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Saturday, May 22, 2010

[ALOCHONA] Issues of Dispute and Contemporary Problems in Chittagong Hill Tracts



Issues of Dispute and Contemporary Problems in Chittagong Hill Tracts

Abid Bahar

Chittagong Hills Tracts is located in the South Eastern part of
Bangladesh. The population of the land in 1991 census account was 50%
Bengalis (45% Muslims) and 50% the various other 11 tribal groups of
racially Mongoloid origin. The population size of the tribals and
Bengalis combined together is close to a million. The tribal groups
are Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchangya, Mro, Lushai, Khumi, Chak,
Khyang, Bawm and Pankhua. According to the Census of 1991, the total
population of Chakma was 239,417, it is the largest, the most
privileged among the tribal groups.

"Bangladesh has a hundred gates open for entrance but not one for
departure" -Bernier.

Starting from the 60′s, among the tribals, influenced by the radical
Marxist ideology, some Chakma leadership began to aspire to separate
the Hill Tracts from Bangladesh and some other relatively moderate
leadership among them demanded autonomy. While the goal of creating
an independent tribal country out of the geographically small
Bangladesh, the tribals of half a million heterogeneous population
remained an unrealistic ambition, however, some other external
factors such as the NGO connections, missionary activists, and Indian
RAW trained Shanti Bahini made some leadership to its romancing with
revolution. Some of these developments were also possible mainly
through the fundamentalist Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Porished of
Bangladesh aligned with the BJP of India.

The post 9/11 developments in Islamphobia in outside Bangladesh
worked in the tribal's favour that the tribals mostly as Buddhists
show theoir fight is against the perceived "Bangladesh's Islamic
fundamentalist government." The tribal's international lobbying and
sucessful identification as an indigenous group also brought positive
results from world's indigenous movements in different countries.
There is also the Arakanese Mogh (Rakhine) xenophobic organization
the ANC's Theraveda Buddhist leadership whose head quarter is in New
Delhi but works from Bangladesh are also active in Kiangs in tribal
areas training the tribals with arms. These contemporary developments
made great changes in the radicalization of the tribal populace.
Despite these advantages in the tribal's favor, the tribal leadership
remained ignorant of a major issue; the rule of the game in politics
that is based on the population size, which is lacking in the
tribal's favor.

Historical background

It is a known fact that the genuine Chakma discontent began with the
Kaptai dam by the government of Pakistan. The effect of the dam was
the displacement of mainly the Chakma population from the affected
area. However, during the 70′s when Bengali people united together
against Pakistani rule in East Bengal, surprisingly the relatively
then the backward Chakma leadership inspired the Chakma population
and the other tribes to support Pakistan. This is as if one step
backward thinking for them.

In 1970, Manobendro Larma formed the Rangamati Communist Party. It
was so unfortunate that under his leadership he even formed anti
Bengali Shanti Bahini and some tribes even helped the Pakistan army
to locate Bengali liberation forces hiding in the hills and massacred
them. Shanti bahini ever since killed many innocent Bengalis during
the 70′s and early 80′s anarchy in Bangladesh.To show his loyalty to
Pakistan, Tridiv Roy, the supreme Chakma leader even remained in
Pakistan, later on to help the tribals, he even became the Pakistani
ambassador to Burma. However, for their collaboration with the enemy,
unlike the Biharis, the liberal Bengali leadership didn't brand the
tribals as Pakistani collaborators or war criminals and on record
didn't take any revenge against them but accepted them as their
fellow citizens.

In 1974 Supported India: Two Steps Backward

The radical anti-Bangladesh tribal leadership appears to be primarily
a result of the small Marxist Chakma tribal leadership's romancing
with revolution. It is true, after the liberation, the first Prime
Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration of
Bengali nationalism as one of the pillars of Bangladesh's ideology
annoyed the Chakma Marxist leadership. Sheikh Mujib pumped up in his
Bengali prejudice said, "Forget your ethnicity, be Bengali." Larma
genuinely declared that they could be Bangladeshis not Bengalis.
Manobendra Larma, a radical and romantic Chakma himself (later on
killed by a fellow Chakma,) reacting to Mujib's comment quickly
changed the side of Mujib, formed Parbotto Chattgram Jnohanhiti
Samity and its armed wing Gono Mukto Fouz (popularly known as Shanti
Bahini.) He also sought Indian help and fought against Bangladesh to
liberate Chittagong Hill Tracts. However, after Mujib's fall,
President Zia's declaration of Bangladeshi's nationalism and the
equal citizenship privileges to the tribals didn't satisfy the
radical leadeship to come to terms with Bengalis. The Chakma Marxist
leadership's romancing with revolution continued.

Radicalized by the RAW: More Steps Backward

In 1975, after Mujib' death encouraged by the Indian RAW, the Chakma
leadership radicalized themselves further and the other tribes so
much so that extremist elements among them with Indian military
trainning and reinforcements often crossed the Bangladesh border to
attack the Bangladesh army and the civilian population. In 1982,
Priti Kumar Chakma formed Juma Sanghati Samity and as a quick fix
even asked the tribals to join Chittagong Hill Tracts with the Indian
union. He crossed the border into India. India fighting its own war
against its own rebels in the North West first gave him and his
followers' assilum. Indian help in material and manpower, propaganda
suuport is one of the main sources of their ongoing activities. This
became evident in 1991 when Animesh Dewan, an armed Chakma captured
by Bangladesh army confessed that India had given 300 G.3 rifles to
the insurgents during 1989.

Hindu- Buddhist Connection

The romanticization of the tribes went a long way through through the
religious connections. The tribals except the Tripurans follow
Theraveda Buddhissm; a more Burmese Sri Lankan and Cambodian type
fundamentalist Buddhist version.The Bikkus see Chittagong Hill Tracts
as part of Arakan and the Asian Burma. These seemingly nonviolent
Buddhist temple's Chakma Bikkus are now in the fore front of Chakma
leadership. They identify Bengalis as the followers of the
socalled "violent Islam." Islamphobia against their fellow Bengali
citizens became a new ideology of hate among the temple worshipers.
In the name of "Peace campaign Group", "Purvanchal Buddhist Bhikkhu
Sangha," a good number of these leaders took their shelter in India
and involved in the incitement of the tribals for anti Bengali
action.

The daily report of hundreds of murder, rape and destruction of
property by Bangladesh army is regularly reported to the press by
these groups surprisingly not from Chittaging Hill Tracts but from
New Delhi and often without mentioning the source of their
information. The common themes of these reports indicate that Hill
Tract's problem is mainly due to the "Islamic fundamentalist backed
government of Bangladesh." It is not that there have not been human
rights violations in Chittagong Hill Tracts, but these radical Chakma
intellectuals and Bikku radical elements when lobby on the
international donor agencies and foreign governments against
Bangladesh are exaggerated and politically motivated.

To facilate the tribals lobbying, India helped the PCJSS activists to
travel to different countries with travel documents. The lobbyists
contacted Amnesty International, the anti Slavery society, and the
International Working group on Indigenous Affairs. India helped the
lobbyists to be present their case at the UN but nothing happened.

The Tribal Marxist lobbysts have another side to their story.
Romancing with revolution, the Chakma intellectuals make
revolutionary statements in international seminars and conferences
about the great "Chakma" sufferings, sometimes mention the existance
of a mythical Chakma kingdom that ruled the entire Chittagong Hill
Tracts and that the tribes are an indigenous people. On some other
occasions, the lobbyists were seen to face Bangladeshi experts on
Hill Tracts, when question the authenticity of their indigenous
claims and the sources of their information they fail to produce. In
this type of propaganda at home and abroad, these tribals' leaders
appear to make their own career out of such exploitation. However,
the negative effects of such activities are of two fold: (a) they
radicalize the tribals against the Bengali population; (b) they help
to cover up the reality of the situation in the Hill Tracts. In this
direction, the real victims of the process seem to be the
Bangladeshis; both tribal and the nontribals who should see
themselves only as Bangladeshi citizens.

In a parallel situation in Burma, in 1947 the Rohingyas for their
support to join Pakistan, eversince were seen as suspect and have
been exterminated and finally in Burma's 1982 constitution were even
declared by the Burmese military government as being the non citizens
of Burma. Fortunately in the democratic and forward looking
Bangladesh, situations like that didn't take place. However, it seems
clear that the largely "opportunist" Chakma leadership who also form
the majority of the militant Shanti Bahini, in their present pro-
Indian radical activities take advantage of the liberal democratic
process in Bangladesh.

Contemporary Developments in Identity Formation

(a) As mentioned above, tribals are divided into many groups, with
differences in religion, culture, and historical backgrounds. They
are also located in seperate regions of the Hill Tracts. For the
differences among themselves, in the past it was difficult for them
to come up with a united front. However, things have changed lately,
to give a common name to the region, during the 80′s and the 90′s the
Chakma leadership enthuasiastically named the Chittagong Hill Tracts
in short as the "CHT." It seems that that didn't go far enough.

Lately, they have been working on another concept and wanted to call
themselves as the "Jummas" of the "Jummaland." This new name and
replacing the "Chittagong Hill Tracts" for "Jumaland" doesn't seem to
make sense to the people of Chittagong Hill Tracts as a whole because
firstly, most Chittagonians and Bengalis of Chittagong Hill Tracts
that comprise more than 50% of the population are not the Hill
cultivators or the Jumas. In this endeavour, this initiative tends to
deny the human rights of the Bengali people of Chittagong Hill
Tracts. In addition to this, even a large number of the Tribal
intellectuals now live neither in hill cultivation nor live in the
hills to be called with this new name. For Chakmas themselves call
this latter group as the "babus"meaning they live in the urban
centre's of Rangamati, Khagrachari, Ramgor, Bandorban, Cox's Bazarar
and in Chittagong and Dhaka. Considering these difficulties, the
traditional name Chittagong Hill Tracts is back again as the only
acceptable name for most of its people.

(b) In their drive to to receive international sympathy, the Chakmas
leadership also identified the tribals in general as
Bangladesh's "indigenous people" and aligned themselves in movements
with the world's indigenous population. Contrary to the claims
however, historical records show that none of the tribes of
Chittagong Hill Tracts are indigenous to the land. Even Chakma
intellectual' works like Aditya Dewan, Sugata Chakma's and works done
by Western scholars show that most the tribes of Chittagong Hill
Tracts migrated from Burma through Arakan. Only the Monipuri tribe
arrived from the Tripura state of India. This is also recorded in
Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts Gazettiers even with historic
dates of arrival recorded even by the British.

The Moghul record shows that the Chakmas had migrated from Arakan
during the late Sultani period in the 15th century. They first
settled in southern Chittagong, lived among Chittagonian people and
learned Chittagonian and slowly migrated northword. Not long ago they
lived in the plain land of Rangunia of northern Chittagong before
they finally settled in their present location. Chakma historian's
works show that Mogh pirates from Arakan pushed the Chakmas to the
hills where they are presently settled. There is a Chakma proverb
that says, "Ghore thakle Moghe Pai, Baire gaele Bagae Khai." If we
staye home, Moghs would enslave us, if we go out, tigres will eat us.
Marmas ( Baare Ma, the great Burma) that live in Banderbon and Feni
and in Barisal are the decendents of the Arakani Moghs. The other
wave of Moghs, driven out of Arakan by the Burmese during the British
period in 1784 settled mainly in Cox's Bazar area and in Barishal
district are now known as the Rakines (Rakhine is a newly coined name
for the Moghs of Arakan, Bangladeshi Moghs also adapted the name).
Denying the existing historical facts, the radical Chakma leadership
make claim that the tribes are indigenous people of the Hill Tracts.
In order to prove their point propaganda materials such as books,
flyers, with titles as, "Horrors in the Chittagong Hill
Tracts," "Indigenous people's plight," "Juma Suffering" etc. were
being distributed internationally. It seems that in their successful
propaganda, internationally they could project themselves as the
victims of Bangladesh's "genocide on the indigenous people."

Adoption of Alphabets

Historically speaking, none of the tribes had any written language
and didn't have alphabets. However, their romancing with revolution,
there has been the other interesting recent developments quietly
taking place in Chittagong Hill Tracts. To show their growing
assertiveness as a distinctive people, lately they have adopted new
alphabets and introduced the letters to their children. In imitation
of the Indian Tripura alphabets, recently, Tripura alphabets were
introduced to the Tipura tribal children of Chittagong Hill Tracts.
The ceremony was conducted in Khagrachari. In addition to this, the
Chakmas adopted Khamer (Cambodian script) and the Moghs adopted
Arakani script (Marma alphabet). These are new developments quietly
initiated mainly by the radical leadership among the tribes.

Lately, some Chakmas in imitation of the Burmese pronunciation even
seem to style themselves as "Changma," not the traditional name
Chakma. A small tribe of the Hill Tracts known as the Tanchingyas
about 2000 in number is not behind these developments. Lately, its
leaders have changed their name from the official Tanchingya (a
Bengali given name to this tribe when arrived from Arakan, the
Tanchingyas to now "Tanga." They generally live in houses built
on "tall stilts" (Chungs). The name "Tong-Chang-Gya, is similar to
the Ro-hin- Gya, (Mro-haung-gya) meaning refugees from Mrohaung of
Arakan. The name Tanchingya, now "Tang- ya," are the new letters
borrowed from the Burmese language dictionary.

The other developments are in the direction of changing the ancient
Chittagonian Bengali Hill Tracts names into Burmese sounding names;
Khagrachari is now called by the tribals as "Chengmi," Rangamati
for "Gongkabor" and Bandarban for "Arvumi." These changes have been
done in imitation of Thai and Burmese names and in the pretext of
practicing their right to a "limited autonomy."

The name of places in remote Chittagong Hill Tracts such as Bor kol =
Borkol, Ghagra Chori =Khagrachori, Ranga mati= Rangamati, Bandor
bon=Bandarbon, Ram gor= Ramgor, Theker (difficult) Pahar (mountain),
Dum Dummia Bazar etc in the remote areas of Chittagong Hill Tracts
are neither Arakani, nor Burmese nor even Cambodian names. These are
Bengali names given by Bengali people that lived in the Hill Tracts
before the tribes arrived. Historical records show that Bengali
people have been in Chittagong Hill Tracts for over 4,000 years.

In their outward looking identity formation, the above trend of
Changing Bengali names shows that the tribals are depriving its
native Chittagonians their rights and they are neither integrating
nor assimilating as Bangladeshis. They seem to be imitating the
culture of the countries from where their ancestors were driven out
centuries ago. Analysts claim that this trend could be a result of
extremists among the tribals who detaste anything "Bengali"
or "Muslim."

While the above analysis shows the Chakma leadership's with its less
than 250 thousand Chakma population keeps romancing with revolution,
several questions in the academia as well as in the media surface
repeatedly:

(1) Questions abound about how the tribals could be indigenous when
at the same time their own history shows that they had migrated from
Arakan of Burma through southern Chittagong as late as during the
British period. Historical facts show that Bengalis lived in
Chittagong Hill Tracts long before the tribals settled in the
region. "The evidence of paleolithic civilization in Bangladesh
region (shows)… stone implement in Rangamati and a hand axe in the
hilly tip of Feni district. They are likely to be 10,000 to 15,000
years old. New stone age in the region lasted from 3,000 B C to 1,500
B C. Neolithic tools comparable to Assam group were found at
Sitakunda in Chittagong.

The Bengali population generally question, historically, if their
ancestors of the tribals were the settlers then why do they have to
mislead the uninformed people both locally and internationally? It is
true; in the absence of enough research works on the tribal's
international agencies are accepting the tribal's fictious indigenous
claim as being true. The misrepresentation in the process helps
deprive the human rights of the Chittagonian Bengalis in their rights
to own land.

(2) There are also the questions that the tribes are only less than
half a million in number, presently live among another more than half
a million Bengalis in Chittagong Hill Tracts. The total Bengali
population is150 million in the low lands. With such a small tribal
population size of less than 1% of Bangladesh's total population
size, how could they realisticallt become independent. In that
scenerio, some estimate that if it is not a pure case of Chakm
leader's old fashioned Marxist romance of class struggle between the
Benglis vs. the tribals, and India playing its own geopolitical card
against Bangladesh for its own interest, and the Arakani xenophobic
Moghs fraternity with the tribals in the kiangs to misled tribals, it
got to be surely a game the leadership is playing to help develop
mistrust among the tribal and Bengali Bangladeshis.

(3) The other questions asked are about the adoption of alphabets
that, when the population size of different tribal groups are as low
as even few thousands, if it is not a matter of romancing for
independence, why the tribal leadership have to introduce the
racially origin outside Bangladesh alphabets and introduce it to
their children by some NGO called the Zabarang Kalayan Samit etc.
Bangladesh government is aware of these changes. Realistically
speaking; children of tribes of such small numbers should be learning
the important languages of the country to get better jobs for
survival, than fight a revolution with a people of 144 million
strong. Contrary to this trend in Bangladesh, in Burma, minorities
not only learn the main language Burmese to get jobs, and to blend
in, they keep a Burmese names as well. In Burma, the Rohingya Muslims
for example are required to carry ID cards and voluntarily keep a
Burmese Buddhist name. In Mizooram of the "democratic" India, Mizoos
require to carry permit to move from one place to another.
Fortunately, that is not required as a norm in the democratic
Bangladesh. Under the circumstances, in comparison, the democratic
government of Bangladesh shows its reasonable tradition of tolerance.

(4) The other questions asked repeatedly are that realistically how
is it possible for the Chakmas leadership with an insignificant
tribal population size of half a million, vastly different from each
other calling Chittagong Hill Tracts as the Jummaland to become
independent when in contrast, the huge geographical areas across the
border in India such as Assam, Tripura, Mizooram, and in the Western
India, Punjab and Kashmir etc, and in Burma, Shan territory, Chin,
Kachine etc. where vast number of homogeneous people live failed to
become independent. Compared to those, it seems Chakma's case shows a
case of pure romanticism by its opportunist leadership and a self
defeatist movement that can only create suffering through mutual
distrust.

(5) The net outcome of Chakma leadership and its impact seems to have
helped develop mistrust among Bangladeshis. Under the circumstances,
people wonder how even the arrangement of a complete tribal autonomy
would work. This is because, both Bengalis and the tribals live in
mutually exclusive areas, autonomy for tribals only will be unjust
for the Bengali population. To solve similar problems of unrest, in
Indian Kashmir and in Assam, and also in Mizooram, Indian government
built cantonments near each tribal settlement called "ideal village"
where movement of people are tightly controlled. To deal with the
radical elements in those provinces, India resort to population
resettlement in troubled areas. It seems that the present trend in
Chakma leadership's excessive romanticization and armed struggle and
anti Bangladesh campaign at home and abroad only complicated the
situation.

Sucessive Bangladesh governments have been trying to accommodate the
tribal leadership by giving them limited tribal autonomy. The recent
goodwill gesture from the care-taker government in its withdrawl of
24 temporary army camps are also steps in right direction. However,
such gestures should have reciprocal in removing the armed Buddhist
monks from kiangs, places of religious devotion.

Bernier once said "Bangladesh has a hundred gates open for entrance
but not one for departure" In this land, historically "Chakmas and
others have been given shelter as refugees by Bengalis out of
humanitarian concern over the generations." The above trend of Chakma
leadership's anti Bangladesh campaign, seeking foreign help in
terrorism and creating trouble in the internal matters of Bangladesh,
shows strong signs of tribal leadership crisis.

While many Chakma leaders still remained disillusioned, but lately
many Chakma and other tribal leaders began to come to senses and
question whether the tribal groups should follow the "romancing with
revolution" approach by certain Chakma leadership when it has proven
itself "unrealistic," "backward looking," and "violent." These
extremist Chakmas with Indian guns even didn't dare to "kill their
own leaders," and failed to bring a lasting compromise among
themselves as well with Bengalis.

The common indicator for the crisis in tribal leadership seems to
indicate the state of the backward-looking Chakma leadership at home
and in abroad as well as mentioned above the presence of an
unrealistic Marxist leadership that remained far behind reality with
the pace of Bangladesh's overall development. It is imperative that
Chakma leadership should come to its senses and instead of working as
the tool of anti- Bangladesh foreign forces and creating a divide
between the Bengalis and the tribals; should make efforts to receive
the benefits of the equal citizenship of Bangladesh that they
rightfully deserve.

It is true that the integrity of Bangladesh is vital for Bangladesh's
survival. History tells us that, in the past a lapse during the late
Sultani period and early Sher Shah Sur dynasty led Chittagong and the
lower Bengal to be occupied by Mogh and Portuguese pirates resulting
in enslavement of the masses. The suffering continued until the
Moghul conquest of Chittagong.

Realistically then, for Bangladesh's prosperity and for the common
good, it is important and beneficial for all Bangladeshis (tribal and
the nontribal alike) should work together than the extremist Chakma's
Islamophobic and xenophobic incitement against the Bengalis in
Chittagong Hill Tracts.

For the sake of establishing the rule of law, Bangladesh government
had the record of hanging the IslamicBangla Bhai terrorists. For the
sake of Bangladesh's integrity, Bangladesh army and the police should
be present in every corner of Bangladesh including in the Hill
Tracts. Considering the mistrust already created by the Chakma
leadership, some settlements in remote border areas of the Hill
Tracts especially with Bangladesh's border with Burma and India
should be done to check both the armed militacy on the part of the
terrorists of all kinds that make profits from transborder traffiking.

The Chakma leadership believe that historically they are a martial
race.(8) But in a democratic society where the state demands its
citizens to follow the rule of law, the old fashioned Chakma
leadership's romantic method of solving problems through violence
shouldn't be the norm. For mutual benefit of the tribal and nontribal
Bangladeshis, it is important that the Chakma tribal leaders should
be realistic in its goals and help the other tribal and non tribal
citizens to enjoy their equal citizenship rights. Buddha Ratana
Bhikkhu from Hill Tracts says, in the Hill Tracts, presently "local
NGOs, about 40 in number have been working in the field of education,
capacity building, health & nutrition, water and sanitation,
community empowerment, advocacy and lobby, micro-credit and
indigenous rights etc. through partnerships with international,
national and regional donors, and UN bodies." The above initiatives
seem to be encouraging. But external led initiatives especially by
NGOs should be carefully regulated by the government of Bangladesh.

References

Aditya Kumar Dewan, Class and Ethnicity in the Hills of Bangladesh
(Montreal, Canada: An Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, McGill
University, 1990).

Sugata Chakma: The Tribes and Culture of Chittagong Hill Tracts:
(Rangamati: 1993.)

Joinal Abedin, Tribal Settlers of Chittagong Hill Tracts. NFB,
December 08 2006; For a definition of aboriginal see OXFORD Advanced
Learner's Dictionary' 'aboriginal' refers to "a member of race of
people who are the original people living in a country, especially in
Australia/Canada." (Sixth Edition, Edited by Salley Wehmeier: OXFORD
University Press: 2001-2003).

ROOTS: BANGLADESH TOWARDS 21ST CENTURY, published by the Ministry of
Information, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.

During the late 70′s I worked in a project initiated by R. I.
Chowdhury, et.al Tribal Leadership and Political Integration: A Case
Study of Chakma and Mong of Chittagong Hill Tracts (Chittagong:
University of Chittagong, 1979). During the liberation war, on my way
to the Mizooram of India, I had walked on foot with my fellow
travellers and lived among the tribals of Chittagong Hill Tracts.

Buddha Ratana Bhikkhu.Indigenous people are struggling for
recognition and development activities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
(CHT) region
,


Several things contributed to the Chittagong Hill Tribes's problems:

(1) The prominant one is about the Kaptai dam, built during Pakistan period. Reacting to this the tribals legitimately showed concerns but enthusiast foreign inspiration especially from Juric Univesity, Swizerland and some sympathizers from UK helped the Chakma tribal leadership to hijak the issue in favor of the more marxist elements of the Chakma groups to its present histaria

The Chakma leadership romantacized the problem and took the issue as a matter of class struggle and recommended to its tribal followers (a)to fight for the independence of Chittagong Hill Tracts (b) The Hill Tracts lived by 50% tribals and 45%Bengalis and others. Awami League by Hasina is going against the Bengalis in favor of her tribal voting constituency. On top of this lack of reality check, surprisingly written records show (c)the tribes are not the aboriginals of Chittagong Hill Tracts. Their ancestors repeatedly took shelter in Chittagong Hill Tracts to escape Burmease invasion of Arakan. The last one, the Rakhines took shelter in 1784. (d)The total Tribal population is even less than a million.

(2)Rmanticizing with the independence idea created fear among Bangladeshi people.
Further romanticizing continues today by almost every tribal groups, even small tribes as the Tanchangyas (2000 families) to change their name to Tanga (Burmese), and adapt Burmese script as their written language.
(3)India took advantage of the alienation and helped arming the tribals.

(4) To its effect now there is the loss of trust between Bengalis and the Tribals.

Tribals instead of romancing with the wrong idea of Marxism, should learn the majority language and compete with Bengalis and enjoy the freedom given to everybody as being Bangladeshis. Such freedom is missing in the military ruled Burma and in the so-called secular Indian north East where groups like Mizoos, Asamese demanding independence are being massacred by droping bombs from the sky.
It is too bad that the Chakma marxist leadership made more steps backward for all the tribes to now make the tribals in general suffer.

See my detail article:
Abid Bahar, Issues of Dispute and Contemporary Problems in Chittagong Hill Tracts,http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/49338?l=1

The News Today; also in the NFB, "Bid to fuel fresh unrest in CHT:
The terrorists have chosen religious sentiment as the latest weapon
,"
May 15 2008


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[ALOCHONA] Tele-transit for India



Tele-transit for India
 
 


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[ALOCHONA] Re: Destruction of 1971 war documents and War Crimes Trials - An Indian perspective



Rewriting history
 
MH Khan
It is not only the BNP who wants to rewrite history in their way. A section of the Awami League also has been doing it since the independence of this country. India is the third party involved in this heinous endeavour. But one thing is common in all the three initiatives. All the three parties want to delete a section of the history that spans from the 26th March '71 to the 16th December '71.
   
After the cowardly attack of the Pakistani forces on the night of 25th March, the whole Bengali nation was pushed into the war front, face to face with the Pakistani military. Police, BDR, Bengal Regiment, students and youths from all sections of the Bengali nation picked up their new role instantly and spontaneously without any prejudice or affiliation. That was the tremendous roar of unification. We witnessed supreme sacrifice of our heroic sons in Rajarbagh police barrack, Pillkhana BDR barrack, Dhaka University dormitories and in many uncounted locations of this country. A new breed of tigers was born called the Mukti Bahini. They had to retreat to get organised. A Government in exile was formed in Mujeeb Nagar while Sheikh Mujib was in a jail in Pakistan. That was the beginning of a new chapter of the history and beginning of the lost, or deleted, section of our history.
 
That was the exiled Government who co-ordinated and guided the war of our Independence. The proud freedom fighters of a proud nation were never controlled or commanded by Indian forces. We had our own camp administrations and we had our own trainers and commanders. In some camps the BSF helped us in training on arms and live ammunitions. But in advanced and frontline camps we had our own trainers. In some frontiers Indian forces gave us artillery covers from their positions behind our camps but we fought our own war ourselves. By the time India formally joined the war the whole country was literally under our control and the Pakistanis were holed up in Dhaka Cantonment.
   
India shredded the records of the war of our Independence for reasons not 'known'. They probably wanted the leverage of writing their version of the history that can serve their purpose.

 
On 5/22/10, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:

Revisiting 1971

Firdaus Ahmed
firdyahmed@yahoo.com

The latest, if muted, storm in the military's tea cup has been the destruction of documents relating to India's 1971 victory. Apparently, Eastern Command made a search for the documents in order to interact with erstwhile Mukti Bahini fighters as part of a forthcoming observance of the event. It turned out that the documents in question had been destroyed on orders. This was confirmed by Lt Gen Jacob, architect of the famous victory, recalling that this was done before he took over as the Eastern Army commander soon after the war. Promptly, it surfaced that the records of the great naval action – the sinking of the Pakistani naval submarine, PNS Ghazi – were also missing.

The controversy provides an opportunity to revisit 1971. The landmark events have since had considerable resonance, particularly because the Pakistani Army has been engaged in 'paying back' India over the past three decades. However, this article dwells on the problems with strategic thinking in India, using the 1971 War as an entry point.

It is now widely known that the decision to go to war was taken sometime in mid April of that year, after the extreme brutality of the crack down on Bengalis in East Pakistan the previous month. Late Field Marshal Manekshaw recounted how he had stood up to his political masters insisting on postponing the date to a more opportune time later in the year for which his army would be better prepared. (It is perhaps his retelling of this 'legend' that led to India's political elite inexplicably keeping away from his last rites.) The interim gave India ample scope for interfering in East Pakistan, by supporting the Mukti Bahini.

While state terrorism that occurred in East Pakistan is inexcusable, it bears mention that in the Third World context of state weaknesses, dealing with foreign interference is usually done through greater violence than is otherwise the case. Therefore, India's earlier role in sponsoring irregulars and later in conducting operations alongside them prior to the outbreak of war contributed in some measure to the brutality of the Pakistani state and its army. There is also a question mark in history on the hijacking of and blowing up of the 'Ganga' Air India flight in Lahore. This enabled India to terminate over-flights between the eastern and western wings of Pakistan as early as February 1971, accentuating its problems of access and heightening its security dilemma. Therefore, to an extent the final figures of three million dead and ten million refugees can also be attributed to India's strategy. It is no wonder that the records held with the Army are missing.

The costs of India's strategy are easy to discern. It could have been anticipated that Pakistan's paranoia would heighten due to the Indian angle to the crisis. Was it perhaps that Pakistan's despicable behaviour provided India the casus belli? Was the strategy to provoke just such a response? At the UN, India initially alluded to the humanitarian consequences of Pakistani action as the casus belli, swiftly its UN officials retracted and attributed India's action to self-defence instead; brought on, incidentally, by Pakistani attacks after a fortnight of Indian ground force presence in East Pakistan.

K Subrahmanyam, doyen of India's strategic community, won his spurs then by making a case for dividing Pakistan. He records insisting with YB Chavan that India also take the war to West Pakistan to dictate the agenda of peace. In the event that India's aims were limited to taking some territory in the East and being defensive in the West would Subrahmanyam's case have led to a better outcome? The USS Enterprise was enroute to the Bay of Bengal leaving India with enough time to revert troops from the West to East. Operational level ingenuity resulted in the stunning victory. However, factoring in the entirely predictable human cost preceding it and that continues to rack the subcontinent today, makes it much less so.

The criticism today is that the gains to the east were not exploited adequately at Shimla to force Bhutto's weak hand. The usual argument is that holding onto prisoners would have been a useful pressure point. This is ignorance of the Third Geneva Convention which requires the return of prisoners at the earliest. In the event India chose to return even the 150 prisoners pointed out by Bangladesh as war criminals. Perhaps returning them, after getting Bangladesh to acquiesce, would have closed the chapter. War crime trials would no doubt have brought out the Indian angle to the internal crisis.

Lastly, the telling lesson of 1971 is that continuing political control over the military is required, even over action seemingly in the military domain. War aims formulated in Calcutta by Eastern Command's Chief of Staff keeping Dhaka as the center of gravity were not those of Delhi, as elaborated by the General Jacob himself in his surrender at Dhaka. In today's nuclear environment –a consequence of political inattention then– such a situation cannot be allowed to replicate.

 
http://www.ipcs.org/article/india/revisiting-1971-3134.html



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[ALOCHONA] Menon accuses AL men of being involved in crimes, corruption




 
The Workers Party of Bangladesh, a component of the ruling Awami League-led alliance, on Friday accused the ruling party men of being involved in tender manipulation, crimes and corruption across the country.
   The party president, Rashed Khan Menon, also lawmaker for the Dhaka 8 constituency, expressed his dissatisfaction at the Awami League's ignoring the electoral alliance partners in running state affairs.
   The alliance partners must have participation in the government as it is an alliance government and decisions must be made collectively, Menon said.
   
The Awami League-led government has failed to live up to people's expectations, contain essential goods price spiral, stop hoarding of commodities and strengthen the Trading Corporation of Bangladesh.
   The government has also failed to resolve shortage of power, water and gas for which the people are suffering, he said at a rally organised by the party's central committee in Muktangan in Dhaka to push for its 10-point demands.
   The demands include war crimes trial, getting back to the constitution as it was in 1972, introduction of rationing, addressing the basic needs of the people, increasing workers' wages and reopening the mills and factories closed earlier.
   
The county will again fall into darkness if the government fails and the rightist political forces will come to power, Menon said.
   The party's general secretary Anisur Rahman Mollick said, 'We are passing through a hard time and we had not wanted a mere change of government.'
   The party will go out on demonstrations across the country on June 5 to push for its demand and hold conventions in six divisions later demanding war crimes trial.
   
The government has taken little steps to implement the 23-point charter of demands the Awami League-led alliance put forth during elections for which the alliance was voted to power, he said.
   The party's former general secretary Bimal Biswas said the government was involved in anti-people activities and the Workers Party would not shoulted responsibilities for the extortion and tender manipulation by the Chhatra League and the Juba League which are associate organisations of the Awami League.
   
Menon presided over the rally where the party's politburo members Fazle Hossain Badsha and Quamrul Ahsan and the Dhaka city unit secretary Abul Hossain spoke.
   The party later brought out a procession which paraded different city roads.
 


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[ALOCHONA] Coud It be Happened in Bangladesh, when Secularism adopted in the Constitution?




Student's headscarf sparks debate over Kosovo identity

AFP May 18, 2010, 12:05 am
 
Arjeta Halim reads the Koran at a mosque in the town of Vitina in April 2010. The 17-year-old has not allowed since January 2009 to go to the high school in Vitina as she refuses to take off her headscarf. The school arguesthey are respecting Kosovo s constitution, which clearly separates religion and state.
    DROBESH, Kosovo (AFP) - Sitting at home when she ought to be at school, Arjeta Halimi cuts an unlikely figure at the heart of a debate over identity, religion and education in Muslim-majority Kosovo.
    Aged 17, the student from Drobesh in eastern Kosovo has not been allowed to attend school in nearby Vitina since January last year because she refuses to take off her headscarf.
    While societies in western Europe grapple with the question of whether to allow Muslim women to wear the burka or niqab, which cover the face, in this Balkans nation the issue has boiled down to a simple headscarf.
    Halimi wears a scarf that covers her hair and shoulders, framing her face. It appears to be her personal choice, as none of her four younger sisters wear one.
    "I was told by security guards that I could not enter the school premises with my headscarf," she told AFP in an interview in the living room where shyly but politely she answers journalists' questions.
    "They said they were instructed by the school principal. I refused to take it off and have not been able to return to the school since."
    Halimi has a court ruling in her favour, but the school is still refusing Halimi access. They argue they are respecting the constitution, which clearly separates religion and state.
    "It's a secular state, with secular schools. We follow the constitution," Vitina's education director Fehri Qerimi said.
    Kosovo is westernized and despite its overwhelming Muslim majority, Islamic headscarves are still the exception.
    While there is no specific legislation banning headscarves in school, many feel the practice would breach the constitution, which describes Kosovo as a secular state "neutral in matters of religious beliefs."
    Others argue that under freedom of worship, Halimi has the constitutional right to wear a garment she feels is an expression of her religious identity.
    "It is a severe abuse of (her) human rights," said Fehim Abazi, grand imam of the Muslim community in Vitina.
    Although other female students in the past have been barred from school for refusing to remove their headscarf, this is the first case since Kosovo broke from Serbia in February 2008.
    Since the declaration of independence Kosovo has striven for international acceptance. The former Serbian province is currently recognised by 68 nations, including the United States and most European Union member states.
    And Halimi's case echoes others in EU nations.
    In Spain, a girl was banned from a Madrid school for refusing to take off her scarf, while in France and Belgium, legislation is being introduced banning the burka, the full Islamic veil.
    The difference is that in those countries Muslims are a minority: in Kosovo, more than 90 percent of the population of two million are Muslim.
    It was Halimi's father who took her case to court with the help of a human rights group, CLARD: the Center for Legal Aid and Regional Development.
    After the November 2009 hearings, "the court recognized Arjeta's right to attend classes despite wearing the headscarf," Myrvete Bytyci of CLARD said.
    In its ruling, the court referred to children's rights to education and to freedom of religion.
    Despite that, the school is still refusing to take Halimi back, saying they are waiting for direct orders from the authorities. CLARD says the authorities and education ministry are dragging their feet.
    The school rebuffs the criticism, insisting Halimi can pursue schooling if she wants.
    "We haven't refused her right to education as she is allowed to take exams. We consider her as our child and do not want to expel her from the education process," Qerimi told AFP.
    Meanwhile, Halimi remains stuck at home. She spends most of her time doing household chores, attending religious classes at the local mosque and studying Islam's holy book, the Koran.
    She has bought schoolbooks and is planning to take her final exams even if she is not allowed to attend classes.
    "I do not want to take off the headscarf," she insisted. "It is part of my identity."


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    [ALOCHONA] US Congressional and Heritage Foundation's report on Bangladesh



    Dear All:
     
    US Congressional and Heritage Foundation's report on Bangladesh:
     
    Please go to the following linkage and read:
     
     
     


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    [ALOCHONA] India expects handover of Chetia, Paresh



    India expects handover of Chetia, Paresh


    The detained ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom) general secretary Anup Chetia may be formally handed over to a team of Indian security officials comprising CBI and Assam Police, highly placed sources said.They said that during Sheikh Hasina's recent meeting with Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh in Thimpu, Bhutan on the sidelines of the SAARC Summit, it was conveyed that Dhaka should keep up the pressure on the militants of the North-Eastern states of India.

    Anup Chetia's case, the sources assumed, is different from other militant leaders as he was officially detained by the law enforcement agencies and had undergone prison term in the country. So like other top militant leaders, he (Chetia) cannot be handed over secretly to Indian authorities, they added.

    Though the governments of Bangladesh and India had signed a treaty to hand over 'criminals who have completed jail terms in each other countries, Chetia's application for political asylum pending before the UNHRC is considered another hurdle.

    The detained ULFA general secretary has completed his jail term in Bangladesh and currently under 'protective custody'. Dhaka has been maintaining that his application for political asylum is pending a decision.After a day of confusion over detention of ULFA chief Paresh Barua and handing over of detained general secretary Anup Chetia, the Ministry of Home Affairs denied both the reports.

    Union Home Secretary G K Pillai told newsmen that the Union Government has no report of detention of the elusive commander-in-chief. He further denied that Chetia was handed over to Indian authorities by Bangladesh.The Government of India has no report of arrest of ULFA chief, said Pillai, while dismissing reports in a section of the media."We have no information regarding arrest of ULFA chief in Bangladesh, as reported in the media," a spokesman of the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) said earlier in the day.

    The report of arrest of Barua caught officials in the Home Ministry and the External Affairs Ministry by surprise. The Embassy in Dhaka was contacted, as intelligence agencies got busy verifying the reports.According to news report that appeared in national dailies, the ULFA leader was apprehended by the Bangladeshi security agencies about 12 days ago, when he was crossing over to Bangladesh via Myanmar border after visiting Chinese Yunnan province.

    Barua was reportedly held at a place near Teknaf in Bangladesh, when he was said to be on a purchasing spree of arms and ammunition for his outfit from Narinco Arms factory.The news report, quoting sources said India expected Bangladesh to hand him over as soon once they finish interrogating him. There were also reports that Barua was handed over to India and was formally arrested at Bangalore from a Bangkok bound flight. However, it was later denied.

    United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was formed on April 7, 1979, by Bhimakanta Buragohain, Rajiv Rajkonwar alias Arabinda Rajkhowa, Golap Baruah alias Anup Chetia, Samiran Gogoi alias Pradip Gogoi, Bhadreshwar Gohain and Paresh Baruah at the Rang Ghar in Sibsagar (Assam) to establish a 'sovereign socialist Assam' through an armed struggle, the South Asia Terrorism Portal says.

    The ULFA has a clearly partitioned political and military wing. Paresh Barua heads the military wing as the outfit's 'commander-in-chief'. Top ULFA leaders, including chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa, deputy chief Raju Baruah and political ideologue Bhimkanta Buragohain, are lodged in the Guwahati jail, with only a handful of top leaders, including Paresh Barua, elusive at the moment.

    The outlawed ULFA today dubbed as "misinformation campaign" reports of the arrest of its 'commander-in-chief' Paresh Barua in Bangladesh.In an e-mail statement, ULFA 'publicity wing in-charge' Anu Borgohain alleged that the spread of such rumours was a "conspiracy by the government to create confusion in the minds of the people.

    "Neither Paresh Barua nor any other leader of the group has been arrested in any country. They are safe in their respective places where they are currently staying and are discharging their duties accordingly," he said.The ULFA also appealed to the people not to be influenced by such misinformation campaign which the "authorities spread with a section of the e-media".

    The buzz regarding Barua's arrest in Bangladesh was dismissed as a rumour by both intelligence and police sources here along with Union Home Secretary G K Pillai in New Delhi.
     


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    [ALOCHONA] Surge in used car import ahead of budget



    Surge in used car import ahead of budget
     


    Traders are bringing in thousands of reconditioned cars ahead of announcement of budget fearing imposition of higher levies on import of used vehicles in the new fiscal year beginning on July 1 next.Shipping intelligences said that a total of 4,842 used cars, more than double the usual monthly import, have already reached the two ports during first three weeks of May.

    NYK Shipping Lines carrying 1,599 cars has reached the Chittagong port and 172 the Mongla port. Everest Bangladesh Ltd., another car carrier, has brought 2,016 at Chittagong port and 326 at Mongla port.
     
    http://prothom-alo.com/detail/date/2010-05-22/news/65139

    Prime Logistics, a new car carrier, has also carried 520 cars for Chittagong port and the 209 for the Mongla port during the period. As of Friday, the number of cars poled up at the two ports is 5,700, including 1,600 at Mongla port.
    Chittagong port has 4,100 used cars against its capacity of around 4,000 at its different sheds.

    One senior official at the traffic department of Chittagong port told the FE that the delivery of cars was slower compared with the import flow.

    Around 130 cars are now being delivered from Chittagong port and around 20 from Mongla port a day. Habibullah Dawn, president of BARVIDA (Bangladesh Reconditioned vehicles Importers and Dealers Association) said: "Rumour relating to higher tax imposition on the vehicles in the coming budget is the main reason for record number of imports of used cars this month."He also said the buyers want to purchase before the national budget imposes higher tax on the reconditioned cars.

    However, Rahat Bin Asad, managing director of Everest Bangladesh Ltd, said that his ship will carry around 3,000 cars during the first week of June, just before the announcement of national budget in parliament. Rabi Shankar, operation manager of NYK Shipping Lines said that his carrier would also carry a good number of used cars before the budget.

    Import of reconditioned cars has been witnessing the biggest boom in the country's history, boosted by a surge in bank finance and the buying spree by emerging upper middle class people in the city.Habib Ullah Dawn, president of BARVIDA, said people in the middle income bracket are the main buyers in recent times as the cost of other hired means of transportation increased sharply.

    Local car importers now can import up-to five year old cars as per the latest import policy. BARVIDA chief said there should be a permanent policy relating to import of reconditioned cars to stop spread of rumour ahead of budget every year.

    http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/more.php?news_id=100839&date=2010-05-22

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    [ALOCHONA] Vitamin D deficiencies at epidemic levels, says new study



    Vitamin D deficiencies at epidemic levels, says new study
     
    (NaturalNews) Vitamin D is an amazing nutrient that protect the body from all sorts of diseases and problems. Researchers continually uncover new links between lack of vitamin D and disease, illustrating the fact that it is vital to good health. However recent studies have also found that most people are deficient in vitamin D.

    A team of doctors from the McGill University Health Centre in Canada was surprised to find that about 59 percent of people evaluated were deficient in vitamin D and about 25 percent were severely deficient. Published in the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism, the study is allegedly the first to illustrate a definitive link between vitamin D deficiency and an accumulation of fat in muscle tissue.

    "Because it [vitamin D deficiency] is linked to increased body fat, it may affect many different parts of the body. Abnormal levels of vitamin D are associated with a whole spectrum of diseases, including cancer, osteoporosis, and diabetes, as well as cardiovascular and autoimmune disorders," explained Dr. Richard Kremer, lead investigator of the study.

    The main reason why people are generally lacking in vitamin D is because people spend much more time indoors than they used to. Especially with computers, people often spend their entire days inside cubicles where they are exposed to little or no sunlight.

    Vitamin D is not produced in the body on its own. It is created when skin is exposed to sunlight. Some foods contain vitamin D, but in minimal amounts compared to what can be achieved from sun exposure. Most people also do not consume enough vitamin D-rich food to obtain adequate amounts of it.

    The McGill study highlights an important link between vitamin D and obesity that, until now, has been largely ignored. Vitamin D deficiency contributes to decreased muscle and increased fat, which is a condition that is increasingly common in industrialized nations. Though diet also plays a role in obesity, it is striking to see vitamin D playing a role in the condition as well.

    Perhaps the reason why vitamin D deficiency is linked to all sorts of serious diseases has more to do with the increase in visceral fat that it causes, which in turn leads to such health problems. This study seems to confirm that notion.

    The best way to address vitamin D deficiency is to get more sunlight. But when this is not possible, particularly throughout the winter months when the sun is at a lower angle and the ultraviolet (UV) rays are at a minimum, supplementation with vitamin D is the next best option.

    The study itself did not confirm one way or another the effectiveness of vitamin D supplementation in reducing fat and increasing muscle, however tests have shown that supplementation does increase blood levels of vitamin D. Many people take vitamin D supplements to alleviate their deficiency and have experience good results.

    Currently, the recommended daily allowance (RDA) of vitamin D is between 200 and 400 international units (IU) per day, depending on age. Recent studies are showing that these recommendations are too low to maintain optimal health. Some are suggesting that these guidelines be updated to amounts upwards of 1,000 IU per day, including the Canadian Cancer Society.

    On a typical summer day, 15 to 20 minutes of sunlight exposure will result in the skin producing about 40,000 IU of vitamin D. At this point, the mechanism that produces it shuts off in order to prevent the body from making too much.

    With these levels in mind, many naturopathic doctors recommend supplementing with up to 10,000 IU a day or more. Many believe it is difficult to take too much vitamin D because the safe upper limits are much higher than previously thought.

    Currently, the best form of vitamin D is D3, or cholecalciferol, because it is the precursor to the type created by the body from sunlight exposure. Vitamin D3 can be safely taken at amounts much higher than the RDA guidelines.

    Safe tanning beds are another option for achieving optimal vitamin D levels without taking a supplement. Despite recent reports that they are unsafe and cause skin cancer, some tanning beds can be used properly and safely to obtain UV rays when regular sunlight is not an option. These beds use electronic ballasts instead of magnetic ballasts that emit electromagnetic frequencies (EMFs), which can cause cancer and other health issues.

    Dr. Mercola, another trusted source of natural health information, has a helpful
    directory of healthy tanning locations across the country. There are also companies that sell these tanning beds for home use.

    If you are unsure about your vitamin D levels and wish to consult with your physician, a simple blood test will determine your levels. Whichever route you choose to take, just be sure to get enough vitamin D. Your body will thank you.

    http://www.naturalnews.com/028837_vitamin_D_deficiencies.html


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