__._,_.___
http://www.chintaa.com/index.php/chinta/showAerticle/72/english
Zia Hall of Sylhet Agricultural University was renamed after Hasan Raja, a legendry poet and philosopher on Tuesday night.
Zia Hall of Sylhet Agri University renamed after Hasan Raja
Staff Correspondent . Sylhet
University sources said a syndicate meeting last month had decided to rename three of the dormitories as Bangabandhu Hall, Samad Azad Hall and Suhasini Dash Hall.
But, they said, the syndicate took no decision to change the name of Zia Hall.
Zia Hall was built and named in 1995 at the time of the establishment of the erstwhile Sylhet Veterinary College, later upgraded to university in November 2006, during the tenure of the last BNP-led government, campus sources said.
The Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal university unit in a statement issued by convener Shahin Miah and joint conveners Roknuzzaman and Saidul Islam strongly protested at wiping out Ziaur Rahman's name from the dormitory.
They said a motivated quarter backed by the ruling Awami League deliberately did it in the darkness of night to create unrest on the campus.
The city and district units of JCD announced that they would hold a rally in the city on Thursday to lodge their protest.
Asked for his comments, Zia Hall provost Rafiqul Islam told New Age that the renaming followed the latest syndicate decision.
Ayodhya: Burial Of Justice
What better place than the grave of a mosque could a 'secular democracy' find to bury justice?
Numbness was the first response to the verdict on Ayodhya dispute. Everything and everyone went numb. And then, an eerie silence settled in the room where we were anxiously watching the live streaming of Indian news channels, 5000 miles away from India. We were 6, four Sri Lankans and 2 Indians.
It is like one of many judgments by Sarath N. Silva, said Basil Fernando, a reputed Sri Lankan crusader for human rights and rule of law. He was referring to many controversial and unjust decisions delivered by Silva as Chief Justice of Sri Lanka. Listening to the sadness pervading his voice, I remembered his recent article where he has referred to another recent decision of Sri Lankan Supreme Court as 'death of democracy'.
Numbness slowly gave way to an animated debate on the merits (rather, lack of them) of the decision. I was, however, far away from that debate and my thoughts were taken over by this haunting idea of 'death of democracy'. Is this the beginning of the end? Is it the death of democracy? Or is it that of justice?
Thinking of death dragged me to another creepy domain of burial. Can we bury anything anywhere was the question that preoccupied me now. No, a definitive no, was the answer then that presented itself to me. All societies look for the most sacred placed for burial grounds as a matter of fact. After all, one does not belong to a land if s/he does not have someone buried under the ground, said Márquez in One Hundred Years of Solitude. Death gives one memories, the basic prerequisite for the sense of belonging. For this reason, burial grounds have not only been sacrosanct but most sacrosanct of the lands.
But then, what if the death is of Justice itself? Which cemeteries would be sacred enough to bury justice? None of the regular ones, I am sure. The country would need a new one for that.
The verdict of Allahabad High Court has not let us down in that. After all, what better place than the grave of a martyred mosque could the judiciary of a secular democracy have found to bury justice?
The verdict has ensured the completion of the saffron project, a project which saffron terrorists have miserably failed to achieve for last 18 years. All they could achieve then was demolishing an old building and nothing more. Everything else, from the cultural harmony called as 'gangajamani tahjeeb' to justice, remained intact. Not that, they did not try. They tried their best. They converted matadors into some strange things and called them chariots. They got many people making bricks and called these bricks 'ramshilas'. Then they took these chariots and bricks on a tour of India leaving a trail of blood behind.
Nothing of this was strange though. What else can one expect from those who sow 'branches' instead of 'trees' as one Hindi writer has put it long ago?
They also tried to convert men, ordinary men, into Hindus and somewhat succeeded as well. They could fulfil one of their dreams of occupying power in Delhi.
Even while shedding crocodile tears about abdication of the duties of a king(rajdharm) by their chief minister in Gujarat, they were supervising butchering of 2000 Muslims, some still in wombs, literally. They were convinced that they were unstoppable. In their delusions they were assuring each other of the imminent takeover of Delhi on their own, without the crutches and constraints of a coalition.
They could see their 'Hindu rashtra' taking shape in the delusional magic mirrors they carried in secret. They could hardly conceal their smiles, proverbial smiles of the murderers.
Then came the elections. They found their dreams shattered, and their hopes smashed by the country barring Gujarat. The people of the country held the horses running for building a Hindu nation by their reins, stopping the chariots in the middle of its track. Their bricks left stacked in one obscure corner of Ayodhya, unused. They brought both the horses and the riders down and reaffirmed that we are a living nation with firm belief in our core values.
Justice and peace, both, have survived the frontal onslaught. The electoral demise of saffron fanatics has reassured the people that the courts would stand by the high ideals of justice. That whenever a verdict would come, it would be just and honest. The saffron terrorists have feared this predicament too. So, one used to have one or the other of their folks threatening the nation every other day. They used to shout at the height of their lungs that they would not listen to any courts on this issue of 'faith'.
How could they know that the court was going to complete their unfinished agenda? How could they see the Hindu heart tucked safely behind their black courts? How could they know that the judges would be able to determine the birth place of lord Ram with the precision of square feet? They could not even suspect that the judges would be able to create a juridical person out of someone who is not even a 'historical person'. They never knew that all their fears were unfounded and that the judiciary would be complicit with them. Even in the wildest of their dreams they could not have imagined that the verdict would prove to be a classic case of infusing myths with new and distorted meanings.
Intriguingly enough 'evidence' used by the judges to reach the conclusion was far more interesting than the actual decree. In basing their judgment on the 'faith and belief' of millions of Hindus, the judiciary has trumped even the most ardent of Hindu fanatics. What the judges did not tell, however, was the question that how they came to know of this 'faith and belief' with this conclusive conviction? Who are these Hindus? Where do they live? Did they send post cards to the judges telling them about their faith and belief? Or, did the courts organise some sort of referendum or even opinion poll? We did not get to know any of them. Though we kept seeing the Bhartiya Janata party, and its saffron agenda, getting rejected by millions of Hindus elections after elections.
The only possible inference that could be drawn from these elections was exact opposite of what the judges did. The election results symbolised the rejection of the sectarian agenda of the party and its tall claims of being representative of the Hindus. They proved that the saffron brigade raked this issue time and again for votes and nothing else and failed tremendously in that.
Has the court invented some different Hindus? In the Brechtian lingua franca, he spells out beautifully in one of his poems "The people have lost the confidence of the government; the government has decided to dissolve the people and to appoint another one". Did the court really find some new Hindus none else could find?
And if the judges were to follow Hindu beliefs only, how could they decide to pick and choose just this one? There are many other beliefs shared by millions of Hindus, like the one amply demonstrated by the kangaroo courts of Haryana called 'khap panchayats'. The belief that marrying out of one's own caste is a 'criminal' act and deserves no punishment less than a brutal barbaric killing! Maybe the court should withdraw all the cases against those who killed couples while upholding this 'belief' and faith of Hindus. It should even institute some award like 'pride of the Hindus' and confer it upon those killers.
The court should also legitimise caste based discrimination as it emanates out of one of the oldest 'beliefs' of Hindus and is sanctioned by Hindu scriptures. After all, the Hindus believing in caste should definitely outnumber those believing in Ram temple and so this action would serve the cause of the Allahabad High Court model of justice more than anything else. The court should also direct the government of India to scrap all anti-caste provisions of the Indian constitution and make not believing in caste a 'criminal offence'.
The court should direct the saffron brigade to start demolishing rest of the places of worship belonging to the minority religions (not that they need any such directive! They have already burnt/demolished many of the churches in Odisha and Gujarat). This would help the courts being able to give at least a third of all these lands to Hindus. After all, it's a question of belief of millions of Hindus, nothing less. The court could very well begin with Kashi and Mathura, the remaining two on the main agenda of the RSS, BJP and their hydra- headed monsters.
The court can also direct the Government of India to initiate the process of declaring India as a Hindu state, even if there is no sizable section of Hindus in India demanding this. But then, there was no sizable voice of Hindus believing in Ram janmbhhomi either! And maybe, the world needs a 'Hindu Rashtra' especially after the demise of Nepal as one!
Meanwhile, all of us who are not Hindus or Muslims, but citizens first, should start the process of giving a tearful burial to the idea of justice. Justice and democracy was the most defining characteristics of our nation. All our claims of being the biggest democracy of the world, and being the only one in the region not to collapse in military dictatorships were based on that premise. The proud claims of being a 5000 year old civilisation rested on that very idea as well. Sad that the justice is no more, but then what better place than the grave of a mosque we could have got to bury it in this secular democracy? The grave of a mosque demolished by criminals in saffron on top of that!
Avinash Pandey Samar is a Research Scholar, at JNU. New Delhi.
Currently in Hong Kong working on a research assignment with Asian Human Rights Commission
To sustain their power and influence India would embark upon all sort of policies that is only natural for politics and governance. their policies should trap variety of people in our society to augment their causes. Many of these people would act on their behalf being in their payroll or with financial gains though they will trick their society. There are also people who loved to do the same work voluntarily. They would do it because they love Tajmahal, Emperor Akbar, Indira Ghandhi, Jyoti Basu, Maheshyeta Debi, Pahari Sanyal, Hemanta or Shandha or even righters building. These people will praise vehemently Indian Democracy, human rights, Indian constitution, supreme court judges or Indian Pirliament or even their buiscuits or tea in any forum and in any given opportunity. They get angry and furious if one talks against India much more then when you talk against crime in our own country. Their body burns, head spins when you find faults of India. They are in the front line of our society, perpatrating crimes, aiding the foreign interests more than foreign forces ingaged in for their own benifits. This band of criminals are very storng in our society. --- On Tue, 12/10/10, Isha Khan <bdmailer@gmail.com> wrote:
|
Ezajur -
Indira took "hasar Saloka badla" and Ezajur kinds want to take 40 saloka badla.
Can we become "freedom fighter" without committing treason to oppose resent BAL's misrule?
Thanks
tom
--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, "ezajur" <Ezajur@...> wrote:
>
> You presume so incorrectly that you should not try to presume.
>
> I believe:
>
> 1. War crimes trials must proceed
> 2. War crimes will not divide the nation
> 3. War crimes trials are largely symbolic but still worth doing
>
> And, YES, categorically, every other crime is acceptable - and to challenge you properly I will say that every other crime is encouraged.
>
> Don't you see the news? Don't you read the papers?
>
> Here. Plain English:
>
> As long as AL goes after war criminals you don't give a damn what AL does today. I can sympathise that you want to hold accountable those who committed crimes in 1971. But you should not be so surprised that many want to hold AL/BNP accountable for crimes they commit in 2010! And many of us can't give AL a blank cheque for crimes committed today becasue they aregoing after crimes committed 40 years ago.
>
> And, I challenge you further. When token justice is partially served by the hanging of a handful of jamaatis you will find no change in the course of justice in 2010.
>
> That doesn't mean you don't hang convicted war criminals. Please do.
>
> Clear enough?
>
> A 12 year old girl committed suicide last week after she was married off. No one gives a #### in 2010.
>
> --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Farida Majid <farida_majid@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Bangladesh. Where war crimes are unacceptable.
> >
> > And everything else is acceptable!
> >
> > By which, I presume, the writer means every crime is accaptable, even encouraged, in Bangladesh
> > except War Crimes.
> >
> > Who talks like that? Who can be that insensitive to the justice-seekers of crimes and atrocities
> > committed 39 years ago still unheeded? Only those pretending to care about 'law and order' and yet
> > sneers and snarls at attempt to end the culture of impunity for the cruellest of the criminals walking free
> > in Bangladesh.
> >
> > Let me try to explain to those who visibly shake in rage at the mention of "war crimes" of 1971.
> > What we, and the international community, are attempting to call "war" crimes are these very heinous
> > crimes --- killings, looting, vandalizing, arson, rape, etc.---- committed systemetically on a mass scale
> > for the realization of a political/communal proposition. That proposition being that Muslim and Hindu peoples
> > cannot live together anymore even though these peoples have lived side by side for centuries on this land.
> >
> > The realization of this irrational and idiotic proposition, first manufactured by the British colonial
> > administrators for facilitating their purpose of 'divide and rule', was welcomed by neo-colonizers of
> > Pakistan, and then, after 1971, by the neo-Pakistanis of Bangla origin.
> >
> > Equally irrational and ironic is the idea that the war crimes trials would divide rhe nation. It can
> > only do so if we assume that close to half the nation holds the same criminal record as the Jamaati
> > honchos and the grizzled old Muslim League razakars.
> >
> > Farida Majid
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > To: alochona@yahoogroups.com
> > From: Ezajur@
> > Date: Mon, 11 Oct 2010 12:27:41 +0000
> > Subject: [ALOCHONA] Re: New BNP stance on war crimes trial unfair, unacceptable
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > The blank cheque given to criminals who support AL is such that I'm now begining to think that BNP is right to hamper the government's progress.
> >
> > Bangladesh. Where war crimes are unacceptable.
> >
> > And everything else is acceptable!
> >
> > --- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Isha Khan <bdmailer@> wrote:
> > >
> > > New BNP stance on war crimes trial unfair, unacceptable
> > > THE opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party has visibly changed its position
> > > as regards the trial of the Bengali collaborators of the Pakistan army that
> > > committed war crimes against the people of Bangladesh in 1971. Until
> > > Tuesday, the party's spokespersons maintained that the BNP does not have any
> > > problem with the war crimes being investigated and the criminals tried,
> > > while warning the government that it must not victimise leaders and
> > > activists of the opposition camp, in the name of trying war crimes. Fair
> > > enough. But on Tuesday, the BNP chairperson, Khaleda Zia, told a gathering
> > > of a section of the freedom fighters, according to a report front-paged by
> > > New Age on Wednesday, that `attempts are being made to push the nation to a
> > > confrontation in the name of war crimes trial four decades after
> > > independence.' Referring to the clemency given to the guilty of the
> > > Pakistani army by the post-independence government of the Awami League, and
> > > subsequent `general amnesty' to the collaborators, Khaleda also said `such
> > > double standard' of the ruling party `must be resisted'. The BNP chairperson
> > > has taken a clear position against the `war crimes trial' in the name of
> > > consolidating `national unity'. We believe the new BNP stance on the issue
> > > of war crimes trial is unfair—and thus unacceptable—as it amounts to
> > > injustice towards those who were killed, tortured, raped and burnt by the
> > > occupation forces of Pakistan and their local collaborators during the
> > > country's liberation war.
> > >
> > > It is historically true that the post-independence government of the Awami
> > > League officially `forgave' the guilty officers of the Pakistan army, saying
> > > that `the Bengalis know how to forgive.' It is also true that the Awami
> > > League government of the day granted `general amnesty' to the local
> > > collaborators, of course, barring those involved in heinous crimes like
> > > killing, rape and arson. We believe such steps of the post-independence
> > > Awami League government were unjust, as those amounted to injustice towards
> > > those who sacrificed lives, underwent brutal torture, humiliation and
> > > enormous ordeal for the sake of national liberation. We believe the
> > > government of the day did not have the moral right to `forgive' the
> > > perpetrators of war crimes.
> > >
> > > However, the inability, or opportunistic reluctance, of the
> > > post-independence government to try the perpetrators of war crimes and their
> > > collaborators does not mean that the crimes cannot be investigated and the
> > > criminals punished now, forty years after the war of independence. There are
> > > instances in history that war crimes have been tried several years after the
> > > crimes were committed. It is better late than never, especially when it
> > > comes to justice. We have no reason to believe the mere trial of war crimes
> > > would divide the nation anew – the nation is already divided on political
> > > lines – as the number of `collaborators' in 1971 was very few as against the
> > > entire population of the day who stood for the country's liberation from the
> > > occupation forces.
> > >
> > > We, therefore, believe the government should go ahead with the trial of the
> > > collaborators of war crimes, and demand that the surviving officers of the
> > > Pakistan army who perpetrated war crimes in Bangladesh should be handed over
> > > to the war crimes tribunal for trial. Notably, the Pakistani authorities,
> > > while signing the tripartite agreement with Bangladesh and India for the
> > > repatriation of the guilty officers to Pakistan in 1973, promised to try
> > > their crimes in their homeland. But the Pakistani authorities failed to keep
> > > the commitment. It is time that Bangladesh demanded, at the least, that the
> > > guilty officers be tried in Pakistan in accordance with the commitment that
> > > its government had made four decades ago.
> > >
> > > Meanwhile, the country's democratically oriented citizens committed to
> > > justice require to keep an eye on the whole process of the trial in Dhaka,
> > > so that the trial is fair and transparent, and that the government of Awami
> > > League cannot victimise its political rivals in the name of trying the
> > > perpetrators/collaborators of war crime, nor can it prolong the trial unduly
> > > for politically using the issue for parochial partisan interests for the
> > > years to come, as it has done before.
> > >
> > > http://www.newagebd.com/2010/oct/07/edit.html
> > >
> >
>
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War Crimes or Political Crimes - Strange Love(source internet)
BAL's Political hatreds are so intense that the proscription of a political adversary becomes a pleasure for them. The BAL leaders - disguise their political crime and political hatred in orwellian doublespeak - who hate experiences a sense of enjoyment when they see their victims suffer. And BAL's - "political crime" and "War Crime" - using as an instrument to inflect pain and suffering for political pleasure.
Political hatreds are not quenched by persecution. Men pardon more easily the injuries that are done them than those they inflict. The party that has had recourse to persecution, wishes to continue to persecute. Victims occasionally pardon their executioners, but the executioners never pardon their victims, whose firmness and resignation irritate them.
The political party "BAL" that has begun to persecute their political opponents or adversaries continues to oppress them from the fear that they should retaliate; it supposes that the oppressed will desire to revenge themselves in turn, and from fear of the reaction to bring its persecutions to a close. Political hatreds respect nothing, not even tombs.
Whole war crime fiasco is a practical lie, that is, lies acted, not spoken, and people those who are ideologically different from them are being incarcerated for political expediencey. These BALs' leaders are off-spring of Hitler and Bush combind.
BAL's follows science without conscience has ruined their soul, and their politics without morality which is one of many causes of ruin of our society.
The BAL, by enlisting the support of the dregs of the population that the violent, in times of revolution, are always successful in vanquishing the moderate. I am well aware, that we are in a minority in the Parliament or Assembly; and all we have to rely upon is a crowd of rascals, who are only patriots when they are drunk. We are a pack of ignoramuses.
------------------------------------
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Thoughtful and reflective. Good enough for an editorial in the Daily Star. But of no relevance to the solutions of our problems. I am the devil's advocate and I am here to challenge you:
You are, perhaps unwittingly, part of the problem and not part of the solution. Perhaps I am too. But my party and my people are not in power - yours are.
How easily the term BNP cadre flows from your lips! How unsurprising that you did not mention the term AL cadre! Well, it is physically impossible for you to mention the term. And so you twist that way and this way.
How effortlessy you paint, oh so delicately, a horrible crime into an unfortunate case of natural justice!
How wonderfully you avoid any accountability on the part of the police, the local AL, the local MP, the Minister, the AL GS and the Party Leader!
How you deliberately avoid what possible deals were made in the run up to this event! That the murderers were given the green light even before the election. That the murderers committed the crime in broad daylight because they expected no comeback from the AL or the law.
How you fail to acknowledge that the PM had to get involved only because of the public outrage! That she had to get involved because nobody in the party would take any action against the murderers!
How nicely you sidestep the issue that this is not about the course of tragic events and the exercise of natural justice. If the same had happened to my father I may well have behaved like the murderer here. But that is not the issue - even though you try to make it seem like that. The issue is the relationship of the murder with the law and with the politics of the country.
Too bad you are not a senior leader of the AL eh? Which of your leaders reflects your thoughtfulness?
When people like you start holding the party you support accountable for what happens in the country when it is in power - we will finally start making progress. You just don't understand that the essence of democracy is accountability and that if you, the AL supporter, held AL accountable then the performance of AL would improve and many people would sign up to AL.
So carry on. Don't blame AL for anything. Blame everyone else. And watch as AL digs its own grave.
It's so unreasonable to expect you to hold the party leader accountable for the lack of reform within the party and the crimes committed by its cadres. Maybe it's a medical condition? ;
Ezajur Rahman
--- In alochona@yahoogroups.com, Shamim Chowdhury <veirsmill@...> wrote:
>
>
> Death of any human bean brings melancholy, especially when the death occurs in a violent way. Distressing death of Sanaullah Noor Babu, BNP local unit president and upozila Chairman of Baroiagram Natore is once again reaffirms violence brings violence and the end of one violence brings the volley of more violence. Ending the thirst for revenge is the only way to bring peace or else the bloodshed will continue.
>
> Â
> I condemn this and all killing and pray to almighty Allah for the departed soul, hope the perpetrators will be brought to justice and maximum punishment will be given and peace will find a footing in this valley of death.
>
> Â
> One must jog their memory to go back to the beginning of this sad episode of continued political killing which in time turned once peaceful rural community of Baroiagram of Natore into a death valley. It all started in the year 1980 when the then Member of Parliament from Baroiagram -Gurudashpur and district Awami League General Secretary Rafique Shorkar was hacked to death, hence starting a series of violent killing changing the socio-political turf of Baroiagram forever.
>
> Ruhul Qudus Talukdar Dulu the notorious state minister of last BNP-Jamaat government from Natore initiated a violent campaign to annihilate Awami League and their supporterâs right after coming to power. Natore become a thorny point of Bangladeshâs violent politics. Thousands of Awami League workers and leaders as well as a vast number of minorities flee away form Baroiagram after their houses were burn down to ashes, business been looted and temple put to ruin..
>
> Ruhul Qudus Talukdar Duluâs name will come up with anything awful happening in this locality and earned him the title of godfather. Tragic death of Sanaullah Noor Babu also happened in a rally welcoming Ruhul Qudus Talukdar Dulu to Baroiagram.
>
> Â
> Startlingly this heartbreaking incident happened exactly where another heartrending incident took place on 29th March of 2002. Dr. Ainal Haque the then President of Baroiagram unit Awami League and Chairman of Baroiagram union was picked up from his chamber by a group of armed BNP cadres lead by now deceased Sanaullah Noor Babu and taken to powerful local BNP leader Principal Akaramâs house. Dr. Ainal Haque was roped behind a motorcycle and dragged to Bonpara bazaar where he was killed brutally by chopping his body with machete. Forty houses in Banpara-Mohisbhanga-Kalikapoor belonging to Awami League supporters was burn down the very next day of Dr. Ainal death lead by Sanaullah Noor Babu.
>
> Â
> As I have mentioned earlier, violence brings violence and bloodshed brings more bloodshed, hostility brings vengeance. Jakir Hossain, suspected murderer of deceased BNP leader Sanaullah Noor Babu is none but the son of deceased Awami League leader Dr. Ainal Haque who was brutally chopped to death after being paraded in Bonpara bazaar led by Sanaullah Noor Babu.
>
> Â
> Revenge of one death will bring another revenge, settling of scores will bring more death. Natore needs a closure of this turbulence. In last eight years many lives has gone untimely in Banpara-Mohisbhanga-Kalikapoor, we hope Sanaullah Noor Babuâs death will be the last one in this death rally and peace will return.
>
> Sincerely
> Â
> Shamim Chowdhury
> Maryland, U.S.A.
>
> ã
> ã
> ã
> ã
>