national sentiments within the territorial nation-states.
    >    We are a modern nation, a nation of Bangladeshis. Although the rhetorical reference during our independence war highlighted Bengali nationalism, it was, in fact, a struggle to free all Bangladeshis from the then oppressive regime of West Pakistan. However, it was not until 1978 with the founding of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party under the leadership of the late president Ziaur Rahman that the sentiments and practices of Bangladeshi nationalism got its place in mainstream politics in Bangladesh. Zia’s principle philosophy of Bangladeshi nationalism was grounded in the idea that all citizens within the physical territory of Bangladesh, irrespective of their ethnicity, religion, class, caste, language or gender, are all Bangladeshis and, therefore, entitled to equal political, social and economic entitlements. The nineteenth point in his 19-Point work plan states: ‘The rights of all citizens must be ensured irrespective of their ethnicity,
    > religion, caste or creed, and thereby embed national unity and solidarity.’
    >    By articulating this inclusive, pluralistic and egalitarian political thinking, Zia sought to refashion Bangladesh society through collectivism and laid down the nineteen-point work plan as the ideological foundation for Bangladeshi nationalism. Interestingly enough, a glance at his points today reveal the extent of his political aptitude and foresight as his philosophy has not only survived the test of time but also never been so pertinent to our social making than in today’s globalised world. However, we are yet to embody the ideology and spirit of ‘one Bangladeshi people’ unified under the rubric of Bangladeshi nationalism.
    >    Nationalism has been a force for change in human history. However, there exists a general tendency to simplify nationalistic sentiments and see it as merely a ‘good’ or ‘bad’ thing. Historical development shows various kinds of nationalisms from pre-modern Europe to the contemporary time that are explained through varied theoretical frameworks namely primordialism, ethno-symbolic, modernist and post-modernist approaches. We have seen time and again how nationalisms are composed and applied within a diverse scope by the traditional thinking of various ideologies such as communism and socialism, to the liberals of the French Revolution, by the anti-colonialists in the global south, to Naser’s regional Arab nationalism, and even by the decades-old struggle against the apartheid in South Africa, which organised under the banner of African nationalism. All of these struggles were grounded in nationalistic sentiments, diverse as they were, and
    > acted as an impetus for their respective nationalist movements. Therefore, it is important to note that nationalism and its many manifestations cannot be oversimplified or sidelined as a bygone or reflection of parochial politics, when in fact their diversity and complexities should be taken into consideration before undermining their concepts and practices.
    >    At the heart of the discussions concerning nationalism, issues in nation, nation-state and nation building are at the forefront. Accordingly, Bangladeshi nationalism identifies all Bangladeshis as the ‘nation’ and Bangladesh as the ‘nation-state’ formed by the Bangladeshi nationals. Based on this ideological framework, we must seek to build and strengthen Bangladeshi nationalism as a mechanism to celebrate multiculturalism and at the same time unite the Bangladeshis as one people who share a common past, present and future.
    >    However, globalisation raises a very persistent question: is nationalism passé? With the world economy integrating, the nation-state and nationalistic sentiments have come under increasing scrutiny. Some go as far as asserting that globalisation and marginalisation of the nation-state go hand in hand. Nonetheless, under the currents of globalisation, this taken-for-granted assumption, on close inspection, has become considerably more complex and contested. While it is correct to assume that globalisation and its advocacy of globalism have managed to realign territorialism, it is also a fact that territories and national boundaries still feature prominently in national and international politics. So it can be asserted that the currents of globalisation have not managed to permeate into the subtleties and nuances of being a Bangladeshi but instead, due to its increased liberal scrutiny, accentuated the diversity and pluralism that exists within the
    > Bangladeshi society by bringing the previously marginalised groups in the limelight and eventually incorporating them in the decision-making process.
    >    Globalism is still a myth and nationalism remains the central issue of the modern world. While it is true that trade liberalisation, information technology, and freer travel have managed to integrate the citizens of the world to an unprecedented level in a fairly short period of time, however, it is also a fact that the power dynamics and priorities of issues in global sphere have remained unchanged. We in the south are still waiting for a fair bargain in trade, aid and debt negotiations, and most importantly for our citizens to have access to the wealth we all participated in generating throughout the tides of time. As a corollary, the asymmetric relation between the north and south has fundamentally jeopardised our chances to become a global citizen as there remains an acute deficiency in the concept and practice of globalism. For instance, with the global financial crisis raging, we have witnessed the leaders of the rich countries resort to the
    > unthinkable â€" economic nationalism and intervened through extra-market steps to protect their own industries and companies facing possible obliteration. The financial crisis has amplified the nationalistic sentiments of the west â€" the very envoys who have been downplaying it and promoting globalism to the rest of the world as a way to look beyond one’s national boundaries. Evidently, economic nationalism is still powerful, globalisation did not manage to weaken it neither in the East nor West. It is clear that under the current form of globalisation, citizens in developing countries are yet to be recognised and benefited in practical terms as global citizens.
    >    While debating the issues in nationalism, one must acknowledge that politics is ultimately about maximisation of human freedom. Nonetheless, politics of nationalism, if exerted with malign intents, will succeed in spreading conflicts and un-freedoms. Needless to say, abuse of politics and nationalistic sentiments have manifested its dark side in histories of all continents and in many instances have only served the purpose of dividing people. And understandably, criticisms of nationalism are also plentiful. But what is often overlooked is that we â€" both in the north and south â€" continue to see ourselves through the lenses of our history and nation making, and more so under globalisation.
    >    This reinforced identity is still very much part of our political being. The organic connection we all share with our fellow nationals is undeniable and therefore should be embraced as the ideology of Bangladeshi nationalism purports. As the great German thinker and economist Friedrich List once argued, ‘as the nation’s citizenry largely shares a common economic fate, the state has a role to nourish national productive powers. Hence, nationalism should guide the state’s economic policies.’
    >    Bangladeshi nationalism calls for embracing national distinctiveness and, as the prevailing trend suggests, seeks to converge all Bangladeshis as one people with unified national interest. As an ideology it is best suited to address the aspirations of the people of this land and promote a more egalitarian and just society. Political progression of nationalism in Bangladesh has outlived, and will continue to do so, Bengali nationalism that only caters to the Bengali-speaking Bangladeshis. This is because Bengali nationalism leaves no space for the minority non-Bengali speaking Bangladeshis in political participation. The Bangladeshi nationalism’s stance on Bangladeshi-ism encompassing all ‘Bangladeshis’ stretching beyond the Bengali, religious, or ethnic makings is a comprehensive political outlook that by its very composition need not explicitly preach secularism as Bangladeshi nationalism already carries a built-in framework that ensures all
    > Bangladeshis can exercise their religious beliefs as freely as the majority can.
    >    The concept and practice of Bangladeshi nationalism is essential if we are to establish Bangladesh as a modern, cosmopolitan and tolerant society. In order for us to protect the interests of the multicultural Bangladeshi people and deliver their aspirations, Bangladeshi nationalism is the best political path for our country. We as a people must unify under the banner and with the vision of one Bangladeshi nation. In this era of globalisation, nationalism is proving to be an undying phenomenon in both the east and the west and is certainly in no hurry to diminish as previously perceived. Thus Bangladeshi nationalism as an ideology and practice must be defended and given institutional form to embed national unity and solidarity in our national life. After all, we are one people merely connoted as either Bengali-Bangladeshis, or Garo-Bangladeshis, or Chakma-Bangladeshis, or Bihari-Bangladeshis…Bangladeshis nonetheless.
    >    Tamina M Chowdhury is a research associate/lecturer at the Institute of Governance Studies, BRAC University
    >  
    > http://www.newagebd.com/2009/nov/02/oped.html
    >


    ------------------------------------

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    [ALOCHONA] Mollah Omar Moves to Karachi



    EXCLUSIVE: Taliban chief hides among Pakistan populace

    Pakistani intelligence aids Mullah Omar's move to Karachi

    Friday, November 20, 2009
    By Eli Lake, Sara A. Carter and Barbara Slavin THE WASHINGTON TIMES
     
    Mullah Mohammed Omar, the one-eyed leader of the Afghan Taliban, has fled a Pakistani city on the border with Afghanistan and found refuge from potential U.S. attacks in the teeming Pakistani port city of Karachi with the assistance of Pakistan's intelligence service, three current and former U.S. intelligence officials said.
    Mullah Omar, who hosted Osama bin Laden and other al Qaeda leaders when they plotted the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, had been residing in Quetta, where the Afghan Taliban shura -- or council -- had moved from Kandahar after the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001.
    Two senior U.S. intelligence officials and one former senior CIA officer told The Washington Times that Mullah Omar traveled to Karachi last month after the end of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. He inaugurated a new senior leadership council in Karachi, a city that so far has escaped U.S. and Pakistani counterterrorism campaigns, the officials said.
    The officials, two of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the topic, said Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency, the ISI, helped the Taliban leaders move from Quetta, where they were exposed to attacks by unmanned U.S. drones.
    The development reinforces suspicions that the ISI, which helped create the Taliban in the 1990s to expand Pakistani influence in Afghanistan, is working against U.S. interests in Afghanistan as the Obama administration prepares to send more U.S. troops to fight there.
    Bruce Riedel, a CIA veteran and analyst on al Qaeda and the Taliban, confirmed that Mullah Omar had been spotted in Karachi recently.
    "Some sources claim the ISI decided to move him further from the battlefield to keep him safe" from U.S. drone attacks, said Mr. Riedel, who headed the Obama administration's review of policy for Afghanistan and Pakistan last spring. "There are huge madrassas in Karachi where Mullah Omar could easily be kept."
    Mr. Riedel also noted that there had been few suicide bombings in Karachi, which he attributed to the Taliban and al Qaeda not wanting to "foul their own nest."
    A U.S. counterterrorism official said, "There are indications of some kind of bleed-out of Taliban types from Quetta to Karachi, but no one should assume at this point that the entire Afghan Taliban leadership has packed up its bags and headed for another Pakistani city."
    A second senior intelligence officer who specializes in monitoring al Qaeda said U.S. intelligence had confirmed Mullah Omar's move through both electronic and human sources as well as intelligence from an unnamed allied service.
    The official said that neither Osama bin Laden nor al Qaeda No. 2 Ayman al-Zawahri has been spotted in Karachi. The official said the top two al Qaeda figures are still thought to be in the tribal region of Pakistan on Afghanistan's border.
    But, the official said, other midlevel al Qaeda operatives who facilitate the travel and training of foreign fighters have moved to the Karachi metropolitan area, which with 18 million people is Pakistan's most populous city.
    "One reason, [al Qaeda] and Taliban leaders are relocating to Karachi is because they believe U.S. drones do not strike there," the official said. "It is a densely populated urban area."
    Al Qaeda has had a presence in Karachi since at least 2001.
    In late 2001, a cell likely commanded by Khalid Shaikh Mohammed -- the admitted operational planner of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks -- abducted and killed journalist Daniel Pearl.
    Mohammed, who was captured by the CIA with ISI help in Pakistan in 2003, was sent to the detention facility at U.S. Naval Base Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and is now set to go on trial in New York. In 2007, at a closed military hearing at Guantanamo, he confessed that he personally beheaded Mr. Pearl, a Wall Street Journal reporter.
    Pakistani officials said they were perplexed by the U.S. reports regarding Mullah Omar and denied that the ISI had facilitated a move by the Quetta shura to Karachi.
    Nadeem Kiani, a spokesman for the Pakistani Embassy in Washington, said the U.S. has not provided Pakistan with any credible intelligence regarding Mullah Omar's whereabouts.
    "We have no evidence of his presence in Pakistan," Mr. Kiani said. "If anybody in the U.S. government knows of any Quetta shura or Karachi shura, why don't they share that intelligence with Pakistan so we can take care of the issue ourselves? We have not been made aware of any presence of Mullah Omar in the region."
    He said the ISI and Pakistani military have "suffered a lot of losses fighting the terrorists" and that "people who are making these accusations have their own agendas."
    "Our forces are fighting the Taliban in Waziristan and other areas," he said. "The terrorists are now killing and targeting innocent people in Pakistani cities. ISI is a very professional intelligence agency and these allegations are baseless."
    Mr. Kiani added that the U.S. and Pakistan have "24-hour intelligence sharing."
    Another Pakistani official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the nature of his work, told The Times, "If Pakistan is made aware of the allegations and we do nothing, then the U.S. will know who to blame. Pakistan can take action with credible information.
    "But to shift the blame on Pakistan and the security forces because Afghanistan is becoming more of a problem is not going to be helpful but have a demoralizing effect on the situation both here and there," he said.
    Mary Habeck, a professor and analyst on radical Islam at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies, said the reported move "suggests the Afghan Taliban and the Pakistani Taliban are one and the same thing."
    She said that it also "shows the Taliban are not the marginalized group we have been saying they are. They can move into a major city in Pakistan and believe they are safe there."


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    [ALOCHONA] FW: [Secular Perspective] Compassion in Islam




     


    Date: Mon, 23 Nov 2009 12:18:08 +0530
    Subject: [Secular Perspective] Compassion in Islam
    From: csss2work@gmail.com
    To: secularperspective@googlegroups.com

    Compassion in Islam

     

    By Asghar Ali Engineer

     

     

    EARLIER this month, religious scholars and leaders from around the globe drafted a 'Charter of Compassion', and floated it on the Internet for all to sign up to. According to them, "Compassion should be the plinth of religions."


    Prominent among the leaders who have affirmed the charter are Karen Armstrong, Egypt's Grand Mufti Sheikh Ali Goma and the Dalai Lama, besides others. The charter calls for restoring compassion to the centre of morality and religion and ensuring that youth are given accurate information about other traditions, religions and cultures to encourage a positive appreciation of cultural and religious diversity and to cultivate an informed empathy.


    The charter underlines that the principle of compassion lies at the heart of all religions, ethical and spiritual traditions, calling us always to treat others as we wish to be treated ourselves. I would like to discuss this centrality of compassion from an Islamic standpoint. The Quran repeatedly describes Allah as Compassionate and Merciful and so those who worship Allah have to be merciful and compassionate; else what is the use of worshipping a Being whose values we do not follow?

    It is known to every Muslim that he/she has to begin any work with incantation of Bismillah ir-Rahman ir-Rahim (I begin in the name of Allah who is Compassionate and Merciful). Are then compassion and mercy not at the centre of Islam? But it is highly unfortunate that Islam today is known more for 'jihad' in the hands of those who kill and maim than mercy and compassion. Who is responsible for this?

    Is Islam responsible for the acts of such Muslims? A handful of those indulging in terrorism today actually use Islam in their pursuit of power. Today it is Buddhism which is known for compassion rather than Islam. It is true that in Buddhism also compassion is a central value but so it is in Islam. Why then has Islam never been known for compassion in its entire history?


    It is known only for jihad. The reason is, unlike Buddhism, Islam got associated with power right from the beginning. Islam appeared among Arab tribesmen among whom violence was rampant. Islam, therefore, made peace and compassion central values so that Arabs could give up violence and make peace and compassion as part of their day-to-day conduct. However, human history shows ideals do not become real and it is reality which prevails over ideals, and the Arabs were no exception to this rule.


    It is precisely for this reason that we see so much bloodshed in Islamic history during the Umayyad and Abbasid periods and Hajjaj, among Umayyads, and Saffah among the Abbasids, went down in history as oppressors. This continued throughout Islamic history. Jihad, which never meant waging war in the Quranic terminology, was used by rulers for war and bloodshed.


    It is high time this kind of jihad, which has got a new lease of life with terrorists in action, was corrected and once again compassion assumed centrality, as in Quranic values. It should get the much-needed priority. Not that no one ever understood this Quranic message. The Sufis did and kept themselves apart from power struggle among different dynasties and groups. They emphasised peace, love and compassion rather than power. They emphasised the spiritual over the material. Sufis like Ibn Arabi and Maulana Rum made love central to Islamic ethics and Muslim masses always followed them.


    However, Muslim ruling classes always emphasised rituals on the one hand and jihad on the other so that their oppressive and exploitative rule was accepted. Oppression (zulm) is the greatest evil according to Quranic ethics; yet, it became commonplace in Islamic history and there were ulema who came out with a doctrine that, to avoid anarchy, even a zalim ruler (oppressor) must be obeyed if he enforces salah (prayer).

    This was a great setback to Quranic ethics. Salah is not an end but means to an end but now salah became an end in itself. Dr Iqbal had rightly pointed out in his Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam that religion in its higher form is neither dogma nor rituals. However, all of us who greatly appreciate Iqbal's poetry never give a thought to such statements of Iqbal.


    Today, thanks to Al Qaeda and the Taliban, 'Islam' has been reduced to killing innocent people to gain power and wealth. There should be strong opposition and all sources encouraging such bloodbath must stop. Though it is late but even now ulema from the Islamic world must come out strongly in opposition to such gross misuse of Islam today. The ulema should also draw up a charter of ethics and give it wide publicity to alienate the terrorists from Muslim masses. To remain silent in the face of such horrific killings is to be part of it.


    The writer is an Islamic scholar who heads the Centre for Study of Secularism & Society, Mumbai.

    -------------------------------------------------------

    Centre for Study of Society and Secularism

    Mumbai.

    E-mail: csss@mtnl.net.in

     


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