From: Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com>
Sent: Sat, Jul 10, 2010 5:36 am
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Nuclear waste management at Rooppur
NUCLEAR fuel that undergoes fission in nuclear reactors consists of heavy elements like uranium-235, available in nature, and uranium 233 and plutonium-239, both produced artificially from thorium-232 and uranium-238, respectively, in nuclear reactors by interaction with neutrons.
The concentration of uranium-235 in natural uranium is very low, only 0.71%. The rest is uranium-238, a heavier isotope of uranium which does not fission in normal reactors. For use in light water reactors, it is necessary to enrich, i.e. increase the concentration of, uranium-235 to 3% to 4%.
Nuclear fuel requires several stages of processing before it can be put inside nuclear reactors in the form of fuel assemblies or bundles. The uranium ore undergoes milling, conversion to uranium hexafluoride, enrichment and again conversion to its final form -- uranium dioxide.
This oxide looks like a black powder, which is compacted to form small pellets about one centimeter in diameter and of the same height. These pellets are put inside metallic tubes called claddings, which are later sealed to prevent leakage of any substance from inside. The tubes form what are known as fuel bundles or assemblies.
Nuclear fuel does not burn like normal fossil fuels, which produce ash and flue gases. Instead, it undergoes fission inside a nuclear reactor and produces energy and fission products, which may be either solids or gases. The fission products are highly radioactive. The energy is carried away by the coolant to produce electricity. The fission products stay inside the fuel or the sealed cladding.
The fuel assemblies can stay inside a reactor for several years before they are replaced with new ones. The used fuel assemblies, after being taken out of the reactors, are called spent fuel. They produce heat even after they are taken out of the reactor, because of the intense gamma radiation, and need cooling. They are, therefore, stored in a pool of circulating water.
The spent fuel contains some unused uranium-235 and plutonium-239 plus uranium-238, which can be recovered by reprocessing the spent fuel, and can be reused in nuclear reactors. After reprocessing, the recovered uranium is sent for further enrichment.
Mixed with uranium dioxide, the plutonium-239 can be used as fuel after conversion into oxides. The highly radioactive fission products are separated from the spent fuel and stored in sealed and shielded canisters in safe depositories.
Nuclear fuel produces waste at different stages of processing. Some of the waste are radioactive and require special treatment for protecting human health and minimising their impact on the environment.
Radioactive waste is normally classified into three categories, namely low-level, medium-level and high-level waste depending on the amount, types and half-lives of radioactivity.
Half-life is the time taken by a radioactive substance or isotope to lose half of its activity. Half-lives vary from a fraction of a second to millions of years. Radioactivity decreases with time as the isotopes decay into stable and non-radioactive ones. Short-lived isotopes decay quickly whereas long-lived ones decay slowly.
Low-level waste contains small amounts of short-lived radioactivity. It is not dangerous to handle but needs to be disposed of carefully. Usually, it is buried underground, only a few feet deep. If necessary, it can be compacted or incinerated in a closed container to reduce the volume before final disposal. By volume, it consists of 90% of all radioactive waste worldwide, but contains only 1% of the total radioactivity.
The residue after mining and milling of uranium contains very low-level radioactivity and is generally buried in the mines. Depleted uranium (the left-over after enrichment), containing mostly uranium-238, is less radioactive than natural uranium.
Medium-level waste contains higher amounts of radioactivity and may require special shielding before disposal. Worldwide, it consists of 7% of the volume and contains 4% of the radioactivity of all radioactive waste. If necessary, it can be solidified through mixing with concrete or bitumen before disposal.
The short-lived waste from nuclear reactors can be buried like low-level waste, but the long-lived waste is disposed of deep underground. Because of shorter half-lives, both low-level and medium-level waste lose their radioactivity in time and become harmless after disposal.
High-level waste includes spent fuel and the main waste from reprocessed fuel. It consists of 3% of the volume of all radioactive waste and contains 95% of the radioactivity. It is comprised of highly radioactive fission products and some heavy elements with long-lived radioactivity. It generates a significant amount of heat and requires cooling and special shielding during handling and transportation.
If the spent fuel is reprocessed, the separated waste is vitrified, i.e. turned into glass by mixing it with borosilicate glass which is sealed inside stainless steel canisters for storage or disposal deep underground. Liquid high-level waste is evaporated to solids, mixed with glass-forming materials, melted, and poured into stainless steel canisters which are sealed by welding, again for storage or disposal.
If the spent fuel is not reprocessed, all the highly radioactive isotopes stay inside the fuel assemblies, which become high-level waste. Used fuel assemblies occupy about nine times the volume of equivalent vitrified high-level waste which results from reprocessing.
Whether reprocessed or not, the volume of high-level waste is modest. A typical large reactor produces about 3 cubic meters of vitrified waste or 25-30 tonnes of spent fuel per year. Because of its small volume, it is not difficult to store in isolated locations.
The transuranium elements (heavier than uranium) formed inside the nuclear reactors by absorption of neutrons have longer half-lives (thousands of years) compared with those of fission products (about 30 years or less).
It is possible to solve the problem of management of long-lived heavy elements by converting them into fission products with shorter half-lives by transmutation, i. e. irradiating them with fast neutrons in reactors causing fissions. The resulting fission products have shorter half-lives. Disposal of such short-lived fission products will be much easier than the tranuranium elements with long half-lives.
Final disposal of high-level waste is delayed for 40-50 years to allow its radioactivity to decay, after which less than one-thousandth of its initial radioactivity remains, and it is much easier to handle. Hence, canisters of vitrified waste, or used fuel assemblies, are stored under water in special ponds, or in dry concrete structures or casks for at least this length of time.
The final disposal of vitrified wastes, or of used fuel assemblies without reprocessing, requires their isolation from the environment for long periods. The most acceptable method is to bury them in dry, stable, geological formations deep underground, preferably inside abandoned salt mines.
According to available information, Russia is likely to supply nuclear fuel in the form of fuel assemblies for the proposed nuclear power plant at Rooppur, and take the spent fuel back. If this arrangement can be successfully implemented, Bangladesh will not have to worry about disposal of any high-level nuclear waste as all high-level waste, together with the spent fuel, will be transported back to Russia in properly shielded containers.
Bangladesh has to ensure that it gets back full credit for the unused uranium and plutonium that will be transported to Russia with the spent fuel. Russia may, however, charge Bangladesh the cost of handling, transportation and reprocessing of the spent fuel and that of safe storage of the high-level nuclear waste.
In case the spent fuel is not taken back by Russia, Bangladesh will store the spent fuel in a safe location close to the nuclear power plant for the time being. It is now widely believed that the present share of electricity generation through nuclear power will increase manifold in the near future, mainly because of environmental considerations, since nuclear power is the only alternative to fossil fuels now available in large commercial quantities that does not produce harmful greenhouse gases.
As a result, the demand for nuclear fuel will also increase and, consequently, there will be a market for spent nuclear fuel since it contains valuable unused uranium and fissile plutonium which can be recycled in nuclear reactors. Moreover, several new designs of nuclear reactors, which can be fueled by spent fuel without reprocessing, are now under development. This may further increase the demand for spent fuel in the international market.
Handling, storage and disposal of low and medium-level nuclear waste pose no serious problem. Bangladesh Atomic Energy Commission has the necessary expertise and experience to manage such waste and, in fact, has been doing so since the construction of its research reactor in 1986 at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment (AERE) at Savar. There is, therefore, no reason to worry about the management of nuclear wastes from the Rooppur nuclear power plant.
Dr. Abdul Matin is a former Chief Engineer of Bangladesh Atomic Energy Commission
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Wednesday, July 14, 2010
Re: [ALOCHONA] Nuclear waste management at Rooppur
[ALOCHONA] Bangladesh arrests are opening act of war crimes tribunal
Two leading Islamist politicians were arrested as Bangladesh prepares to hold a war crimes tribunal for those charged with committing mass murder during the country's liberation war from Pakistan in 1971. Observers worry this might incite violence.
Bangladesh's government on Wednesday arrested two of the country's leading Islamist politicians, charging them with committing mass murder during Bangladesh's liberation war from Pakistan in 1971. Both men are members of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, the country's largest fundamentalist party. Their detention comes after the government arrested three of Jamaat's top leaders, including the party's head, Motiur Rahman Nizami, in late June, sparking street riots that wounded more than 80 people.The arrests, which have effectively neutralized Jamaat's leadership, are the opening act in a tribunal that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed established in March to try war crimes committed during 1971.
1971 Bangladesh atrocities
The government claims it has evidence that Jamaat-e-Islami collaborated with the Pakistani Army, which killed, according to some figures, as many as 3 million Bangladeshis – most of them fellow Muslims - and raped more than 200,000 women.On the one hand, analysts say the trial could be a model for the world: a Muslim-majority democracy trying one of the modern world's worst acts of religious extremism.
On the other hand, Prime Minister Hasina has harassed Jamaat-e-Islami with strong-arm tactics that undermine the rule of law, according to critics, as a result of which Jamaat has vowed to retaliate, possibly with violence. Fears already abound that the tribunal could now ignite a social explosion.Starting a war crimes tribunal isn't easy"The Jamaat leaders will make every effort to stop this trial. Will it be a political resistance? Will it be a hidden, violent resistance through terrorism? All possibilities should be taken into account, and we should be prepared accordingly," says retired Bangladeshi Maj. Gen. Muhammed Abdur Rashid, an independent political analyst in Dhaka.
Starting a war crimes tribunal in Bangladesh has not been easy. Past efforts have stalled or been swept aside for 40 years, given that a trial threatens to implicate many of those currently or recently in power. But Hasina won a landslide victory in 2009 on campaign promises that she would do just that. The stakes are personal for her Awami League party: the core of Bengali nationalists, they were one of the main targets of the brutality in 1971.
Many questions still hover over Hasina's tribunal, including the extent of reliable evidence, the list of witnesses, and the number of accused. Last week, the government banned about 40 suspects from leaving the country, indicating that the proceedings would begin soon. But one thing seems certain, observers agree: Jamaat-e-Islami's leadership will come under scrutiny during the trial.
What does this mean for the political party?
It's a troubling moment for the party. Jamaat has been able to build a solid base as a legal, respected party, with some 12 million supporters here. It has managed to weather accusations – long held but never proven – that it secretly supports militancy. In 2001, the party even won 17 seats in Parliament, and took three ministerial posts.
Hasina's tribunal threatens to dig up a past Jamaat would rather forget.
International scholars and living witnesses have all accused Nizami and other Jamaat leaders of directing militias - known as Razzakars - that killed Bengali Muslims and Hindus in 1971. The fighting began after Bengali nationalists, accusing Pakistan's leadership of economic, cultural, and political exploitation, took up arms. Scholars point out, however, that the vast majority of crimes committed during the 1971 war, were not committed by Jamaat-e-Islami, but by Bangladeshis who sided with Pakistan.
Jamaat-e-Islami denies charges
Jamaat-e-Islami vehemently denies the charges. But many believe the government has a solid case, as well as wide sweeping public support. That is why the government's approach has been so disappointing, observers say.Hasina's government has not simply arrested Jamaat's leaders for war crimes. Instead, it has implicated Nizami and others in dubious cases, observers here say, including for religious blasphemy, the murder of a rickshaw puller during a street protest, a sedition case, and for attacking the police. War crimes charges were only later added to the list.
This approach threatens to undermine the integrity of the proceedings, observers say. And it could backfire. Nizami and others – who may actually be guilty of war crimes – will have to be let go if evidence for these others offenses is not sufficiently supplied. "The arrest for such apparently trivial … charges, as opposed to crimes against humanity, has created an opportunity for … the opposition to come up with a statement demanding their release and terming the detention as politically motivated," Mozammel H. Khan, of the Canadian Committee for Human Rights and Democracy in Bangladesh, wrote in a recent editorial in The Daily Star, Bangladesh's leading English newspaper.
Jamaat vehemently protests the government's actions. "This issue has no legal basis, no moral basis. It has been overplayed," Jamaat's assistant secretary, Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, told the Monitor in a recent interview.
Hasina's government seems determined to proceed. Mr. Kamaruzzaman was one of the two arrested on Wednesday. He is being charged for his alleged role in killing more than 300 people in 1971. During an interview before his arrest, he insisted on his innocence. "The media has made me so important – one of the top 10 war criminals, according to the press. It is because I am actively involved in politics. If I was not in politics, nobody would have remembered me," he said.
An opportunity to start fresh? or incite violence?
Analysts here worry that the arrests, by focusing narrowly on Jamaat, will distract from the larger significance of the trial: because Muslims killed other Muslims in the name of Islam, and were never punished, a culture of extremism has taken root with impunity in Bangladesh. The tribunal is a chance to address that larger injustice, not just skewer one party, observers say."This trial can be a new moment. It will be a great moral defeat for the forces of extremism," says M.A. Hasan of the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee, a private organization that has been collecting evidence on behalf of the tribunal.
Before his arrest, Kamaruzzaman insisted to the Monitor that his party would follow legal procedures to prove its innocence.But he added that militancy might be the last resort for his party's younger followers if the government continues harassing his party."It is very difficult to control the younger people at such an emotional issue. We are afraid some of them can go for underground militancy, for retaliation," he said.
It may be an empty claim. But many here are now bracing for what could be more violence. Still, they say, the price would be worth it."This trial is very needed. We should have tried them much, much earlier," says first year college student Jahir Ruslam Joy. Standing next to him, his friend, Dipak Detisha, interjected, "We are ready to face the violence for the greater sake of the country."
http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-South-Central/2010/0714/Bangladesh-arrests-are-opening-act-of-war-crimes-tribunal?sms_ss=facebook
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RE: [ALOCHONA] Fatwa illegal : HC rules against all extra-judicial punishments upon writ petitions
A fatwā (فتوى; plural fatāwā فتاوى) in the Islamic faith is a religious opinion concerning Islamic law issued by an Islamic scholar. In Sunni Islam any fatwa is non-binding, whereas in Shia Islam it could be considered by an individual as binding, depending on his or her relation to the scholar. ...
A Muslim is supposed to study, learn, understand and follow the commandments given by God to mankind for his/her peace and happiness in this life and success in the Hereafter. If some one decides to ignore the teachings of of Islam then that does not harm anyone but the person him or herself. God is least harmed by any human negligence.
Since modern societies are governed by enlightened politicians all we need to do is simply ignore the rulings by the Islamic scholars. Most rulings actually relate to day to day matters of Islamic practice like Wudu, Salah, Zakah, Ibadah, Du'a and similar items. If some one does not need such rulings then he can simply go about doing what he enjoys doing. Why bad mouth the Mullahs, most of whom are peace loving individuals loved by the community members more than their counterpart corrupt politicians and leaders.
Aziz Huq
To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
From: akbar_50@hotmail.com
Date: Wed, 14 Jul 2010 13:22:10 +0000
Subject: RE: [ALOCHONA] Fatwa illegal : HC rules against all extra-judicial punishments upon writ petitions
This medieval Islamic practice of Fatwa is still there because Muslims in general are not ready to adjust with the changing times. When a modern nation is ruled by modern laws on what ground a parallel system is allowed to work independently? The Fatwa factory of Deobond, India, churning out fatwa's whenever the illiterate mullahs find it convenient. This is inconceivable co-existence between enlightenment and darkness is unique in Islam. Moreover the disgusting mullahs use their fatwa's mostly against women who are unprotected in the weaker societies.
Akbar Hussain
From: bdmailer@gmail.
Date: Fri, 9 Jul 2010 07:34:37 +0600
Subject: [ALOCHONA] Fatwa illegal : HC rules against all extra-judicial punishments upon writ petitions
It also observed infliction of brutal punishment including caning, whipping and beating in local salish [arbitration] by persons devoid of judicial authority constitutes violation of the constitutional rights.The court said the people's rights to life and equal protection have to be treated in accordance with the law.As per the rules of the Constitution, the citizens will not be subject to cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment or punishment, the HC said.
The HC bench of Justice Syed Mahmud Hossain and Justice Gobinda Chandra Tagore came up with the verdict in response to three separate writs. The petitions were filed by rights organisations -- Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, BRAC Human Rights and Legal Services, and Nijera Kori, and four Supreme Court lawyers -- Advocate Salahuddin Dolon, Barrister Mahbub Shafique, Advocate AKM Hafizul Alam and Barrister Imaran-ul Hye.
The rights organisations filed a writ last year and the lawyers filed two separate writs this year with the HC, seeking necessary directives from the court to stop extrajudicial punishment in the name of fatwa.The petitions were filed following several newspaper reports and investigations by the petitioners into violence inflicted on women in the name of fatwa by local religious leaders and powerful corners.
It was alleged in the petitions that a number of deaths, suicides and incidents of grievous hurt of women were reported arising from punishment given in salish, but the law-enforcement agencies took no action to prevent those unlawful actions.Such kinds of conviction and punishment do not have any legal basis, they said.
The petitioners referred to international obligation under the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984 and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 1979.
Earlier on August 25 last year, the HC directed the secretary to Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development, officials of the law-enforcement agencies and the chairmen of union parishads and municipalities to take immediate measures against extrajudicial penalties in salish.It also issued a rule asking them to show cause as to why their failure to prevent such illegal acts in compliance with their statutory obligations should not be declared illegal.
Barrister Sara Hossain appeared for the petitioners and Deputy Attorney General Ekram Hossain Manju for the state.Meanwhile, ASK Executive Director Sultana Kamal told The Daily Star 10-12 incidents of extrajudicial punishment took place in the name of fatwa across the country in last one year."As far as I know, six such indents including an incident of caning in Bancharampur in Brahmanbaria have taken place in different areas this year," she said.
Sultana Kamal, also a former adviser to the caretaker government, said repression against women in the name of fatwa will decrease following the HC verdict.Women who want to control themselves as per their choice will get the right to protect themselves, she said, adding that perpetrators cannot impose their religious and cruel concepts upon them.
The HC bench of Justice Mohammad Gholam Rabbani in 2001 in another verdict declared fatwa illegal, although an appeal is pending with the Appellate Division in this regard.Petitioner Barrister Mahbub said yesterday's verdict is wider than that of 2001, since the latest one declares illegal all kinds of extrajudicial punishment, whereas the previous verdict declared illegal only fatwa.
Yesterday's verdict has asked the law enforcers to remain vigilant against extrajudicial punishment and report to the court about such incidents, he added.
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[ALOCHONA] Youths, middle-income group, female voters ended Mohiuddin era:Star survey
Chittagong City Corporation Election
Youths, middle-income group, female voters ended Mohiuddin era : daily Star survey
Photo from left: ABM Mohiuddin Chowdhury, M Manjur Alam and e-voitng. Graph Clockwise: 1. Overall, how would you describe the election environment? 2. What is the post-election situation now? 3. In the race of CCC, who did you vote? 4. Overall, do you think that Bangladesh is headed in the right direction or do you think that they are off on the wrong track? 5. Were you facilitated by the candidate to go to the center on the election? 6. Since the elections were scheduled, has any one offered you a gift, a favor, food, or money to try to convince you to vote for them?
ABM Mohiuddin Chowdhury, the longest serving mayor of Chittagong who finally lost the election to BNP-backed candidate M Manjur Alam, got less support from the youths, middle-income group and female voters, a survey revealed. Mohiddin's rift with his party, his overconfident attitude and 'misconduct', lack of support from minority voters and less contact with the voters were quoted by respondents as some of the reasons for his defeat. The survey was conducted by Nielsen Bangladesh following the Chittagong City Corporation (CCC) election.
Respondents said they voted against Mohiuddin as they were tired of his long 'autocratic' tenure and wanted a change. He also did not approach the women voters adequately. On the other hand, the survey found that Manjur Alam won because of his good behaviour, politeness and image as an honest person. His less attacking campaign against his opponent and his approach to all irrespective of gender and religion also made him the winner.
Target respondents
To ensure that the sample properly represents all possible categories, respondents from the following groups were extracted:
Area: 41 wards
Gender: Male and female
Age group: Voters (age 18 years and above)
Interview at household level or pre-appointed place of the voters
Polling environment
Almost all the voters (95 percent) viewed that the Chittagong City Corporation election was held peacefully, free and fair. They further reported that they did not encounter any problems, difficulties or irregularities. None of the voters felt "insecure" as such. However, only 3 percent of the voters said that "the wait was too long".
Decision about the candidate
Although there was backing from the political parties, but more than one-third (38 percent) of the voters took decision about the candidate just before the polling started -- within last 48 hours! The last moment decision was extremely critical for the candidate. Females (42 percent) were the ones who took last minute decision more compared to males (35 percent). Across age groups, 40 percent of the young voters (19-25 years) took the voting decision within last two days, while 36 percent of the senior group (55+years) doing the same.
Nearly another one third of the voters (31 percent) decided during the campaign i.e. after the announcement on candidates made by Bangladesh Election Commission (BEC). Only 19 percent were loyal to political party decision and that inherits in their family, such loyalty was higher among males (19 percent) compared to females (15 percent). Therefore, the personal quality of the candidate was extremely crucial to the voters during this CCC mayoral election.
Corruption by the candidates
Almost all the voters (95 percent) reported that they haven't received any gift, food, or money from the candidate or their workers trying to convince them to vote for them. However, 4 percent of the voters said that "received something".
Similarly 92 percent of the voters said that the candidates or political party did not facilitate them going to the polling centre. But 8 percent of the voters have received facilities in some form from the candidate or his party for going to the polling station. Considering the low percentile of such incidence it can be concluded that, overall the election was free from the candidate or his party for going to the polling station. Considering the low percentile of such incidence it can be concluded that, overall the election was free from corruption, as such to the voters.
Post-election environment
Although opposition party backed candidate won the election, majority of the voters (78 percent) termed the post election environment as "peaceful". However, 16 percent were in tension or anxiety.
People appreciated the gesture of the ruling party in accepting the election result and congratulating the opposition winning candidate. The feelings were similar irrespective to religion, age or gender.
Winning candidate
The respondents were asked directly reveal the name of the candidate they had voted for. One third of them (33 percent) refused to disclose their choice. However, 42 percent of the voters spontaneously said they have cast their votes to Manjur Alam, while 25 percent reported that they have voted for Mohiuddin Chowdhury.
Across income groups, Manjur was preferred and voted by people of all income brackets, while more by the lower income population. He got 45 percent vote of the population group having income less than BDT5,000, while Mohiuddin got only 24 percent vote from this group.
Across gender and age groups, Manjur was also preferred more by all age groups and irrespective of genders. Among the Muslim's 45 percent preferred Manjur as against only 22 percent preferred Mohiuddin while among the Hindu voters, 45 percent voted for Mohiuddin, while 20 percent voted for Manjur.
Chittagong dwellers. Incidentally, there was heavy rain during the polling day which also triggered to swing voters toward him,
Finally people wanted "change".
Qualitative reasons for winning and losing
Nielsen researchers interviewed in-depth a large number of voters irrespective of areas, gender, income and occupation to understand the underlying factors for losing the poll by Mohiuddin and winning by Manjur. The main reasons were as follows:
ABM Mohiuddin Chowdhury: The main reasons for him to collapse were -
Less support from young and middle income and female voters,
Detached from his party (central and local),
Overconfidence and misconduct,
Ignoring local problems (i.e. waterlogging, traffic congestion etc.),
Less support from minority voters
Gender discrimination to some extent
In addition, since there was a three-day holiday [Thursday (polling day) and weekly holidays Friday and Saturday] -- most of the floating voters i.e. coming from other districts left Chittagong also contributed to his failure.
People were tired of his long autocratic tenure and opted for a change.
Manjur Alam: The main reasons for him to win were -Good behaviour, Polite and soft spoken,
Perceived as honest (it may be recalled that he worked as acting mayor during military-backed caretaker government; Mohiuddin was in jail at that time), and people found him honest,
Less attacking to opponent during the campaign
His campaign was above any gender or religious discrimination
Waterlogging is a major crisis in the CCC area. It was a long demand for
e-Voting
First time introduced e-voting in Jamal Khan Road (Ward # 21) was highly accepted by 94 percent of the voters. Nearly 44 percent of the voters also suggested introducing this through out the country. However, people suggested for wider campaign about the process, techniques etc so that elderly and less literate voters get proper knowledge about using the e-voting machine.
Perception about the government
The poll was held after one and half years of the government in power. Around three-fourth of the voters (73 percent) perceived that the country is in the right track. However, 13 percent viewed as "wrong track". The respondents had more or less similar views irrespective to religion, gender or age groups.
Interestingly, the view is also similar with respect to the candidate they have voted for. Majority of the respondents who have voted for Manjur (72 percent) also feels that the country is going into the right direction, similar to those who have voted for Mohiuddin (79 percent).
Satisfaction on government performance:
Similarly, 70 percent of the voters are satisfied with the performance of the government; as against 18 percent of the dissatisfied voters.
Interestingly, majority of the voters who supported opposition-backed candidate also have similar views (64 percent).
Concluding remarks
People have shown full confidence in Bangladesh Election Commission (BEC). The election was free and fair and it was acceptable to almost all the voters. They have not accepted any statement or opinion about the quality of the election, in general, raised by any political party or candidate after the election. The election result matches with the opinion poll findings.
Overall, the electronic voting (e-voting) system was accepted among the voters. However, some of them suggested for more campaign about the techniques and process of e-voting for wider acceptance. It will help increasing awareness and knowledge using the e-voting machine effectively.
Finally, it is perceived by majority of the voters that the country is in the right track and the citizens are satisfied with the performance of the government.
Study methodology
The poll was quantitative in nature. A total of around 2,546 eligible voters/respondents were interviewed, covering all the wards under Chittagong City Corporation. In each ward, there are a number of mahallas, developed by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. From each ward, two mahallas were selected randomly. These mohallas were considered as primary sampling units (PSUs)/clusters.
Respondents profile
A total of 2,546 respondents were interviewed under the scope of the study from 41 wards of Chittagong City Corporation (CCC). Fifty percent of the respondents were male while rest 50 percent were females.
Nearly 60 percent of the respondents were from the age bracket 25-45. While nearly one fifth (19 percent) were young voters within the age of 19-25 years.
As expected, majority of the respondents were Muslim (85 percent) while around 14 percent were Hindu. Christian and Buddhists were 1 percent.
http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=146761
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[ALOCHONA] Collapse in Living Standards in America: More Poverty By Any Measure
Collapse in Living Standards in America: More Poverty By Any Measure 15 million unemployed, homelessness has increased by 50 percent in some cities by Christine Vestal | |
More than 15 million Americans are unemployed, homelessness has increased by 50 percent in some cities, and 38 million people are receiving food stamps, more than at any time in the program's almost 50-year history.
Evidence of rising economic hardship is ample. There's one commonly used standard for measuring it: the U.S. Census Bureau's poverty rate. It guides much of federal and state spending aimed at helping those unable to make a decent living.
But a number of states have become convinced that the federal figures actually understate poverty, and have begun using different criteria in operating state-based social programs. At the same time, conservative economists are warning that a change in the formula to a threshold that counts more people as poor could lead to an unacceptable increase in the cost of federal and state social service programs.
When Census publishes new numbers for 2009 in September, experts predict they'll show a steep rise in the poverty rate. One independent researcher estimates the data will show the biggest year-to-year increase in recorded history.
According to Richard Bavier, a former analyst for the federal Office of Management and Budget, already available data about employment rates, wages, and food stamp enrollment suggest that an additional 5.7 million people were officially poor in 2009. That would bring the total number of people with incomes below the federal poverty threshold to more than 45 million. The poverty rate, Bavier expects, will hit 15 percent — up from 13.2 percent in 2008, when the Great Recession first started to take its toll.
Still, the U.S. Census Bureau's new numbers will offer only a partial picture of how the nation's sputtering economy is affecting the poorest Americans — a problem state officials and the Obama administration want to address.
Overestimating food costs
The current formula for setting the federal poverty line — unchanged since 1963 — takes the cost of food for an individual or family and multiplies the number by three, under the assumption that people spend one-third of their incomes putting meals on the table. While the formula may have been a good way to estimate a subsistence cost of living in the early 1960s, experts say food now represents only one-eighth of a typical household budget, with expenses such as housing and child care putting increasing pressure on struggling families.
In addition, the official measure fails to account for regional differences in the cost of housing, it doesn't include medical expenses or transportation, and at $22,000 for a family of four, the poverty line is considered by many to be simply too low.
Equally worrisome for policy makers is the Census Bureau's failure to consider in-kind federal and state aid in calculating income. The existing formula counts only pre-tax cash income, leaving out such benefits as food stamps, housing vouchers and child-care subsidies, as well as federal and state tax credits for the working poor.
As a result, the nation's official poverty count is unaffected by the billions spent on safety-net programs. Yet it remains by far the most frequently used measurement of how well governments are taking care of their most vulnerable citizens.
Conservatives have consistently argued that if safety-net programs were taken into account, the poverty rate would be much lower. At the same time, advocates for the poor have argued that poverty counts would be much higher if the cost of housing, child care and other expenses were factored in.
Nearly two decades ago, Congress asked the National Academies of Science (NAS) to revisit the official poverty measure and come up with recommendations for a new measure that would satisfy critics on both ends of the spectrum.
This past March, the Obama administration said it would use the NAS 1995 guidelines to update the federal government's poverty calculation and promised to unveil the first new "supplemental poverty measure" in September of 2011.
"The new supplemental poverty measure will provide an alternative lens to understand poverty and measure the effects of anti-poverty policies," Under Secretary of Commerce Rebecca Blank said. "Moreover, it will be dynamic and will benefit from improvements over time based on new data and new methodologies."
Under the NAS recommendations, Commerce Department expenditure data for food, clothing, shelter and other household expenses would be used to set a poverty threshold for a reference family of four — two adults and two children. Then a family or individual's resources would be compared to that line by including income and in-kind benefits, with taxes and other non-discretionary expenses, such as medical expenses and child care, excluded.
Because many expect the new calculation will result in a higher poverty count, the March announcement met with fiery criticism from some conservatives who charged the federal government could ill afford to increase its safety-net spending.
State experiments
But state and local policy makers applauded the move because they said it would give them the tools they need to assess the effectiveness of anti-poverty programs.
In New York City, for example, where an NAS-type poverty measure was adopted three years ago, Mayor Michael Bloomberg said the new data would allow the city to pinpoint who needs assistance most and which of the city's social services have been most effective at improving its residents' standard of living.
Using an updated measurement, New York City found that children — the recipients of a broad range of social welfare programs — were less poor than originally thought, while elders, who were struggling with previously unaccounted for medical expenses, were poorer.
As states become increasingly challenged by shrinking revenues and rising numbers of people in need, more than a dozen have set up commissions to help low-income families and many have set poverty reduction goals.
Among them, Minnesota and Connecticut have used NAS-like formulas to assess the effectiveness of current and proposed anti-poverty measures.
With technical assistance from the public policy research group The Urban Institute, both states used the results to support aggressive anti-poverty campaigns. Minnesota has a Legislative Commission to End Poverty in Minnesota by 2020, and Connecticut created a Child Poverty and Prevention Council with the goal of cutting child poverty in half by 2014.
Connecticut found only a slight increase in the number of people living in poverty when using the updated calculation — 21,000 people in 2006, compared to 20,000 using the existing Census measure.
But it got very different results when determining which public assistance programs did the most to reduce poverty. Under previous assumptions, child care subsidies and adult education and job training were seen as the most highly effective at moving people out of poverty over time. But the new formula showed that increasing enrollment in programs such as food stamps, energy assistance and subsidized housing was a more effective way to reduce child poverty in the near term. As a result, the state redoubled its outreach efforts to sign up as many low-income families as possible for these federally-funded programs.
In Minnesota, where the results were similar, a bipartisan legislative committee recommended the state refine its definition of poverty, build public awareness, and carefully monitor the impact of all major legislation on existing anti-poverty programs.
Both states joined 12 others earlier this year in calling on the federal government to adopt an NAS-like formula that would "consider the increased financial burden of housing, child care, and health care on the modern American family while recognizing the benefit of critical work supports such as tax credits, food stamps, and other non-cash subsidies."
The administration's supplemental poverty measure remains controversial, and some leaders on both ends of the political spectrum are urging Congress and the administration not to adopt the new formula for purposes of allocating federal funding or determining individual eligibility anytime soon.
If used to parse federal grants among states, it could radically change the amount of money each state receives. It stands to reason, for example, that a family of four trying to make it on $22,000 would have an easier time in rural Alabama than they would in suburban Massachusetts. And should the new measure be used to set individual eligibility for safety net programs, some are fearful that current recipients would be disqualified if all of their federal and state benefits were counted.
For the Obama administration, the Census Bureau's current measure is problematic because it will fail to show the benefits of at least $100 billion in 2009 stimulus money spent for low-income families. Even so, as those direct subsidies and other job-creating federal funds are phased out, advocates expect the poverty rate will shoot up again next year, when the data is in for 2010.
Contact Christine Vestal at cvestal@stateline.org
http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=20124
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